38. Mr. President, permit me to offer you, on behalf of the delegation of Czechoslovakia, sincere congratulations on your election to an important and responsible position. I would also express the wish that, under your experienced guidance, the General Assembly will make progress in discharging the tasks of the United Nations, as the world community expects it to do in these troubled times.
39. Last year we emphasized in this Assembly that we consider the Charter of the United Nations to be an important means of upholding the principles of peaceful co-existence in relations between States, since it expresses noble ideas of co-operation among all countries and points to the need for concerted efforts to maintain universal peace and security.
40. The period which has elapsed since the adoption of the Charter has demonstrated the soundness of the principles on which it was based. A particularly important lesson learned from experience while the United Nations has been in existence is that consistent compliance with the Charter has always led to favourable results and to an improvement in relations between States. Conversely, any departure from the Charter or breach of its principles has invariably worked to the detriment of friendly cooperation between peoples, of universal peace and of the United Nations itself.
41. To our great concern, we are bound to note that ever more flagrant violations of the basic principles of the United Nations Charter have been occurring lately. The main responsibility for this situation lies with imperialist circles in the United States which, in an endeavour to hold up progress in the world, are pursuing a policy that is making international tension steadily more acute. This is a policy of flagrant violation of the obligations that the United States assumed by signing the United Nations Charter — a policy which involves the deliberate use of force, and which means placing force above the basic principles of peaceful relations between peoples.
42. The most flagrant manifestation of the course of aggression pursued, with increased intensity, by the United States is the undeclared war which it continues to wage, with growing violence, thousands of miles from its own borders, against the Viet-Namese people on their soil. This aggression presents an increasingly serious threat to peace and security not only in South-East Asia but throughout the world.
43. United States intervention in South Viet-Nam and its brutal acts of aggression against a sovereign State — the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam — are a glaring violation of the basic rules of international law, the elementary principles of humanity and the principles of the United Nations Charter, by which States should be guided in their relations with other States and peoples whether they are Members of the United Nations or not.
44. The actions of United States imperialism in Viet-Nam are based on an officially proclaimed doctrine under which it arrogates to itself the right to intervene in the domestic affairs of States in various parts of the world in order to force the peoples of particular countries to live in accordance with the ideas and interests of the United States.
45. There can be no denying the responsibility of the United States Government for starting, prolonging and widening the conflict in South East Asia and for the human suffering and material damage inflicted upon the Viet-Namese people. This fact cannot be changed by the words of United States officials concerning alleged obligations towards the dictatorial South Viet-Namese regime which the United States itself installed and which it forcibly maintains against the will of the overwhelming majority of the South Viet-Namese population. Nobody will be deceived by such transparent manoeuvres as the so-called "elections" in South Viet-Nam which, in preparation, conduct and results, bring into derision the fundamental notions of democratic expression of a people's will.
46. The United States will not succeed in deceiving the peoples by its repeated show of willingness to enter into so-called unconditional negotiations. The insincerity of its loud protestations is attested by the fact that they are accompanied by a ruthless escalation of the war through the bombing of the outskirts of Hanoi and Haiphong, the extension of hostilities into the demilitarized zone along the seventeenth parallel, a steady increase in the number of American units, the build-up of war material and the construction of more military bases in South Viet-Nam. All this indicates that the United States is planning for a long war and that it intends to remain in South Viet-Nam, which it wants to transform into a new type of United States colony — a bridge-head against the national liberation movement throughout the region.
47. In the light of these facts that all the world knows, we must Indignantly reject all the attempts which the United States representative made here a few days ago [1412th plenary meeting] to relieve his country of its heavy responsibility for the aggression in Viet-Nam and even to pass off that aggression as an application of the principles of the United Nations Charter and the resolutions of the General Assembly.
48. Part of the responsibility is also borne by the Governments of certain allies of the United States, which are participating in the direct intervention in South Viet-Nam. The United States is also trying to involve the States members of NATO in its dangerous adventure, and it is a well-known fact that its efforts in this direction are being met halfway by the Government of the Federal Republic of Germany.
49. The people and Government of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, together with other socialist countries—and this was stressed again recently in the Bucharest Declaration by the States Parties to the Warsaw Treaty — stand firmly alongside the heroic Viet-Namese people. We shall continue to assist the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam in repelling United States aggression and to support the people of South Viet-Nam in their struggle for freedom and independence. Whatever the aggressors may do, they cannot break the striking courage of the Viet-Namese people or their unshakable will to victory in their righteous cause.
50. The Czechoslovak Socialist Republic unreservedly supports the demands of the Government of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam and the National Liberation Front of South Viet-Nam, which derive logically from the terms of the 1954 Geneva Agreements and which constitute a reasonable basis for the solution of the Viet-Namese problem, The interests of peace and international security make it imperative that the United States Government should immediately and unconditionally cease bombing operations and military action against the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam and armed intervention in South Viet-Nam; that the armed forces of the United States and its allies should be withdrawn from South Viet-Nam; that the United States should remove its war material and dismantle all its bases there; that it should respect the right of the South Viet-Namese people to settle their own affairs without foreign interference; that it should recognize the National Liberation Front of South Viet-Nam as the sole genuine representative of the South Viet-Namese people; and that it should consistently abide by the 1954 Geneva Agreements on
Indo-China. The United States should also desist from activities calculated to spread the war to the territory of Laos and Cambodia, should be guided in its relations with those States by the Geneva Agreements of 1954 and 1962, and should respect their sovereignty and neutrality. This is the only way to settle the dangerous situation in that area. The realization of the need for such action is penetrating ever more deeply into the world community, and even into that of the United States, and is also reflected in the position taken by realistically-minded statesmen in the West. The allegations, deliberately circulated by the aggressors, that the Government of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam refuses to take part in any negotiations for the peaceful settlement of the Viet-Namese question are convincingly rebutted by the existence of that Government's just proposals.
51. All those who have the cause of peace at heart must take a resolute stand against the barbarous war waged in Viet*Nam by the United States, and in support of the Viet-Namese people in their righteous struggle. The settlement of the Viet-Namese conflict on the basis of the proposals made by the Government of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam and the National Liberation Front of South Viet-Nam would lead to the restoration of peace in South East Asia and would pave the way to the solution of other important world problems.
52. The aggressive course pursued, with increasing intensity, by United States imperialism is also heightening tension in other parts of the world where it is striving to make its own interests prevail and to stamp out the national liberation movement. Evidence of this policy is provided by the persistent intrigues in United States imperialist circles against the Republic of Cuba. Thus the United States is making more and more use of its military base at Guantanamo, which is maintained in sovereign Cuban territory against the will of the people and Government of the Republic of Cuba.
53. There are in the world today hundreds of military bases which are maintained on foreign soil by imperialist States — particularly the United States — which are serving the purposes of aggression, and which are often used for intrigues against young, newly emerging States. The existence of these bases runs counter to the interests of universal peace and constitutes a grave threat to international security. Therefore the Government of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic fully supports the examination of the Soviet item entitled; "Elimination of foreign military bases in the countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America" [A/6399]. It is imperative, particularly at the present time, that this question should be settled without delay.
54. The dangerous course which events are now taking in the world places greater stress than ever before on the role that must be played by the United Nations in maintaining peace and security. The United Nations must bring its full influence to bear and ensure strict compliance with the basic principles of the United Nations Charter.
55. The delegation of Czechoslovakia therefore considers it necessary that the General Assembly should first of all affirm, and emphasize in a solemn declaration, that States are bound unconditionally to observe the ban on the threat or use of force in international relations, and to respect the right of peoples to self-determination and their inalienable right to free and independent development. The Assembly should then condemn an attack by one State upon another, the bombing of its territory and any other use of force against the territorial integrity and political independence of States as a crime against peace and humanity, and should brand such acts as a flagrant violation of international law, of international treaties and, in particular, of the United Nations Charter.
56. The General Assembly should also declare categorically that any act of aggression or intervention against peoples fighting for their independence and self-determination, and the use of force against States and peoples asserting these, their inalienable rights, conflict with the honour and conscience of nations and with the United Nations Charter and are illegal.
57. The General Assembly should address to all Members of the United Nations an urgent appeal to abide strictly by the above-mentioned principles, to cease immediately all activities and measures contrary thereto, and to bring their foreign policy and their activities into conformity with the interests of international peace and security. States Members of the United Nations should also be urged to take the necessary steps to halt and prevent the display of strength in relations among States and to lend their assistance and co-operation to States and nations which come under attack. The General Assembly must call upon States Members of the United Nations to make every effort to reduce international tension, to strengthen universal peace and security, and to support peaceful coexistence among States irrespective of their social systems.
58. In view of the fact that these fundamental principles are being flagrantly violated at the present time, the Government of Czechoslovakia has instructed the Czechoslovak delegation to submit for inclusion in the agenda of the General Assembly's twenty-first session an item entitled; "Strict observance of the prohibition of the threat or use of force in international relations, and of the right of peoples to self-determination" [A/6393]. We expect the General Assembly to examine this urgent question in all earnestness, to take measures conducive to ensuring peaceful relations among States and to strengthening their security, and to support the struggle of nations for freedom, independence and independent development.
59. The United Nations General Assembly, at its twentieth session, adopted an important Declaration on the Inadmissibility of Intervention in the Domestic Affairs of States and the Protection of Their Independence and Sovereignty [resolution 2131 (XX)]. This Declaration, adopted in support of the basic principles of the Charter and of international law, is an important document by which States should be guided in their international relations. Current developments in the world situation indicate that some States are persisting in policies which conflict with this Declaration, and brazenly violating their Charter obligations and the rules of international law. It is therefore essential that, at its twenty-first session, the General Assembly should examine as a matter of importance and urgency the item proposed by the Government of the USSR on the implementation of the Declaration adopted last year [A/6397].
60. The sharpening of international tension is also observable in Europe, A growing conviction has been evident in Europe in recent years that practical measures are urgently needed to resolve outstanding questions which are impeding the development of normal healthy relations among European States.
61. The Government of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic considers that purposeful efforts should be made to develop these positive trends. An improvement in the situation in Europe is all the more urgently needed in that a favourable development in relations among European States may affect the general world situation for the better. There are, however, forces that do not find this process to their liking. Aggressive circles in the United States, relying on the forces of reaction in West European countries and first and foremost in the Federal Republic of Germany, are trying to preserve and even deepen the split in Europe, inciting to a further armaments race, and thus increasing the tension in that part of the world. The rulers of the Federal Republic of Germany are using this situation to gratify their nuclear ambitions with a view to fulfilling the aggressive yearnings of German imperialism. There is no need to stress the fact that those yearnings run counter to the interests of all European States and of world peace, and to the vital interests of the West German people themselves.
62. It must be obvious to any realistically-minded politician today that if the Federal Republic of Germany were to gain access, in any form whatsoever, to nuclear weapons it would attempt to use its nuclear status to gain its territorial demands from a position of strength and, relying on the principle of nuclear automatism, force its NATO allies to give it their support. Hence there can be no compromise on the question of access to nuclear weapons for the Federal Republic of Germany, because all European countries would pay dearly for any half-way solution and it might have an adverse effect on the destinies of peoples throughout the world.
63. This fact was given renewed emphasis by States Parties to the Warsaw Treaty at the recent consultations in Bucharest, and in their Declaration on strengthening peace and security in Europe they proclaimed their firm resolve to preclude any possibility of access for the Federal Republic of Germany to nuclear weapons in any form.
64. In an effort to obscure the unfavourable impression produced by its policy, the Government of the Federal Republic of Germany transmitted to the Governments of many countries, in March 1966, a note which it seeks to pass off, with great fanfare, as a peaceful initiative on its part.
65. Yet it emerges clearly from the note itself that the West German Government is not abandoning its revanchist and nuclear demands. West Germany is the only State in Europe today which aims its policy at revision of the results of the Second World War. With this end in view it is building up a powerful army, equipped with modern weapons, which is being intensively drilled in rocket techniques and the handling of nuclear weapons. It is common knowledge that the Federal Republic of Germany is laying a broad scientific, technical and industrial base for the development of its own nuclear potential. The territorial demands of the West German revanchists against peace-loving European States are completely unfounded and have no prospects whatsoever. As was stressed at the Bucharest meeting of States Parties to the Warsaw Treaty, the question of boundaries in Europe has been finally and irrevocably settled, and the European peoples will know how to bar the path of revanchism.
66. Ignoring the realities of the situation, the Government of the Federal Republic of Germany arrogates to itself the right to speak for the whole German people, thus attempting to deny the fact that there are in existence two sovereign German States. The Government of the Federal Republic of Germany is openly exerting pressure on all those States which intend, or which have already decided, to recognize the German Democratic Republic and is blocking all progress towards European security by pressing its demand that Germany should first be reunified according to its own ideas — that is to say, by swallowing up the German Democratic Republic,
67. The establishment of normal relations between the Federal Republic of Germany and all the European socialist States would undoubtedly make for a healthier general situation in Europe. The Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, whose people harbour no hatred for the people of the Federal Republic of Germany and wish to live in good neighbourly relations with them, proposed to the West German Government on its own initiative a few years ago, that relations should be placed on a normal footing. The Government of the Federal Republic of Germany, however, still clings to its unrealistic doctrines and does not aspire to genuinely normal relations. Its spoken desire to improve relations with Czechoslovakia is as yet unaccompanied by deeds. The Federal Government still refuses to dissociate itself from the Munich Diktat, which was a crime against our Republic and an integral part of nazi aggression. By its refusal to acknowledge the invalidity of the Munich Diktat from the very beginning and to draw the appropriate conclusions from it, the Government of the Federal Republic of Germany, while mouthing slogans on the right of the so-called Sudeten Germans to their homeland and to self-determination, is inciting anti-Czechoslovak revanchist organizations in West Germany to action. It is high time the Bonn Government abandoned once and for all its unrealistic policy toward the socialist countries and set out to develop peaceful co-operation with all States in Europe; that would serve the security interests of the European peoples and of the West German people themselves.
68. The fact that attempts to improve the situation in Europe come up against opposition from the forces I have mentioned does not mean that we should not go on making such efforts, and making them keenly. Quite the contrary. In our opinion it is essential, in relations among European States, to seek out and support those positive elements which create favourable conditions for a lasting and peaceful settlement of the European situation.
69. The Government of Czechoslovakia is convinced that the development of peaceful relations and cooperation among States on the political, economic and cultural plane is becoming an objective necessity. This would help to lessen international tension, to strengthen mutual trust and to create a firm foundation for a lasting peace. We believe that the application of the fundamental principles of peaceful coexistence to relations among European countries would be of substantial assistance in solving Europe's outstanding problems.
70. That is the aim pursued by the socialist countries in a number of proposals relating to the lessening of tension and the maintenance of peace in Europe. An important place among them, without any doubt, belongs to the plan put forward by the Government of the German Democratic Republic, and particularly to its call for both German States to renounce the production, acquisition and use of nuclear weapons and to refuse to harbour such weapons on their soil.
71. Another way to improve the situation in Europe would be to act on the proposals for the establishment of nuclear-free zones in various parts of that continent. The specific proposals made to that effect by the socialist States have, as we know, met with a significant response. The Czechoslovak Socialist Republic considers that the most important step at this time Is the establishment of such a zone in central Europe, as proposed by the Government of the Polish People's Republic.
72. A practical road to security and peace on the European continent is charted in the Bucharest Declaration of the States Parties to the Warsaw Treaty, which counterbalances the imperialist line of heightening international tension by putting forward a positive programme for the development of peaceful co-operation among European peoples based on the principles of peaceful co-existence among States with different social systems. The proposals made in the Declaration stem from pressing objective needs in Europe and are directed towards the establishment of a reliable system of European security based on treaties.
73. The Bucharest Declaration also charts a clear course towards a peaceful settlement of the German question; that course is to bring the two sovereign German States gradually closer together, and to conclude agreements on disarmament in Germany and in Europe. This can be achieved only if a healthier international climate is established in Europe.
74. The Czechoslovak Socialist Republic regards the consolidation of peace and security in Europe as one of the main objectives of Czechoslovak foreign policy. In conjunction with other European socialist States, it is working actively to attain that objective. As Mr. Antonin Novotny, the President of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, stated recently, "We should be glad if it were possible to conclude, within Europe, agreements guaranteeing the security of all European peoples and giving them confidence."
75. A number of joint meetings held recently among representatives of West European and socialist States have confirmed that progress towards the solution of European problems is possible and essential, for it is in the interests of all European States.
76. Some considerations concerning the settlement of European questions have arisen in West European States, too, in recent years. In our view it would be useful for questions of peace, security and
co-operation in Europe to be discussed at the general European conference which the States Parties to the Warsaw Treaty propose should be convened. The Czechoslovak Socialist Republic supports that proposal and declares its willingness to participate in such a conference at a time to be agreed upon with the other interested parties.
77. Every possible effort must be made to fulfil the immemorial longing of the European peoples for peace and to find the right path to our goal, which is to transform Europe into a continent of fruitful co-operation among peoples.
78. The aggressive course taken by United States foreign policy, particularly in Viet-Nam, has created a situation which directly threatens international peace and has a highly unfavourable effect on the disarmament talks. Although the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament carried on its discussions for a full six months this year, it achieved no positive results. All efforts made in the Committee by the delegations of socialist and non-aligned States to reach agreement on the individual disarmament issues under discussion came up against the negative attitude adopted by the delegations of the States members of NATO, particularly the United States.
79. It is plain that, if the United States Government continues to follow the dangerous course to which I referred, and which is inseparably bound up with the feverish arms race, it is no use expecting that Government to display any interest in, or to make any sincere efforts towards, reaching agreement on any effective disarmament measures.
80. This was fully confirmed during the examination of all the questions taken up by the Eighteen-Nation Committee at Geneva. The delegations of the United States and its NATO allies virtually declined to negotiate on universal and complete disarmament. They adopted a completely negative position on the proposal to prohibit the use of nuclear weapons and on the USSR proposal that, as a first step towards that end, the nuclear Powers should undertake not to be the first to use nuclear weapons.
81. Those States also declined to discuss questions relating to the proposals for the establishment of nuclear-free zones in various parts of the world, the dismantling of foreign military bases and the withdrawal of foreign armed forces from the territory of States. When the proposals concerning the prohibition of underground nuclear tests and measures to prevent the further spread of nuclear weapons were under discussion, the delegations of the United States and its NATO allies again adopted a position which made any progress impossible.
82. The negotiations which have taken place so far concerning the conclusion of a treaty on the nonproliferation of nuclear weapons have shown that the United States, deferring to the forces of militarism and revanchism in the Federal Republic of Germany, and in violation of the resolution adopted at the twentieth session of the United Nations General Assembly, is persisting in its efforts to carry out plans which would give the Federal Republic of Germany access to nuclear weapons within NATO. The negotiations on this important issue have thus reached a deadlock and there is a danger that more States will acquire nuclear weapons.
83. In these circumstances it is essential that every effort should be made to extricate from their present impasse, straight away, the negotiations on the conclusion of a treaty for the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. The delegation of Czechoslovakia therefore welcomes the Soviet Government's proposal for examination, at the present session, of an appeal to States to renounce actions hampering the conclusion of an agreement on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons [A/6398].
84. There are certainly no grounds for satisfaction with the results of five years' work in the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament. We cannot rest content with this situation. On the contrary, current international developments call for redoubled efforts to overcome the obstacles which have so far impeded the solution of this vital problem.
85. A significant factor in exploring new prospects and avenues for the solution of particular problems relating to disarmament would be the convening of a world disarmament conference in accordance with the proposal made at the 1964 Cairo Conference and the resolution adopted at last year's session of the General Assembly [resolution 2030 (XX)]. The Government of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic therefore considers that efforts to convene such a conference should continue.
86. With the swift advance of science and technology, man is penetrating ever deeper into outer space. It is therefore becoming an urgent task to regulate the conditions in which States are to pursue their activities in this connexion. We welcomed the inclusion in the agenda for this session of an item concerning the conclusion of an international treaty on principles governing the activities of States in the exploration and use of outer space, the moon and other celestial bodies [A/6341 and A/6352/Rev.1]. We expect the General Assembly to do its share towards the solution of this vital problem.
87. The delegation of Czechoslovakia considers that the present world situation makes it an important task of the General Assembly to work out and proclaim the main principles of international law concerning the peaceful coexistence of States with different social systems. The talks held so far. to which the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic has contributed by its proposals, have elicited a wide response. The Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, therefore, seeking to fulfil the purposes of the United Nations, to make it more effective and to improve the international climate, will continue to support a declaration of principles of international law concerning the peaceful coexistence of States, with a view to the strict and undeviating observance of those principles in international relations.
88. We believe that, in spite of the obstacles encountered by efforts to speed up progress in codifying the principles, this objective will be attained. We are ready and willing to co-operate, within the United Nations, with all States which, by their actions, prove their fidelity to the principles of the Charter and which press for full application of those principles. We would appeal to the General Assembly to redouble its efforts in this important area of United Nations activity.
89. The Government of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic considers that one of the foremost tasks of its foreign policy is to render all possible assistance in the struggle for the complete eradication of colonialism in all its forms and manifestations.
90. In the six years which have elapsed since the adoption of the Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples [resolution 1514 (XV)] colonialism has been forced to yield many positions. In spite of signal successes in the struggle for national liberation, however, some tens of millions of people are still suffering under direct colonial domination.
91. As in the past, we shall at this session give our support to every effective measure aimed at stamping out colonialism in Africa, the Near and Middle East, Asia, the Caribbean and other parts of the world, and at eradicating the racist policies pursued in the Republic of South Africa, Southern Rhodesia and elsewhere.
92. It is, in our opinion, an especially urgent task at this session to hold a thorough discussion on the question of South West Africa, where the situation continues to he intolerable. We take the view that it is the collective duty of all States Members of the United Nations to put an immediate end to racist oppression in that part of Africa. In this connexion we would re-emphasize that we disagree with the decision handed down by the International Court of Justice this year and that we refuse to accept it.
93. At this session the General Assembly should make a thorough study of all decolonization problems and take the necessary measures to make 1967 the year of the final extirpation of every vestige and symptom of colonialism.
94. It is at the same time the General Assembly's duty to track down, with the utmost vigilance, all attempts to apply a policy of neo-colonialism, whose aim is to ensure that peoples who have already gained their independence are kept in de facto subjection to the imperialist Powers. The anti-colonial struggle must be taken to its logical conclusion in order that nations may live in freedom and independence without foreign interference of any kind.
95. One of the main problems at the present time is to remove the distressing consequences of the former colonial domination in the developing countries, and especially in their economy. The economic situation of the developing countries and their future prospects give cause for alarm, and will continue to do so until such time as the developed capitalist countries which are responsible for this situation take steps to provide aid commensurate with the developing countries' needs. The efforts of the developing countries to solve their economic problems, and in particular their endeavours to exercise to the full their inalienable sovereignty over their natural resources and to harness all domestic resources to economic development, will receive our support.
96. The all-round economic co-operation of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic with the developing countries corresponds, and will now continue to correspond, to the requirements of their economic development. We recognize that an effective and long-range solution to their economic problems will entail structural changes in the economy both of the developed and of the developing countries. In the process of instituting a new system for managing the national economy, as the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic is about to do, we shall see to it that the changes made in the structure of our internal economy create opportunities for intensifying our economic co-operation with the developing countries. In our relations with them we shall gradually select such forms of economic co-operation as will use an international division of labour to better advantage. We believe that this will be the best way for the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic to do all it can towards eliminating from the economy of developing countries the distortions produced by enforced adaptation to the requirements of the former metropolitan Powers.
97. With regard to the economic activities of the United Nations, we shall persist in our efforts to ensure that those activities are focused on the main problems. We recognize the full significance of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, particularly in solving the complex economic problems of the developing countries. The Government of Czechoslovakia has adopted a number of measures which stem from the recommendations of the Conference and correspond to its aims. We are convinced that, if the Conference is to fulfil its purpose, it is essential that the principles which it laid down should be consistently put into effect, and that the Conference should become a genuinely universal body dealing with all the problems of world trade and development, including relations between countries having different social systems. The principle of universality, thus construed, must also be given due weight in the autonomous United Nations organizations for industrial development which are in process of establishment.
98. We likewise attach great importance to the review of the programme and methods adopted by the United Nations in its social, cultural and humanitarian activities. We shall persevere in our endeavours to ensure that, in its work in these sectors, the United Nations aims to solve the urgent problems of our time and, in particular, to effect the swift elimination of the difference in social level between developing and economically developed countries, to eradicate all forms of discrimination and to create the conditions required for the extensive development of international scientific, technical and cultural cooperation.
99. There is no hiding the fact that the United Nations has fallen a long way short of meeting its obligations in the matter of preserving peace and peaceful coexistence. The main reason for this is that the profound changes wrought by post-war developments, which have drastically altered power relationships, are not adequately reflected in the Organization.
100. The point at issue is that the basic idea behind the Charter should be more fully applied in practice. The Charter is the foundation on which all activities of the United Nations must be built, and any attempt to circumvent it must be resolutely opposed. We cannot permit any
by-passing of the vital provisions of the Charter concerning the exclusive competence of the Security Council in the matter of the use of armed forces. The role of the Security Council as the organ which, under the Charter, bears the main responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security should be strengthened. This would strengthen the United Nations as a whole and make it a more effective instrument in settling the burning questions of our time. It is a matter of eliminating certain legacies of the "cold war" period which are responsible for a lack of confidence in the Organization's ability to cope with threats to international peace and security.
101. The prestige of the United Nations is severely impaired by the fact that its name is still misused by the United States of America for the purpose of military occupation of South Korea. The Korean question is primarily a matter of re-unifying that divided country, and is consequently a domestic affair which must be settled by the Korean people themselves. The memorandum of 21 July 1966 by the Government of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea sets forth a reasonable basis for a just solution of that problem, which is of vital concern to the people in both parts of the country.
102. The first prerequisite for the settlement of the Korean question is the withdrawal of the United States and other foreign forces occupying South Korea under the United Nations flag. In addition, the illegal United Nations Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea must be disbanded and the so-called ’'Korean question’' dropped from the agenda of the General Assembly. On the basis of these well-founded demands, the Government of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic joined in sponsoring an item which has been included in the agenda for this session of the General Assembly (A/6394). The examination of this item and the adoption of the appropriate decision would contribute a just solution of the Korean problem.
103. The time has come to put an end to the abnormal situation with regard to the representation of China in the United Nations. The Government of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic once again urges immediate restoration of the lawful rights of the People's Republic of China in the United Nations, rejects the so-called "two Chinas" theory and calls for the expulsion of the representative of the Chiang Kai-shek clique, which represents nobody and which illegally occupies the place of the People's Republic of China. It is necessary in the Organization's own interests that all States which express interest in membership and which fulfil the conditions required of them by the Charter should become Members of the Organization.
104. The United Nations has before it an application by the Government of the German Democratic Republic for membership in the United Nations [A/6283 and A/6443]. The German Democratic Republic is a sovereign State,, and its Government is the lawful representative of its people in all matters, By the foreign policy which it has pursued to date it has proved that it not only subscribes to the principles of the United Nations Charter but also puts them into practice. The German Democratic Republic fulfils all the conditions laid down by the Charter for membership in the United Nations, and its application for admission should therefore be granted. We are also in favour of admitting the other German State, the Federal Republic of Germany, to membership In the United Nations.
105. Despite all the difficulties besetting our Organization, and despite the shortcomings from which it suffers, we regard the United Nations as an Important international forum with responsible tasks to perform.
106. In this connexion I should like to commend U Thant, the Secretary-General, for his tireless activity over his past term of office, which has made a great contribution to the work of the United Nations. The Government of Czechoslovakia would welcome an expression of his willingness to remain in his responsible post for another term.
107. The Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, as one of the founder Members of the United Nations, is anxious to see the United Nations finally transformed into an effective instrument for strengthening international security and a genuine embodiment of the ideas of the United Nations Charter, which grew out of the historic and dearly bought experience of the peoples at the end of the Second World War.
108. The people of our country, who are making prodigious efforts to build a developed socialist society, are vitally interested in the consolidation of peace and the development of international co-operation, I can therefore assure the General Assembly that the Government of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, for its part, will do everything in its power to ensure that the danger of war is removed and that a lasting peace prevails among the nations.