21. Mr. President, speaking as one Asian to another, I extend to you the warm congratulations of my delegation and my personal congratulations. I should like also to express the hope that, inspired by Asian wisdom, you will lead the deliberations of this Assembly towards a fruitful and beneficial conclusion.
22. Our heartfelt appreciation goes to the outgoing President, Foreign Minister Amintore Fanfani, of Italy, for his valuable services and his wise guidance in the deliberations of the General Assembly.
23. My delegation would like also to extend its warm felicitations to the delegation of Guyana, which was admitted to the United Nations family only a few days ago.
24. As in preceding years, many of us have come from all parts of the globe to take part in the United Nations General Assembly with our concern and worries, taut invariably with inexhaustible hopes that, after our deliberations in this world Assembly, our cares may be lessened, our apprehensions assuaged and our problems moving towards gradual but satisfying solutions. This year seems little different from the years gone by, except perhaps for the fact that within a few weeks the term of office of our Secretary-General will expire, and, since he has already declined to offer himself for re-election, this important high office will become vacant with no one in sight to fill it. There is also the financial crisis which has beset our Organization for some years already and for which no solution has as yet been devised to relieve the crushing burden which has imposed an almost unbearable weight on the United Nations and has practically paralysed it. Finally, the dangers of large-scale warfare have markedly increased in South-East Asia, because those who launched the aggressive attacks against peace and freedom-loving South Viet-Nam continue to show an almost insane obduracy and refuse to join in any peaceful approach, preferring to expand still further their warlike activities.
25. With the exception of these differences, the problems facing us in this Organization and the world at large remain, at least in appearance, substantially the same as before. The question, however, is whether we should trust appearances, which, in our opinion, are deceiving and conceal a disquieting deterioration in the situation both within our Organization and in the world at large, with particular reference to Asia as a whole and more specifically to South East Asia.
26. To our mind, the financial problem of the United Nations and the Secretary-General's reluctance to serve for a second term are unmistakably linked. Indeed, he has made it repeatedly clear on several occasions that the lack of funds resulting from the failure of certain nations to honour their financial obligations hinders the efficient discharge of his duties and, in some cases, renders it even impossible. Few people of impartial mind and dedicated to the support of the United Nations would think of disagreeing with him. They indeed sympathize with his plight and share his frustration brought about by those who pay only lip service to peace while actually doing much to impede various efforts to consolidate and strengthen goodwill and harmony. They seek in particular to restrict the Secretary-General's initiatives in the political and diplomatic fields which he considers an essential part of his functions and to make him, to quote his own words, a "glorified clerk".
27. This is the situation; what is now to be done?
28. Much as we would like the Secretary-General to continue in his office, we do not believe that, in order to save ourselves a great deal of prolonged wrangling and wearisome negotiations, we should follow the easiest solution for us and "draft" this distinguished Asian, thus compelling him to serve us and the Organization against his will and his better judgement, while on our side we continue to deny him the necessary means to enable him to perform his function properly. Such a course would be not only unreasonable but highly undignified. The only way to resolve our problem, as far as we can see it, is rather to strive to make those who caused this crisis realize their share of the responsibility and take the necessary steps to redress the wrong they have done. Through the clear expression of impartial opinions in this Assembly, the responsibility for causing these grave difficulties may be openly apportioned and the consequences of any further negative attitude properly established.
29. However, if such a procedure should fail to be adopted or to evoke a favourable response, the last resort may be to launch a world-wide appeal to the population of this planet, particularly those of the impoverished under-developed nations, to contribute whatever they can spare from their meagre resources to make up the deficit under which this Organization now labours, and to show to the great Powers that the poor peoples of this world can give of their flesh and blood so that those Powers may continue to enjoy their privileges without incurring corresponding obligations. In our opinion, other expedients are not likely to save this Organization, whose downfall may only be postponed and ultimately come at a time when the international situation will be the least apt to absorb the shock.
30. Another reason which prompted the Secretary-General to decline accepting further his present difficult assignment is said to be the lack of co-operation on the part of certain nations to solve a number of international problems, among which figures prominently that of the war in Viet-Nam. There again, we who live in South-East Asia fully understand and appreciate the disappointment and frustration felt by an international official whose primary duty it is to help bring international conflicts to an end and to develop and promote peaceful conditions in the world. For in spite of his desire to discharge conscientiously the responsibility of his office, the Secretary-General, more often than not, has had to face non-co-operation and even a completely negative and obstructive attitude from those who seek to extend their domination and further to expand their influence and control over others. That explains why, on more than one occasion, the Secretary-General has had to adopt a totally despondent posture and confess to the world at large that, much as he realizes that it is his duty to help resolve the present acute problem of the war in Viet-Nam, neither the Organization which is entrusted with the function of preserving and maintaining peace nor he himself, who is its chief executive, can do much, if anything at all, to carry out their peace mission. Accordingly, it is natural that an international official with a high degree of self-respect can find no alternative but to bow out with the full realization that, continuing in his present predicament, he would merely lend himself to be used as a scapegoat for the present and future failure of the Organization to fulfil its high purposes.
31. This leads us to consider why the problem of Viet-Nam, which is not only fraught with dangerous potentialities but also highly explosive, has so far defied various and many-sided efforts to solve it.
32. In the first place, the instigators who planned and initiated the war of aggression against South Viet-Nam have so far entertained a hope that they might be able to attain their objective of ultimately seizing that country and finally placing it under their ruthless totalitarian rule. That is why they still persist in their combined nefarious activities of infiltration, subversion and terrorism which have brought about untold sufferings and ravages upon their victims. On the side of the aggressors, they themselves have incurred heavy losses of human lives in the conduct of their ferocious and fanatic campaign of war and terror, as well as heavy destruction which has descended upon their homeland as the result of air attacks intended to reduce and slow down the infiltration of men and material needed to sustain them in their acts of aggression against South Viet-Nam.
33. Their hopes are not completely without support. They have been kept alive and in fact fuelled by the provision of the necessary wherewithal from their allies to wage war. Economic aid as well as military equipment has flowed from external sources into North Viet-Nam, which enables that country to carry on to this day its war of aggression. For countries siding with the aggressors, the war in Viet-Nam must be won for their friends and partners, as victory would further extend their ideological and political empire. Although not all of them' are prepared to share the cost and bear proportionate sacrifices, they seem to be willing to show their solidarity to the extent of their immediate national interests and practical capability. At least on the propaganda side, they are willing to blare in unison that the war in Viet-Nam is a holy war of national liberation, which in effect serves to cover the stark fact that the people of South Viet-Nam are being subjected to a war of conquest and colonial expansion from across the northern border.
34. The well-drilled chorus of martial singers seem to be bent upon pursuing to the end their war-path and have repeatedly spurned various suggestions to diverge from the escalating trend of war into a more peaceful approach. In appearance at least, they seem to be fortifying themselves with the belief that by rejecting every peaceful suggestion they are more likely to attain their war objectives. That is why, even though the call for peace and reason may have come from fellow Asians, they have contemptuously brushed aside the genuine yearnings for peace of Asian nations and have retorted with arrogant intransigence, which is in no way tempered by accompanying abuse of the lowest sort. Such a display of uncultured and un-Asian behaviour conceals not an inherent strength but rather a fundamental weakness which has come to the surface and, covered with a misnomer, is euphemistically called the "Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution". Up to now, while the defenders' side in Viet-Nam has shown its willingness and readiness to discuss unconditionally the ways and means to resolve peacefully the war in Viet-Nam, the aggressors' camp has consistently closed the door to every probe for negotiation and peaceable settlement.
35. The intransigence of the aggressors has in no small measure been encouraged and even enhanced by the lack of unity and by dissenting opinions of small and misguided minorities in various countries. These dissenting minorities, consisting of elements from legislative quarters, from the Press, from the church and from uninformed academic circles, are the least familiar with, and are even ignorant of, the true fact of the situation, but allow themselves nevertheless to be carried away by their abstract and unrealistic interpretations or by their belief in false liberalism and to voice suggestions and opinions which benefit and give comfort to no one except the enemies of freedom and liberty. While innocent victims are daily maimed, molested and massacred by fanatic terrorists, the so-called liberals commiserate not with the unfortunate victims, but rather with those who kill, torture and terrorize. Some of them even exceed the limits of decency by brandishing the aggressors' flag while they comfortably enjoy the rule of law and the fruits of liberty in their own countries. Others, inspired by unrealistic and unmitigated fear, tend to attribute to the other side greater military power to commit mischief and greater capability to wage war than it really possesses. Others still who are far away and in the midst of their opulence and comfort seem also to be seized with griping apprehension that events in Viet-Nam may adversely affect their present abundant and luxurious living by dragging them into the spreading conflict. They therefore, and not quite altruistically, so advocate courses of action which would in effect sacrifice the victims and condone and consummate aggression. Such divergent voices, though infinitely small and outnumbered, have given the erroneous impression that the aggressors can count upon the defenders soon to become wearied and tired of the exactions of war, and that they may ultimately yield to force and aggression.
36. In the face of these divergencies and dissents, it is the hope of all freedom-loving people that the South Viet-Namese, who are fighting for their survival and their future of liberty, will join together in presenting a solid front to the invaders and inspire confidence not only among their own people but also in the outside world which supports them in this vital struggle.
37. These are some of the factors which, through the naive gullibility of some in the face of the aggressors' propaganda, tend to favour the enemies of freedom and thus have the effect, directly or indirectly, of prolonging the present conflict in Viet-Nam and retarding its early conclusion. Let us now examine whether there are ways and means which, though they may not immediately solve the problem, may at least begin to pave the way toward its peaceful settlement.
38. It has been said by some, and almost too frequently, that a military solution is not the solution for the present war in Viet-Nam. But this oracular assertion appears to be more of a truism than an effective solution. In any case, that assertion has never been gainsaid by the defending side in the Viet-Nam war, which is only too ready and willing to agree with such a contention. It is rather the aggressors who have consistently and stubbornly adhered to the military solution and tried to pursue it to the bitter end, in complete disregard of the sufferings of their own people and the peaceful aspirations of the rest of the world. On the other hand, it is not enough just to make a pronouncement that the military solution is not a real solution; one ought to be able to offer a workable alternative.
39. Some have suggested that in order to end the war in Viet-Nam there should be a unilateral cessation of aerial attacks on North Viet-Nam. In this connexion, they all seem to have forgotten that the bombing has been halted at least twice, the first time for five days and the second time for more than a month. In both cases the cessation of the bombing yielded no worthwhile results. On the contrary, it gave undue advantage to the other side, which made use of the lull to gather more strength with which to intensify and escalate the conflict.
40. Others have advocated that foreign troops now assisting South Viet-Nam, especially those of the United States, be unilaterally withdrawn from that country, while intruding forces introduced from the North are not mentioned and consequently are allowed to continue their depredations and aggression. The partiality and unworthiness of such views are too obvious to warrant any comment or discussion. Such suggestions are no doubt designed to delight the aggressors. They amount in fact to delivering the victims to the attackers.
41. As any impartial observer may notice, many, if not all, of the solutions so far advanced by one party or another have tended to favour the side which instigated the war for the purpose of placing South Viet-Nam under its control, while the victims and those who helped repel aggression and conquest are considered trouble-tete, as a nuisance, for prolonging the ordeal and for not allowing the aggression to be more expeditiously consummated. Why should it be so, one may ask, why should the victims be penalized and the peace-breakers and law-breakers be treated with indulgence and even with direct or indirect encouragement?
42. From a pragmatic viewpoint, it may be too much to expect that ethical considerations should prevail in the discussion of such a hotly contested international issue. In reality, the question is much more complex, involving heterogeneous elements among which are ideological bias, acute self-interest, past private feuds and the instinct of revenge, or simply fears of losing the beatific enjoyment of present material abundance and luxury available In profusion in certain parts of the world. Some of these elements were already at play when the dark Hitlerite power threatened Europe with its domination and succeeded in cowing those endowed with clouded intellects and weaker knees into hailing that evil force as the true voice of German and European nationalism which deserved respect and support. Nowadays, these heads are again rising and by their wild clamours they try to delude the world into believing that a war of conquest is a war of national liberation. However, the most deplorable fact of all is perhaps that some nations and statesmen of this world should want to make use of the Viet-Nam war as an occasion to let loose their past rancour over inconsiderate treatment in bygone days, and to launch a vendetta to satisfy their long pent-up feelings. They disregard the consequences of their ill-timed revenge and fail to recognize that those who will be paying the price are not the ones who caused them displeasure many long years ago, but the innocent people of Viet-Nam, who had no part whatsoever in any humiliation which may have been inflicted in the past.
43. Whatever these views may be, they present one common characteristic: they are short-sighted. By cajoling and favouring the aggressors' side, they are paving the way for their own destruction, for, in due course and perhaps in not too distant a future, they will not be spared any more than the South Viet-Namese have been spared.
44. To many of us in Asia who desperately try to keep our heads cool and clear, the solutions thus far put forward do not appear to be the real solutions likely to resolve the present difficulties and restore peace and tranquillity for any durable length of time, because they are tainted with ideological bias and prejudice or prompted by crying selfish preoccupations or by personal and individual considerations of a purely private nature.
45. A truly worthy solution to the Viet-Nam war must see to it that aggression shall not be rewarded and that South Viet-Nam shall he assured essentially of being able to maintain its freedom and independence and not be delivered with bound hands and feet to the conquerors. To us in Thailand, and I am sure to all the freedom-loving peoples of the world, the United Nations and its officials or any Member of this Organization, however great or however small, have no right to sell away the inherent right of South Viet-Nam — or, for that matter, of any country — to exist and survive as a free and sovereign nation. If such an unfortunate precedent were to be created now, the survival of many other nations would become greatly compromised. As for the aggressors, although they deserve to be punished for their crime, we should be far-sighted enough not to be vengeful and should not seek to bring about their destruction. Rather, it would be in the interests of all to persuade them to renounce their expansionist designs and join hands with other peace-loving nations in building a future of peace, progress and prosperity.
46. With that purpose in mind, Thailand, together with Malaysia and the Philippines, initiated an appeal to all Asian, nations to launch a Joint Asian peace move designed to bring the Viet-Nam conflict to a peaceful conclusion. Although two of the above countries, namely my own and the Philippines, are already militarily involved in South Viet-Nam because they seek to help repel aggression and prevent the enlargement of the conflict in South-East Asia, they are not precluded from genuinely desiring to end the conflict by peaceful means. The three countries have consequently suggested that Asian nations should join together in urging the parties involved in the "Viet-Nam conflict to come to a conference table. This represents the first collective Asian initiative to suggest a peaceful approach to the problem of Viet-Nam. While there has been encouraging response and general support for a peaceful approach from the non-communist countries in Asia as well as elsewhere, it is becoming increasingly clear that the other side, in its unrestrained manifestations of displeasure, has shown a completely negative attitude. It is therefore crystal-clear now who is for peace and who is against it. If one side favours a peaceful approach while the other has so far rejected every move towards a peaceful settlement, there should be no room for doubt as to where the blame lies, and which side should bear the responsibility for the prolongation of the war.
47. Thus the Asian peace move, launched with a view to offering a fair and honourable approach to end the conflict, has met with a stone wall erected by the stubborn and obstructive attitude of the side favouring war and forceful conquest. If the appeal has so far failed to elicit a favourable response from the other side, it cannot be because it was initiated by nations which have openly subscribed to certain viewpoints. For, as is well known, many attempts to suggest a peaceful approach have been undertaken by various nations and personalities upholding different viewpoints, among whom is His Holiness the Pope; and up till now none has ever won the trust and confidence of those who broke the peace and launched the hateful aggression. The realities are that the latter have no intention of trusting anyone, not even their own ideological comrades. Rather, they look upon all who try to halt their aggression as belonging to their enemies' camp.
48. The Thai Government and people, nevertheless, would welcome peace in Viet-Nam and in South- East Asia. Any proposal for an honourable and peaceful solution to the Viet-Nam problem from whatever quarter will therefore be assured of our co-operation and support. In the meantime, the freedom and independence of the South Viet-Namese people must continue to be defended.
49. Such a belief has driven us to exert efforts to seek a more harmonious relationship among our neighbours in South-East Asia. We are particularly gratified to see that traditional Asian wisdom and farsightedness have prevailed with our friends and neighbours, the Philippines, Malaysia and Indonesia, which have successfully resolved their differences and have resumed their normal intercourse within the South-East Asian family. It is our fervent hope that normalization of relations will bring the benefits deriving from practical and fruitful co-operation. Thailand is also happy to extend a warm welcome to the brotherly nation of Indonesia upon its decision to resume full co-operation with the United Nations, Indonesia's resumption of participation in the United Nations activities is indicative of her desire to uphold the lofty principles of international co-operation as laid down in the United Nations Charter. There can be no doubt that Indonesia, being the largest nation in South-East Asia, can greatly contribute to the effectiveness of the United Nations as well as to the stability and progress of that region.
50. In the same spirit, we have sought to ensure long-lasting peace in Asia by arousing the consciousness on the part of the Asian countries not only to coexist together but also to co-operate closely for mutual benefits. We believe that regional co-operation will bring not only direct benefits to the peoples of the region, but will also serve to strengthen the solidarity and enhance the security of our respective countries. Thus Thailand has joined with Malaysia and the Philippines in founding the Association of South-East Asia, which has recently been revived to serve the purposes of co-operation in the economic, social and cultural fields. Recently, and on an even larger scale, the Asian and Pacific Council (ASPAC) has been established at the historic meeting [14-16 June 1966] at Seoul, the capital of the Republic of Korea. Indeed, in a relatively short time since its inception, its offers promising prospects. Several other regional undertakings are also in the making. In this particular connexion, Thailand has welcomed Japan's initiative in convening the Ministerial Conference for the Economic Development of South-East Asia at Tokyo last April, which will continue to meet in other Asian capitals. It should also be noted that an Asian Development Bank is being established for the benefit of the countries of the region. Thailand has actively taken part in all these worth-while projects, as well as the important project for the development of the lower Mekong basin under United Nations sponsorship. This worthy international
undertaking has proved its high value and has continued to function through the vicissitudes of political relationship between some of the participating countries.
51. Although the Asian nations in general have shown their profound faith in the usefulness and benefits of co-operation regionally among themselves as well as with outside countries, certain other nations of different ideologies have bitterly criticized these joint endeavours and have tried to allege calumniously that they are being instigated and sponsored by faraway Powers. Nothing can be further from the truth. Indeed, it does not take long, nor in fact is it really necessary to point out, that such criticisms are totally unfounded and have been motivated by the desire to see Asian nations divided and powerless so that those who nourish expansionist designs may with greater ease interfere in the internal affairs of the thus weakened countries and eventually succeed in bringing about their downfall.
52. The main motivation which has prompted Asian nations to strengthen regional co-operation lies in their common desire to assume greater responsibility in regard to Asian problems and to prevent outside Powers from interfering with and dominating the life of Asian peoples. The experience of the past and particularly that of western colonialism have shown how disastrous the loss of control over our own destiny could be, not only to our national pride, but even more so to our fundamental interests. Nowadays, while the western type of imperialism has receded, a new and even more ruthless form of imperialism is attempting to step in and derive benefits from exercising influence and overlordship over our national life and patrimony. While a few nations in Asia have been cowed into submission or deluded into believing in alien doctrines born in the dark recesses of European ghettoes and become oblivious of their lofty Asian heritage, many others remain faithful to the age-old ideals of Asia which uphold not only peace and friendship among the peoples of the world, but also the intrinsic worth and dignity of human beings. To them, the recent manifestations of the so-called Red Guards have nothing to do with Asian values and traditions, but represent the lower instincts of man brought over from beyond the confines of Asia. That is why a great many of us who believe in serving our people and our region deeply felt the urge of establishing an effective and fruitful co-operation which will bring to us all substantial mutual benefits. At the same time, when the world organization is passing through an anguishing period of stress and strain due to certain deleterious activities within the Organization, the existence of even a loose form of regional co-operation is a measure of comfort and assurance that international anarchy will not take the place of a world of law and order.
53. It will thus be seen that all these moves have been launched with a view to bringing about peace and prosperity for the entire region. In spite of grave difficulties and, at times, abuses and provocations from Cambodia, Thailand has refrained, in the interest of regional peace, from retaliating in kind. Instead, Thailand has kept calm and has shown restraint and moderation, and to avoid further deterioration and escalation, my country appealed to the Secretary-General of the United Nations to send a special representative to explore ways and means of easing tension between the two countries. This appeal has received sympathetic consideration from the Secretary-General who, with Cambodia's concurrence, has despatched his Special Representative to the two countries. The matter is now receiving careful attention with a view to achieving reconciliation. On the part of Thailand, the United Nations can be assured of the fullest co-operation from the Thai Government in this mission. In order to ensure and enhance regional peace and tranquillity, and in the event that Cambodia gives a similar response, the Thai people are prepared to extend the hand of friendship to their neighbours to the East and to forget past differences, for the peoples of the two countries should be aware that they are bound by traditional ties of friendship and close affinities. They shared in the past many common cultural legacies and their destinies in the future may hardly be apart. We are hopeful, therefore, that with wisdom and goodwill on both sides, and thanks to the good officies of the Secretary-General's Special Representative, the two countries may soon find themselves back to their normal relationship.
54. Even though our efforts for peace and harmony are by necessity concentrated on our immediate vicinity and our area of South-East Asia, our genuine desire is to see peace and tranquillity prevail, not in our region alone, but as far and wide as possible, indeed, in the whole world. Consequently, we cannot help holding the view that Southern Rhodesia is a case of a troublesome problem in which an unruly white minority has usurped the authority of government and unconstitutionally arrogated to itself the right to dominate the other segments of the people and deprived them of their birthright of freedom. The illegitimate regime, condemned in this Assembly, can still breathe the air of insubordination, scornfully disregarding the ineffective measures taken against it, and will probably survive public disapproval because of a noticeable lack of adequate and meaningful sanctions.
55. Another example of international concern over the plight of a non-self-governing people is provided by the South West Africa case. The recent decision of the International Court of Justice does not in any way serve to improve the situation. The Court has regrettably found it convenient to reverse its own previous pronouncements upon its competence and has declined in this case to consider the substance of the question, thus retarding a possible settlement of the issue. Thailand has taken a keen interest in this case right from the very beginning, as its representative had served for many years in the five-nation Ad Hoc Committee on South West Africa set up by the General Assembly to implement an advisory opinion of the Court in 1950, and was Chairman of the seven-member Committee on South West Africa established by General Assembly resolution 749 (VIII) in 1953. In these capacities, Thailand has consistently upheld the position that the General Assembly is the rightful successor to the League of Nations. Such a stand also received judicial endorsement in the advisory opinion of 11 June 1950. In consequence, the General Assembly is entitled, in our opinion, to exercise its supervision over the administration of South West Africa. My delegation will elaborate further on this matter in the debate on the specific agenda Item [item 65] dealing with the question of South West Africa. For the time being, may we express the hope that the country responsible for the present administration of South West Africa will heed the unequivocal opinion of the overwhelming majority of nations in the world.
56. Similarly, it is a matter of deep regret that despite the nuclear test ban treaty concluded by practically all the nations of the world, large and small, there are a few countries still defying the conscience of mankind, which aspires to be free from the hazards of radioactive contamination and nuclear proliferation. No doubt one can see in this callous disregard of international opinion a persistent search for national aggrandizement, but in the long run it is doubtful whether the advantage thus gained will be commensurate with the danger which may build up all around in the world scene. Only the future will tell whether the investment in considerable resources has brought to the nations involved the benefits that they desire to acquire.
57. The problems as outlined above may appear to be hard to solve. If they are so, it is probably because, to some nations, the scoring of victory on ideological issues and the spreading of their political doctrines take precedence over the consolidation of peace and freedom. The attainment of their political objectives is of such paramount significance to them as to make the preservation of world peace and order recede into secondary importance. The latter is given consideration only when a rupture may entail their own annihilation. Only then will they relent In their inflexible submission to their political dictates and allow consideration for the general welfare to assume the Importance that it deserves. Otherwise, human understanding, as well as the spirit of give and take, seems to be totally lacking. What prevails is rather a tendency to demand and to take without making concessions. There can be little doubt that if such a trend were to continue, if all of us were to come to this Assembly with an unyielding one-track mind and seek to make gains in our ideological and parochial stands, the pending crucial problems would scarcely have any chance of a reasonable solution. On the contrary, it is not unlikely that such problems would even increase in acuteness in the future, with dangerous implications for mankind. If instead we were to envision that longterm Interests in peace and well-being can accommodate a measure of general understanding and rational compromise, the prospects for our nations to be able to live together in a more harmonious world in more secure and lasting peace would become infinitely brighter, for the benefit of our present and future generations.
58. While the leading industrialized nations have made important strides in scientific and technological fields of human endeavours, even to the extent of discovering a soft landing technique on the moon, they would earn an even more profound gratitude from the millions of this world if they could devise ways and means to end present earthly conflicts and avoid future ones.