32. Mr. President, it is a great pleasure for me and my delegation to join in the warm congratulations expressed to you on your election as President of this Assembly. Your election is a tribute to the years in which you have served your country with high distinction as its representative to the United Nations, and to the wisdom, patience and good judgment which you have always shown in the deliberations of this Organization,
33. I wish to associate my delegation also with the tributes already paid to your distinguished predecessor, Mr. Amintore Fanfani. We recall with admiration his Efficiency in handling the heavy agenda of last year's session. We recall, too, the profound understanding of international realities which he brought to bear on his work, and which stamped him as a statesman of the highest order.
34. It is my pleasure to extend to the delegations of Guyana, Botswana and Lesotho our warmest greetings on their countries' admission to this Organization. My delegation was also gratified to learn of the impending independence of Barbados.
35. I do not conceal a sense of emotion in addressing this Assembly. The last time I appeared in these halls, more than two years ago, I was a petitioner in the cause of the independence of my country. Since then Somalia has re-emerged as a nation, consisting not only of the former Trust Territory but also of former British Somaliland. We remember with deep gratitude the constructive and almost unique role which the United Nations played in the emergence to independence of our country and in the development of its institutions. We also recall with the greatest satisfaction the exemplary manner in which Italy faithfully discharged its responsibilities as administering authority of the Trust Territory. Its efforts were admirably assisted by Colombia, the Philippines and the United Arab Republic — the three Member States of the Advisory Council which, by virtue of the Trusteeship Agreement, represented the United Nations in an advisory capacity,
36. The trusteeship period in Somalia truly reflected the United Nations in action, faithfully applying its principles in the interests and for the welfare of my people. It is appropriate that a country such as Somalia — neither wealthy nor strong in arms — should stress the practical value of the United Nations Organization at a time when we hear much criticism about its imperfections. Let us look at merely one of the many types of beneficial influences of our Organization, namely, the decisive role which United Nations machinery and United Nations principles have played in the peaceful transition of Somalia and of other countries to independence; and let us at the same time remember the toll of blood and tears that had to be exacted and is still being exacted in the struggle of other countries, where for reasons which lie beyond the power of the United Nations, its machinery and its principles have not been brought into play.
37. The Charter, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and the other great resolves inspired by them show the only path to peace and progress. We say this not tritely, but with justified conviction. We realize that our country stands only at the beginning of its peaceful development and that the task will often be arduous. But we are determined to order our domestic affairs and our relations with all States in the spirit of the United Nations. We have faith in the United Nations Organization and we are ever ready to renew our pledge of loyalty to it. It is in this spirit that the Constitution of my country accepts "limitations on its sovereignty necessary for the establishment of a system to ensure peace among nations".
38. It is a great concern to my Government that no progress has been made even in those partial disarmament measures which were to be a step along the road to complete disarmament. The non-proliferationon treaty which the Assembly hoped to receive at this session is still foundered on the rocks of the NATO and Warsaw Pact commitments and of the alleged complexities of providing guarantees to nonnuclear Powers. The hope has proved vain that improved scientific techniques in long-distance detection would permit the extension of the partial test-ban treaty to tests in all environments; proposals for reducing the number of nuclear weapons vehicles have been countered by the inadequate proposal to destroy outdated bombers.
39. It is with a deep sense of frustration and of anxiety that the smaller nations watch and wait while the survival of mankind hangs, perhaps, on the definition of such matters as "access to nuclear weapons". In theory, within these halls all Members possess an equal voice in seeking solutions to the grave problems which affect the world community as a whole.
40. In reality, we find that progress on these critical Issues depends on the attitudes of the major Powers. Their professions and sometimes even their votes within the United Nations do not necessarily reflect their conduct and policies outside the walls of this building. The situation is both tragic and paradoxical. The major Powers were the principal architects of this unique Organization and accepted special responsibilities for maintaining world peace and security. Yet, the great unresolved problems of our time, which cast such heavy shadows over all countries, have their basic cause in the rivalries of these Powers,
41. It is to them that I wish to direct my appeal the name of humanity. Let us hope that they will rededicate themselves to the tasks entrusted to them and by their actions will create a favourable climate for international understanding and co-operation.
42. The United Nations should not be used only after a situation has developed into a crisis. A positive attitude towards the United Nations demands that we take constructive and preventive action to keep the peace; only in such manner shall we save mankind from ever greater anguish and suffering.
43. It Is sometimes argued that as long as the most difficult problems, such as the war In Viet-Nam and the unification of divided nations, remain unsolved, we have to resign ourselves to lack of progress in the field even of nuclear disarmament. My Government does not share this view. It is certainly true that grave problems complicate each other. Yet, the United Nations must proceed on several fronts. Furthermore the non-atomic Powers must take whatever initiatives they can take themselves in order at least to alleviate the dangers that threaten all. African and Latin American States have taken steps towards non-nuclearization of their respective continents. This example could well be followed by other areas, such as the Middle East and South-East Asia. My Government hopes that the United Nations will give encouragement to the creation of non-nuclear zones. But the goodwill of the countries concerned does not suffice to produce the desired end. Until the nuclear Powers agree unconditionally to respect the non-nuclear status of these areas, their achievement will be incomplete.
44. In view of the lack of progress towards disarmament of any sort, my Government Is more than ever concerned that progress should be made in finding solutions to the problems of peace-keeping operations and of improving the techniques for the pacific settlement of disputes. Keeping the peace Is what the United Nations was created to do, and more positive efforts should be made towards this objective. At last year’s session, my delegation co-sponsored the draft resolution, introduced by the Irish delegation, that sought to establish an interim formula for the financing of peace-keeping operations until a more comprehensive arrangement could be worked out. Unfortunately, the draft resolution was not voted upon but referred to the Committee of Thirty-three, together with other proposals. In spite of the Committee's commendable efforts, its Chairman had to report [A/6414] that he was unable to reconcile the different positions of its members. It is urgent that at this session the Assembly reach at least an interim agreement so that peacekeeping will not have to depend on the frail hope of ad hoc improvisations. The very usefulness of peacekeeping operations depends on their reliability. Members should have reasonable certainty that such operations can be instituted swiftly if and when the occasion arises. However, as things stand, the problem of financing them may always form an insuperable obstacle. The point I wish to make is not only that this uncertainty is dangerous if a specific crisis has already occurred, but that States cannot, because of this uncertainty, include reliance on United Nations peace-keeping operations in their own general security calculations.
45. Peaceful settlement of international disputes is a major concern of the United Nations and amply provided for in the Charter. Procedures for peaceful settlement are not lacking; what is lacking is rather the willingness of States or of United Nations organs to use them. My delegation considers that greater use should be made of the political organs of the Organization for purposes of conciliation and good offices.
46. However, possession of the full facts is an absolutely essential prerequisite for such constructive tasks. Very logically, Chapter VI of the United Nations Charier starts its provisions about the active role of the Security Council in the pacific settlement of dispute by granting the Council the power to make investigations. It is also generally recognized that the broad powers granted by the Charter to the General Assembly include fact-finding powers for the Assembly.
47. Indeed, once the full facts are known, the merits of a dispute often become apparent, and possible lines of reasonable agreement become discernible. To be sure, impartial investigation can be obstructed, for example, by refusing entry to the investigators. I can say only that other States will be able to draw their own conclusions from such an attitude, and a negative result of a fact-finding exercise may therefore have a certain positive value. The Somali delegation is prepared to endorse a general study of the problem of improving the techniques of peaceful settlement. At the very least, such a study should examine the possibilities of some more permanent machinery for fact-finding to the used in conjunction with the conciliation and good offices processes of the Security Council and the Assembly.
48. The unresolved question of China's place in the community of nations is one of those grave political problems that cause international tension. It would be a great contribution towards the lessening of that tension if this session of the General Assembly were to restore the right of the People's Republic of China to take its seat in the United Nations.
49. The darkest cloud now hanging over the world is of course the war in Viet-Nam. The suffering of all the people of this divided nation and the dangers which the escalation of the war poses to international peace both demand that all peace-loving countries continue their efforts to have the hostilities ended and to bring the parties concerned to the conference table.
50. The Somali Government has consistently urged that military force cannot solve the problems of Viet-Nam, that the reunification of Viet-Nam can be achieved only by the peaceful procedures of self-determination, and that all parties to the conflict must unconditionally accept a return to the Geneva Agreements of 1954. We regret that our proposal to establish a committee of good offices composed of Afro-Asian States to bring about a cease-fire and to arrange for a conference, and the attempts of other non-aligned countries to achieve a settlement, have not met with success.
51. Humanity demands that a speedy end be brought to the terrible suffering of the Viet-Namese people, and to a war which, if continued, may lead to nuclear disaster.
52. The continued existence of remnants of colonialism in Africa and elsewhere is of deepest concern to the Somali people, and my Government is always prepared to support the implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. For this reason, we were particularly happy to welcome the Committee of Twenty-four to Mogadiscio in June this year.
53. It was only in 1965 that the decolonization committee inaugurated its practice of making actual visits to Africa and of holding investigations there. We consider this practice very valuable, even though the Committee has been prevented from entering some of the very Territories on which it has been mandated to obtain impartial information. This is a sad commentary on the state of affairs. Yet, such obstructionist policies do not achieve their own ends. The fact that the Committee had travelled as close to the Territories concerned as possible could not be concealed from their peoples; and the fact that the Committee was, as it were, stopped at their borders did not discourage them. On the contrary, where hope had withered there is now a great resurgence of the spirit of freedom. This is manifest, for example, in the Portuguese-occupied Territories of Angola, Mozambique and so-called Portuguese Guinea, where liberation forces have intensified their struggle.
54. In Aden and South Arabia, prospects for independence appear much brighter than in the past. We hope the United Kingdom's decision to co-operate with the United Nations Mission appointed by the Secretary-General to participate in the preparation and supervision of elections In that Territory will be in strict accord with the letter and spirit of the various resolutions passed by the General Assembly on this question. It is unfortunate that the British decision was so long in coming. An earlier one would have precluded unnecessary violence and bloodshed.
55. Across the gulf from Aden lies another Non-Self-Governing Territory where recent events have underscored the need for speedy action. That Territory is French Somaliland. Its people have clearly demonstrated their desire for independence. Strong proof of their sentiments was given during the visit of President de Gaulle to the Territory in August this year. Reports from its capital, Djibouti, clearly indicated that those demonstrations were not directed against the person of that great general and statesman nor his country as such. Rut they unmistakably revealed the people's pent-up dissatisfaction with their colonial status. As if to prove their point, the local colonial administration used brutal police methods against them which resulted, unfortunately, in the death of a number of people and injuries to scores of others. Hundreds have been jailed and many more deported from the Territory.
56. My Government has understandably l>een perturbed by these events, but our anxieties have been somewhat allayed by the French Government's announcement that the people of the Territory will be allowed to decide their own political future through a referendum to be held before July 1967. However, in view of the unsettled political conditions in the Territory, certain basic measures must be implemented if the referendum is to have any meaning at all. Steps must be taken to ensure that the vote in the referendum is confined to the indigenous people of French Somaliland on the basis of universal adult suffrage.
57. Prior to the referendum, conditions must be created for the people to make full use of their political rights. These should include, for example, their right to form and adhere to political organizations of their own choosing, the release of all political detainees, and the right of all citizens who have been exiled from the Territory to return without fear of retribution.
58. The referendum itself must be conducted with absolute fairness. Should the people of the Territory decide by a majority vote to become independent, arrangements should be made to guarantee the territorial integrity and sovereignty of their State. France, because of its century-old association, has a special role in this respect.
59. I do not want the representations which my country is making on behalf of the Territory to be misunderstood. My Government has made it perfectly clear that, however old and close may be the ties between Somalia and French Somaliland, the wishes of the people of French Somaliland regarding their future must remain paramount. Our policy in this respect is based on the principles which underlie the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples.
60. The people of French Somaliland are united by ties of blood and religion, by culture and history. The recent demonstrations have shown that they are united also in their desire for independence. Efforts are continually being made in certain quarters to divide the population by attempting to create differences which in reality do not exist. We are certain that all such outside endeavours to sow discord among them are destined to fail. The Somali Government, on its part, is neither desirous of, nor is it interested in, dividing them. We want them to gain freedom in unity under one flag of their own choice.
61. Our concern about the future of French Somaliland stems from the fact that its people is around by the closest possible relationship with our people. This relationship manifests itself in common ties of kinship, cultural heritage, religion, and history. In addition, both our peoples have been victims of colonial policies and machinations. We in the Somali Republic have been fortunate enough to regain our independence; but having gained that independence it is natural that we should advocate the same for all colonial people in the Horn of Africa and elsewhere. Our interest in this matter, therefore, is plain: We wish to see French Somaliland emerge as an independent State through the freely expressed wishes of its inhabitants. The statement made by the French Government indicates that this is also the aim of its policy towards the Territory. We trust that we can take this as a firm commitment on the part of France.
62. In this context I must refer to certain statements made in this general debate by the representative of Ethiopia on 29 September [1423rd meeting]. He expressed Ethiopia's support for self-determination of the people of French Somaliland. My delegation welcomes that statement because it acknowledges the right of the people of the Horn of Africa to self-determination. However, we regret that, almost in the same breath, Ethiopia contradicts its own position. In the same speech of 29 September, its representative claimed that the Territory was, until the second half of the nineteenth century, "an integral part of Ethiopia"; that its people are the kith and kin of the Ethiopians; or, in short, that they are Ethiopians. Does all this add up to the position that Ethiopia favours self-determination for French Somaliland provided that it becomes part of Ethiopia, or that French Somaliland should exchange its dependence on a European Power for some sort of dependence on Ethiopia?
63. The arguments advanced by Ethiopia are not only factually incorrect but irrelevant. They resemble embarrassingly the shopworn arguments against independence of colonial people which, we thought, had been discarded for ever. There is no need for me to dwell on those arguments here, as they were dealt with in detail by the Somali representative in the meeting of the Special Committee on decolonization on 10 October.
64. The assertions made by the representative of Ethiopia can be easily refuted. If my Government feels apprehensive about these statements, it is because of the motives behind them. The question which this Organization must ask is; To what end are these claims made? What, in short, have Ethiopia's claims to do with the right of the people of French Somaliland to self-determination and independence?
65. The answer, I regret to say, is on record. On 16 September the Emperor of Ethiopia spoke at a Press conference in Addis Ababa about the strategic importance of the territory for Ethiopia, and asserted that such an area could not be separated from Ethiopia. In the present Assembly, the representative of Ethiopia also referred to the exigencies of his country's security with regard to the territory.
66. This attitude is fundamentally incompatible with the whole principle of self-determination and with the efforts of the United Nations to liberate peoples which, with their territory, were subjected to alien rule for precisely such reasons as the national security of outside countries. I cannot believe this Organization will tolerate such an attitude. For what shall we have struggled in Angola, Cyprus, Suez, Aden, Malta and elsewhere if we allow one Member State to deny a people's right to independence under the pretext of its own security?
67. The basic point is that there is no reason to assume that French Somaliland, once independent, would be unfriendly to Ethiopia. As my delegation pointed out a few days ago in the Committee of Twenty-four, there is every reason for the people of French Somaliland to establish close and reciprocal ties of friendship, after independence, with all African countries.
68. The issue of French Somaliland must not be viewed as a dispute between Somalia and Ethiopia, The issue is, purely and plainly, decolonization and self-determination for French Somaliland. We wish to impress upon this Assembly that French Somaliland must not become a new danger-spot in a world already beset with all too many explosive issues. It would be a parody if the promise of liberation for that Territory were to become the signal for discord and for new claims of annexation. It is essential that France carry out its pledge to enable the people of the territory to exercise their right to determine their political future in a climate of complete freedom.
69. In the colonial territories just mentioned, the peoples, we hope, will be able to fulfil their national aspirations. In South Africa no hope for self-determination exists at present. The evil practices of apartheid continue to be ruthlessly applied. The African inhabitants have not only to contend with the racist regime, but also with a number of powerful States of the Western world which collaborate with that regime. What moral or humanitarian standards can we attribute to some of those States which refuse to enforce the arms embargo, which steadily increase their trade with South Africa and refuse to join in collective action aimed at compelling the regime to alter its racist policies? The fact is that the Nazi system of oppression is continuously being perfected in South Africa — with the knowledge, collusion and support of Members of this Organization. The indigenous people are now so thoroughly oppressed that their condition can be improved only by concerted international action. Yet, several States which profess abhorrence for the shame of apartheid have only recently refused to join in the economic boycott of South Africa, and even declined to serve on the Special Committee on Apartheid. These attitudes constitute blatant evasions of their moral responsibilities.
70. Another disturbing situation faces the nations of the world in Rhodesia. It is now almost a year since the Ian Smith clique was allowed to seize power. During the first three months or so, hardly a day passed without Britain's declaring that the act was reasonable, that the regime was illegal and that Britain would have no truck with it.
71. But Britain has permitted Smith to consolidate his position; Britain has not kept its promises to the African inhabitants, and has frustrated all attempts to act against the regime at the international level.
In short, Britain's reluctance to deal effectively with the white rebellion has confirmed our worst fears. Any calculation that with the passing of time popular opposition to the regime will subside underestimates the depth of African sentiment on this question. My Government, along with other African Governments, will continue to demand and to work for the abolition of the minority regime and for the establishment of majority rule in Rhodesia. To this end, we shall continue to advocate mandatory sanctions of appropriate gravity under Chapter VII of the Charter, and the use of force if other means fail.
72. The views of my delegation have already been expounded on the question of South-West Africa in the statement made on 3 October 1966 [1427th meeting]. This is a question which the United Nations had been talking about since the creation of this great Organization. What is needed now is action, immediate and effective. By its action, the International Court of Justice has remitted the problem of Southwest Africa to the General Assembly and the challenge must be taken up. The question that arises now is not whether the General Assembly should exercise its right to supervise the Mandate in view of South Africa's refusal to comply with its terms, but how the General Assembly should perform its obligations. The draft resolution before the Assembly [A/L.483 and Add.1-3] provides the proper mechanisms for the carrying out of the obligations of the Mandatory and sets forth the basic principles upon which the United Nations should exercise its supervisory authority.
73. Here is a situation where the whole weight of world opinion supports us, and I do not believe that, in the face of determined action to take over and administer South West Africa, the South African Government will defy this entire Organization.
74. In considering the problem of South West Africa I cannot help thinking of the plight of the people of a former Mandated Territory of the League of Nations. The Territory I have in mind is Palestine, where the indigenous Arab population have been robbed of their rights through the illegal occupation of their homeland by outside forces. In this problem Members of the United Nations should not believe that they have discharged their responsibilities by granting food or shelter to the hundreds of thousands of Arab refugees who have been stranded on the frontiers of their homeland for the past eighteen years. The real solution to the problem lies in political action. This has been recognized by the General Assembly in its resolution 194 (III) which states in clear terms that the refugees must be given the choice of returning to their homes or of being compensated for the loss of their property. As in the case of South West Africa, the United Nations has a special responsibility in this respect.
75. Oman is another Territory in the Arab world where colonialism is still strongly entrenched, and where the people continue their struggle to achieve freedom. In this respect, my country fully associates itself with General Assembly resolution 2073 (XX), which, among other measures, affirms the right of the people of the Territory to self-determination and independence in accordance with their freely expressed wishes.
76. The general debate has underscored the seriousness and complexity of this period of history, A special responsibility rests, therefore, upon "he non-aligned Members of the United Nations to search for common ground on which parties to international disputes can settle their differences.
77. As a non-aligned State, the Somali Republic interprets its role as calling for positive, constructive action and not merely for negative neutralism. The President of my country has defined a non-aligned State as one which so conducts its internal and external policies that it actively promotes the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter and which, in particular, is opposed to arrangements whereby States organize themselves into military blocs designed to further national aims or political ideologies by the threat or use of force. It is in the light of this definition that Somalia will approach the issues before this Assembly.