63. Since this is the first intervention of my delegation in the general debate, I should like to congratulate you, Mr. President, on your well- deserved election to the Presidency of the twenty-first session of the United Nations General Assembly. Your long experience in the councils of this Organization assures my delegation that, under your guidance, the work of this Assembly will be fruitful and constructive. To that end, my delegation pledges to you its full support and co-operation. My delegation also pays a tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Amintore Fanfani of Italy, who so successfully conducted the business of the twentieth session.
64. The delegation of Ghana is proud to witness the admission of Guyana to membership of the United Nations. That event represents the fruitful result of difficult negotiations in the United Nations and is a significant milestone in the achievements sparked by General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) on the granting of independence to colonial Countries and peoples. We salute the people of Guyana and look forward to continued co-operation with them in this Organization. We also salute the people of Botswana and Lesotho, who became independent on 30 September and 4 October, respectively. Ghana looks forward to the membership of these new countries, and also, in due course, that of Swaziland and Barbados, in the United Nations. My delegation is also gratified to see Indonesia back in its seat
and resolved to resume its important role in the Organization.
65. Before proceeding with the main part of my statement, I should like to reaffirm the pledge of the Ghana Government to support the principles and objectives of the Charter of the United Nations. Ghana is proud to be a Member of this Organization and is always determined to meet the obligations of membership of the United Nations. In particular, Ghana is always prepared to make a meaningful contribution, in co-operation with other Member States, in the pursuit of the ideal of a peaceful and prosperous world. In pursuance of that objective, Ghana’s foreign policy is based on non-alignment and African unity, which we see in the development of the closest co-operation among African nations at all levels- political, economic, social and cultural. My Government has already taken steps towards achieving co-operation in these fields with our neighbours, and we are determined to expand these contacts to embrace all African countries. It is our conviction that the best contribution that Ghana can make to the achievement of peace is a policy free from military and political entanglement in great-Power bloc politics. The Government of Ghana is also convinced that African unity, properly conceived and implemented, is the only way of achieving African progress and ensuring a constructive African contribution to the shaping of a world of interdependent nations. In that connexion, Ghana welcomed General Assembly resolution 2011 (XX) of 11 October 1965, which calls for closer co-operation between the Organization of African Unity and the United Nations. My delegation would like to see the translation of the terms of that resolution into concrete acts of co-operation between the Secretariat of the United Nations and the Office of the Organization of African Unity in New York.
66. The desire of our able Secretary-General not to seek another term in office presents the Organization with a difficult problem. My delegation wishes to join all the others in the tributes which have been showered upon U Thant since the opening of this session. We have always supported him and will continue to support him in his efforts at discharging his great responsibilities as Secretary-General. My delegation, however, understands the frustrations and anxieties which have prompted him to decide to retire from his onerous post. It is not enough for Members of this Organization merely to exhort U Thant to stay on. It is more important for us to try to create some of those conditions which will make it possible for him, in good conscience, to accept another term as Secretary-General.
67. The crises of last year are still with us, and the international atmosphere is as gloomy as it was at that time. Progress, if any, in easing international tensions has been marginal and insignificant. It would be no exaggeration to suggest that the war in Viet-Nam is the gravest crisis facing the world at this time. The inhuman suffering and destruction resulting from this war is incredible, and the risk of the conflict escalating into a wider war is extremely great. This war should be brought to an end as quickly as possible. Yet under present circumstances the United Nations can do very little to achieve that objective. At any rate, no concrete proposals have been advanced in this debate which have any chance of acceptance by those directly involved in the conflict. In such a situation, may not private initiatives and consultations have much better chances of, at least, getting those involved to begin to communicate on the same wave-length about the basic considerations that must go into a negotiated settlement? My delegation thinks that such consultations may be a better avenue to some fruitful reaction than the public restatement of well known positions. In such private initiatives Member States which have the necessary channels of communication can play an invaluable role.
68. My delegation considers that the search for peace in South-East Asia is made more difficult by the still unresolved question of Chinese representation in the United Nations. The universality of the United Nations is guaranteed under the Charter, and for the world body to function effectively its membership must ensure the representation of all the peoples of the world. It is pointless here to go over the old arguments as to why the representatives of the People’s Republic of China should or should not be seated in this Assembly and in the Security Council. What should be quite clear is that the 700 million people of mainland China should be properly represented in this Organization. If the problem can be viewed in this way, it can be solved without harming the interests of others.
69. On disarmament there does not seem to have been much progress, although we all hope that those who are most closely involved in the problem desire to reach agreement. My delegation has been particularly concerned at the lack of any significant progress in the efforts at limiting and controlling the development of nuclear armaments. France and China, which are not signatories to the 1963 partial nuclear test ban treaty, test nuclear devices in the air, while the two great nuclear Powers still continue underground testing. A treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear capability is still nowhere in sight, while the ability to acquire nuclear weapons becomes progressively easier with the advance of technology. One wonders whether our repeated discussion of nuclear arms and their control has not led to a certain complacency about the incredible waste of material and human resources involved in the development of these horrible weapons and about the dangers inherent in nuclear arms. That is why my Government would like to support the view held by the Secretary-General in the introduction to his annual report on the work of the Organization:
“... that the time has come for an appropriate body of the United Nations to explore and weigh the impact and implications of all aspects of nuclear weapons, including problems of a military, political, economic and social nature relating to the manufacture, acquisition, deployment and development of these weapons...”
70. Peace-keeping is a primary function of this Organization, Yet, owing to financial difficulties and constitutional problems, the United Nations is today less equipped promptly to perform this function than it has ever been. The Special Committee on Peace-keeping Operations, which was charged with the responsibility for recommending an agreed formula for invoking and financing the peacekeeping operations of the United Nations, has come back to us empty-handed. The appeal for voluntary contributions, even to meet the cost of past peace-keeping operations, has not been very successful. In the view of my delegation, this is a very serious state of affairs. The peace-keeping functions of the United Nations are indispensable, not only to the continued existence of the Organization itself as a force for peace in the world, but even more to the integrity and independence of the smaller nations. It is, therefore, imperative for the smaller States Members of this Organization to ensure that at this session the Assembly finds a solution to both the financial and the constitutional problems of peace-keeping. The matter will come up for more detailed discussion in the appropriate Committee. My delegation will, therefore, reserve any concrete contributions to a solution of this problem for that occasion.
71. Africa still continues to dominate the proceedings of this Assembly. The real on for this is not difficult to find. Africa is the last remaining continent where the principles of the Charter are brazenly and repeatedly flouted; where the freedom and human rights of millions are trampled under foot and where the degradation of man is made a systematic objective of state policy; where economic and political exploitation is rampant and unchecked. Africa is the last ditch of residual colonialism and rampant racism. Current events testify to all of us how dangerous the situation is for world peace and harmony.
72. The situation in southern Africa gives cause for grave concern to the Members of this Assembly. In our view the problems of South West Africa, South Africa, Southern Rhodesia and the territories at present administered by Portugal are all part of the same problem: that of colonialism and racialism. With regard to South West Africa, the recent decision of the International Court of Justice has been a serious blow to efforts aimed at resolving the problem of this Mandated Territory by peaceful means. My delegation hopes that there is still a last chance to resolve this problem peacefully. In an earlier intervention [1419th meeting] my delegation had the honour of introducing the Afro-Asian draft resolution on South West Africa [A/L.483 and Add. 1-3], which is now before this Assembly. The case against South Africa, which has led to this draft resolution, is simple and incontestable. The racist regime of South Africa has proved itself wilfully incompetent and by inclination completely incapable of discharging “the sacred trust of civilization” entrusted to it by the Mandate Agreement. Only two out of our membership of 118 will dispute this fact. We are convinced that the United Nations inherited the rights and responsibilities of the League of Nations and has supervisory authority over the administration of the Mandated Territory of South West Africa. We also know how the Republic of South Africa has arrogantly and repeatedly prevented the United Nations from exercising its responsibilities over the Territory. We are further convinced that the Mandated Territory of South West Africa is a colonial territory to which the provisions of General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples are fully applicable. The people of South West Africa are therefore entitled to the exercise of their right of self-determination and independence.
73. In such a situation as I have briefly sketched, where lies the duty of the General Assembly? I submit that the Members of this Organization can do no less, if they are to remain faithful to their pledges embodied in the Charter, and in numerous resolutions of the Assembly, than to endorse the revocation of the South African Mandate over South West Africa as called for in the above-mentioned draft resolution. That is the very least that we can do. We are, of course, aware of the fact that this implies administrative and financial arrangements which, we are sure, all those who endorse this draft resolution will co-operate in working out. We must not allow ourselves to be distracted by arguments that the course recommended is difficult. If this Organization is to survive and its prestige to grow, it must not refrain from facing its responsibilities merely because they are difficult. Fur in this kind of prevarication lurks the germ of inactivity and defeat.
74. lit Southern Rhodesia, the situation remains the same' as it was nearly twelve months ago. Ian Smith’s illegal regime is still in power and will continue to strengthen its position as long as we merely talk about the problem of Rhodesia without taking any concrete steps to influence the situation. The proceedings of the September flop meeting of Commonwealth Heads of Government have revealed the depth of feelings on this crucial question. Slowly, but inevitably, events in Rhodesia are ominously moving this unhappy Territory towards the brink of catastrophe. If anything, the trend of affairs in Rhodesia has confirmed the view which Ghana has always held that only force would topple the illegal regime and pave the way to the setting-up of a truly democratic government based on the widely accepted principle of universal adult suffrage. We have never been convinced that the imposition of voluntary sanctions will succeed in compelling the Ian Smith rebel regime to abandon its misguided policy of setting up a racist minority government in Rhodesia. The Government of Ghana is. therefore, not surprised that the voluntary economic sanctions invoked against Rhodesia have been a dismal failure, thanks to South African and Portuguese intervention. This failure, if allowed to go uncorrected, will discredit the whole idea of sanctions. In the view of my delegation, the only effective action, short of the use of force, which can make an impact on the Smith regime, is the application of total mandatory sanctions, rigidly and consistently applied. It seems that the United Kingdom Government is belatedly coming round to the same conclusion.
75. The Government of Ghana has given careful consideration to the six principles enunciated by the United Kingdom Government as the basis for granting independence to Rhodesia [see A/6300/Rev.l, chapter III, para- 632] . While these principles are generally acceptable, I should like to emphasize our opposition to the granting of independence before majority rule is effectively established in Rhodesia. The intransigence of the illegal Smith regime and its reaction to the communique of the Commonwealth Prime Ministers’ Conference should serve as a warning to those who are tempted to adopt an unduly optimistic attitude in the solution of this problem. It is now up to the United Kingdom Government to devise more effective measures to safeguard the rights of the African majority in accordance with the principles of the Charter of our Organization and the trend of our time.
76. With regard to Angola, Mozambique and Portuguese Guinea, the duty of the United Nations is simple and clear. No effort, including the possible use of sanctions, must be spared until Portugal joins the twentieth century and grants its independence to these colonial territories. The colonial wars which Portugal is waging against the nationals in these territories are futile. Whatever happens, Portugal will one day leave these territories. It would be better if it left now, gracefully and peacefully.
77. A discussion of the sorry record of colonialism in southern Africa leads easily into a consideration of racialism, which finds its most abhorrent expression in the policy of apartheid of the Government of South Africa. I need not go into the nature of the appalling policy of apartheid. Representatives are well aware of the depths of degradation and exploitation which this policy entails. It is sufficient for me to say that the policy of apartheid is the most outrageous mass violation of human rights and fundamental freedoms which is practised as a systematic policy of government. Repeated appeals by this Assembly and by the Security Council have been of no avail. The South African Government not only persists in its policy, but progressively intensifies the repression and degradation of the majority of the citizens of that unhappy country, merely because their skins are black and not white. The United Nations has been impotent to resolve this problem, mainly because the major trading partners of South Africa - which possess the only means of bringing the South African racists to heel are too concerned about their pocketbooks to worry about the human rights of millions of Africans, beyond the annual rehearsal of pious statements of good intentions. In this connexion I must commend the efforts of the United States Government in heeding the United Nations resolutions banning certain commercial transactions, particularly in armaments, with South Africa. I hope others will take note and emulate.
78. My delegation is convinced that the situation in South Africa poses a threat to international peace and security and that economic sanctions under Chapter VII of the Charter is the only way of peacefully achieving a settlement in South Africa. Of course, it is not going to be an easy task, but, as I said earlier, this is precisely why the challenge must be accepted now.
79. Against the dismal picture of the Organization’s failure in dealing with apartheid, we can set with encouragement the signal success of the adoption, at the twentieth session of the General Assembly, of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination [resolution 2106 A (XX)] and the measures for its implementation. Ghana is proud to have had the opportunity to play an important role in the preparation and drafting of this Convention. Ghana is also among the first to have acceded to and ratified the Convention. My delegation hopes that other Governments will soon ratify the Convention so that it can come into force without delay.
80. The whole world anxiously awaits the adoption by the United Nations of the Draft International Covenants on Human Rights. Let us repeat our recent success in this area by adopting, at this session of the General Assembly, these draft covenants. This will be a most fitting end to the International Year for Human Rights.
81. The economic and social development of the developing areas is one of the most pressing and crucial problems of our time. It was a recognition of this which prompted the United Nations to designate this decade as the United Nations Development Decade, during which growth rates in developing countries would attain the modest objective of 5 per cent of aggregate national income by 1970. We are already past the mid-point of the Decade and a review of progress so far offers no hope, let alone any assurance, that the objective of a 5 per cent growth rate will be achieved.
82. The pace of economic development of the developing countries has been disappointingly slow, with the result that the gulf between the rich nations and the poor nations-the gulf which the Development Decade seeks to bridge is wider now than it was at the beginning of the Decade. A major cause of this slow rate of growth in the developing countries is that the substantial flow of capital from the developed to the developing countries, which characterized the last decade, has leveled off since 1961; that is, ironically, since the year in which the United Nations Development Decade was launched by this Assembly. The flow has, in fact, declined from 0.84 per cent of the national income of the developed countries in 1961 to 0.65 per cent in 1964, thus delaying further the realization of the 1 per cent target flow stipulated as one of the essential requirements of the Development Decade.
83. My delegation also notes with appreciation that there was a slight increase in reserves of about $1 billion last year and it is our hope that this welcome trend will continue. The difficulties to which the flow of capital has been subjected in the recent past have thrown into sharp relief the imperative need for the immediate establishment of a capital development fund to stimulate the flow of capital to the developing countries for investment financing. It cannot be denied that the international institutions already in existence engage in investment activities, but the resources of these institutions have proved wholly inadequate for the capital investment requirements of the developing countries. The present situation, therefore, calls for the establishment of a capital development fund without further delay.
84. Moreover, the heavy burden of debt-servicing in developing countries has reached such serious proportions that unless immediate steps are taken to ease the situation the developing countries will soon find themselves in the untenable position of borrowing only to service existing debts. To prevent such a catastrophe, intensive efforts should be made to liberalize the conditions of loans and to re-schedule loan payments. My own country is at the moment saddled with all the burdens of debt-servicing. I am, however, happy to say, in this connexion, that our creditors have shown great understanding and sympathy, and I hope that they will continue to show the same understanding during the forthcoming negotiations with regard to the payments and servicing of these debts.
85. The accelerated industrialization of the developing countries is one of the measures that was considered essential for the attainment of the objective of the Development Decade. It is with satisfaction, therefore, that my delegation notes the report of the Ad Hoc Committee on the United Nations Organization for Industrial Development [A/6229]. The Ad Hoc Committee has sought, in the draft resolution which is before this Assembly [see A/6508, para. 121] to ensure for the new Organization the central role which it must play in the field of industrialization within the United Nations. My delegation hopes that the draft resolution will be unanimously adopted by this Assembly in order to avoid any further delay in the execution of the tasks to which the new Organization must address itself. The establishment of the United Nations Organization for Industrial Development will open a new era in which the natural resources of all developing countries will be deployed for the benefit of those countries themselves.
86. It should be obvious that what most developing countries require is not so much aid as trade on terms which will enable these countries, most of whom are exporters of primary commodities, to earn the means for the major part of their development. It is a cardinal fact that while free grants are welcome and beneficial when properly conceived and utilized, developing countries will have to make the effort to earn the major part of the means of their development. That is why the establishment of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development generated so much hope and enthusiasm, particularly among developing countries. Unfortunately, a review of progress so far made by UNCTAD reveals that the recommendations of the first Conference have resulted only in isolated and limited measures by individual countries. No systematic programmes have yet been formulated by any country with a view to implementing the recommendations of the first Conference in any effective way. Consequently, the share of the developing countries in world trade continues to decline, and the markets for their exports continue to manifest great instability with resultant periodic disruption of economic activity in those countries.
87. It is against this background that my delegation regards the failure of the 1966 United Nations Cocoa Conference as a serious setback for UNCTAD in its efforts to secure remunerative, equitable and stable prices for the primary commodities of the developing countries, through commodity agreements. Hopes have been expressed for a resumption of negotiations on cocoa leading to an agreement by the end of this year. As the biggest producer, Ghana is always ready to co-operate in the achievement of a meaningful agreement on cocoa, an agreement which will mean a great deal to producers and consumers alike. Such an agreement, however, can only result from concessions on both sides. My delegation would therefore appeal particularly to the consumer countries for their fullest cooperation in this enterprise.
88. Regarding the trade problems of the developing countries in general, we hope that the second United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, scheduled for next year, will make a breakthrough in the world pattern of trade and redress the imbalance which exists to the detriment of the developing countries. This Conference should be essentially a negotiating conference. It should concentrate on a few subjects with a view to reaching agreement on concrete and necessary action.
89. Among the legal questions before this Assembly are those of the principles of international law concerning friendly relations and co-operation among States, and United Nations technical assistance to promote the teaching, study, dissemination and wider appreciation of international law. Ghana has participated in the work of the
Committees set up to study these matters and we are always ready to co-operate in the development and dissemination of international iaw as the only sure way to a peaceful international order.
90. The recent decision of the International Court of Justice on the South West Africa case has undoubtedly detracted from the prestige and reputation of the Court. But it is the view of my delegation that every attempt should now be made to strengthen the Court and to make it an effective instrument for the development of a body of international law which will have as its main objective not the mere interpretation of static legislation, but principally the dispensing of justice and equity within the framework of an evolving international morality.
91. Since I have come here as a member of the National Liberation Council which has taken over the administration of Ghana since the overthrow of the Nkrumah regime on 24 February this year, it behooves me to say a few words about the new regime.
92. Ghana, which at its independence in 1957 had raised great hopes that it. would develop into a stable, prosperous and democratic State, was not only brought to the verge of bankruptcy by the corruption and inefficiency of the Nkrumah regime, but was also deprived of essential civil liberties and fundamental human rights through oppressive laws and intolerable dictatorship. Thousands of people were thrown into prison without trial, and all citizens lived under a pall of fear and insecurity. The country was left no alternative but to regain its freedom through the action which was taken, by the military and the police. Those who are the best qualified to judge, namely, the people of Ghana themselves, have left no doubt, by their spontaneous approval and support, that the action of the military and the police gave expression to the popular will. We are aware that there are certain people in countries outside Ghana who appear to think that they can arrogate to themselves the right to determine who should rule or should not rule in Ghana. This, as you all know, contravenes the Charter of the United Nations. The people of Ghana have expressed in no uncertain terms their joy at the opportunity the take-over now affords them to build a truly free and prosperous country. The National Liberation Council has not only repeatedly declared its determination to restore representative, democratic civilian rule as early as possible, but has also given evidence of its sincerity by appointing committees which are working on the necessary steps for implementing its policy.
93. I would also like to draw attention to the policies I have already mentioned in the earlier part of this address. On African unity, I have made it clear that we believe it is through close and active co-operation in all fields- economic, social, cultural and political-that it should be achieved; hence the steps we have already taken towards closer co-operation with our neighbours. It is our hope that such active co-operation will grow, through joint regional projects and unions, to the wider unity of Africa.
94. We are determined, nevertheless, to preserve our independence and to defend it against interference and intrusion from any quarter. We believe in living in peace and harmony with all; that is why we again pledge our support for the principles and objectives of the Charter of the United Nations.
95. I would like to conclude my statement with the observation that in spite of all its financial difficulties, the internal differences of its Members, the constant ideological undercurrents and considerations of national self-interest, which often inhibit a sane approach to the problems before us, the United Nations is the only international agency available to us in our search for peace and the resolution of differences among nations. By our shortcomings and indecisions, we as Member States are responsible for its failure and ineffectiveness. The success of the United Nations can only be assured by the co-operation of each one of us working together in the belief that the Charter of our Organization has been designed to promote the best interest of all nations and of all men.