43. This generation of ours has the choice of two paths: peaceful coexistence or nuclear war—life or death. Many of the statements made in this general debate have shown that the Governments represented here are aware of the growing danger of missing the crucial opportunity while we are still free to make the choice. Nowadays we are, so to speak, at the crossroads where decisive resolutions need to be made in order to avoid a nuclear catastrophe.
44. We are now about midway through the general debate, and a summary of the views of Member States already makes clear the basic preoccupations of the nations which are below the surface of actual international events. We have had the opportunity of listening to the presentation of the international policies of more than forty Member States. Before the end of this general debate, other representatives of about the same number of Member States will be heard. A careful study of the substance of the speeches we have heard so far discloses a deep concern over the present trend of international events and also great confidence in the possibility of checking the present deteriorating and dangerous tendency and giving a fresh start to improving international relations — that is to say, the experience here has shown concern and confidence. We could even say that the international situation has improved during this debate. The improvement has been felt in the general tone of the debate. Certain statements have even contributed to improving the present world situation.
45. A special and revealing aspect of improvement consists in the very fact that those who are bent on increasing tensions within and outside the United Nations have not succeeded in turning the general debate of the present session into a forum for a renewed cold war. The positive results attained by fairly developing international co-operation in recent years are so solid and persistent that they are effective enough to paralyse any attempt to revive the futile cold-war activities of bygone years. Our confidence in the future is based on the same forces within and outside the United Nations which have doomed to failure the cold-war endeavours in our debate. The same forces will prove strong enough to prevent the danger of a nuclear war from increasing. They will be strong enough to open new ways towards a political solution of the burning issues which are fraught with permanent and latent dangers of an international confrontation that could spark off a nuclear holocaust.
46. Hungarian foreign policy is striving for that end, with constant readiness to join with those forces which are devoted to the task of improving international relations in seeking, by political means, the solution to questions involving actual military conflicts, actions or military confrontations, and to burning issues which are fraught with the dangers of a new conflagration. Therefore, we are ready to participate in every action that can really promote the cause of the community of socialist States, from Cuba to Viet-Nam, including China and Albania.
47. We consider the firm unity of socialist States one of the main preconditions for the restoration and consolidation of international peace and security. On this basis we are constantly strengthening our relations with the developing world. The representatives of the developing countries are very important factors in this world Organization and at other international forums in liquidating the remnants of the “cold war” of previous years and in foiling any new attempt made to revive the old “cold war” controversies.
48. It is our basic political endeavour to strengthen international co-operation with the developed capitalist States on the true basis of the principle of peaceful coexistence. At the same time, in the very interest of implementing the true principle of peaceful coexistence, we do our best to be effective members of the anti-imperialist and anti-colonialist front against any aggression and against any attempt to renew imperialist world domination and to spread the practices of neo-colonialism.
49. The Hungarian Government is persistent in these efforts, and we see no reason whatever to change our political line to any slight extent in the face of actual events. We have to keep in view the cruel and stubborn fact of the permanent danger of a nuclear war existing as long as the arms race continues and until decisive steps are taken to turn back the whole trend by taking concrete measures towards general and complete disarmament under adequate international control.
50. Time after time in cur debate, and recently elsewhere as well, we hear official statements describing the present world situation as complicated. This qualifier is being used by the Secretary-General in his annual reports and by many speakers on this rostrum. I am sure that the Secretary-General, who bears the main personal and direct responsibility for the functioning of this Organization, is most painfully confronted with the complicated state of international affairs. Once he was in such despair that he decided to leave his post. We succeeded at that time in convincing him that his personal qualities were needed in this function. Thanks to his sense of responsibility, he made himself available for another term as Secretary-General. I hope that the conflicting and controversial factors in the present complicated situation will not make him lose confidence in his special talents for helping to promote mutual understanding between the opposing forces.
51. What in fact do we mean by saying that the present world situation is complicated? When we describe the present situation as complicated, we certainly do not lose sight of the fact that the world situation was much more complicated on the eve of the Second World War and during the war launched by Hitlerite Germany and its allies. The United Nations was confronted with much more complicated situations after the Second World War, during the years when colonial Powers were still absolute masters of vast colonial territories. The present complication has resulted from the contradictory effects of improving and deteriorating international relations under the shadow of the dangers of a nuclear war. Very much more is at stake in the present contradictory tendencies than in the life of past human generations and in previous years. Enormously much more is at stake.
52. In the judgement of my Government regarding the competing factors of the present world situation, the best way to proceed to chart a better future is to tackle the dangers by taking into account all the good results that we have achieved so far. And on the basis of the most solid results, we should seek step by step the most realistic solution of today’s crucial issues by exploring the ways of reaching the best compromise agreements. Without compromise agreements there is no real step forward to avoid a world-wide catastrophe.
53. Therefore, Mr. President, with your kind permission, I take it as my next task to sum up the most encouraging signs and events of recent months, with the background of complicatedness.
54. Since the conclusion, in 1963, of the Moscow partial nuclear test-ban Treaty it has certainly been the most promising accomplishment that, after hard and painstaking negotiations, the text of a Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons has been elaborated. One could rightly expect that the agreement between the two most powerful States in human history concerning the necessity of such a treaty will make it easier to pave the way for further negotiations, with a view to stopping the nuclear arms race and formulating the principles of preparing effective steps towards disarmament. In view of the present trend in escalating the production and invention of new thermo-nuclear war machinery, one is compelled to say that the escalation and spread of the arms race itself, even without the outbreak of a thermonuclear war, may have the most tragic effects on the life of the present and future generations.
55. It is self-evident that, as long as the war of aggression against Viet-Nam continues and no real political solution is reached, there is no way of taking considerable and decisive new steps to curb the armaments race and to formulate a comprehensive disarmament programme. Those who would like to increase international tensions, the representatives of “cold war” policies, now use everything — thus the so-called Czechoslovak question — as a pretext for hindering the ratification of the non-proliferation Treaty, and we even
witness the reappearance of the protagonists of thermo-nuclear war itself.
56. Considering that the war against Viet-Nam overshadows the whole world as the main factor in the deterioration of the situation everywhere, the start of the Paris talks was, it seemed to world opinion, a basis for new hope of finding a just and peaceful solution to the problems of South-East Asia. The experience that we have had since that time does not seem to justify the good hopes.
57. The very fact that the Paris talks are taking place is really a good thing in itself. Nevertheless, if the unrealistic attitude of the United States negotiators frustrates the opportunity, the consequences could be disastrous. Having misjudged the Viet-Namese issue during the 1954 Geneva Conference and also later, particularly in February 1965, the United States has from that time continually escalated the war. The United States seems to be committing a new sort of mistake. Certain utterances on the part of United States public figures give the impression that the United States administration entered into the talks in Paris assuming that readiness for talks on the part of Viet-Nam was an indication of weakness. If any such self-deception continues to influence United States negotiating tactics, the present opportunity will inevitably be missed, and a new opportunity will come only under much harder conditions.
58. As for the Middle East problem, there is a considerable measure of improvement in spite of the growing dangers created by repeated armed clashes along the cease-fire lines. Throughout the world, there is a much deeper understanding of the real issues of the problem at the present time than at the time of the fifth emergency special session or the twenty-second session of the General Assembly, and that is an improvement in itself. At the previous session, the effects of propaganda distorted the whole picture at the expense of the Arab States. The general picture is much more accurate now, and there is growing readiness to force political solutions through wider international co-operation. Even the Middle East question cannot be separated from the problem of the Viet-Nam war. Had it not been for the harmful influence of the aggression against Viet-Nam, the Israeli aggression against the neighbouring Arab States would not have occurred; and were it not for the United States reluctance to yield to a realistic political solution in South-East Asia, the Middle East problem would not be deadlocked either.
59. One of the most encouraging events of recent times was the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity, held last month in Algiers. The regional organization of independent African States set an inspiring example to international organizations when, although coping with enormous difficulties and divisive problems, it managed to hold a summit conference and even to achieve very important positive results. The common stand it worked out on issues concerning the Middle East, the arms race, neo-colonialism, apartheid, secessionist tendencies, colonial rule, mercenary troops and so on is an important document of instructive value to the whole world.
60. The second session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development disappointed many of the expectations attached to this new international undertaking. It is true, however, that it has helped to present the problems of the developing world more clearly to the world as a whole, and that is an improvement. It has also become clear that, as long as the war in Viet-Nam continues and more effective international co-operation does not become possible, there will not be sufficient concentration of resources to help solve the vital problems of nations confronted with ever-growing economic difficulties.
61. What I have said just now is intended to demonstrate how it was possible to arrive at positive results concerning a considerable number of international problems against the background of complications. Besides all these achievements there were and there still are brave and cautious endeavours and even struggles deserving of our deepest respect. These complex experiences may — and, let me say, must — encourage us to create the necessary preconditions by going step by step on a carefully paved pathway towards even higher goals for the sake of present and future generations.
62. In regard to the Viet-Namese question the first realistic goal to aim at is the turning of the Paris preliminary talks into genuine negotiations. It is on record in the United Nations that my delegation, as early as October 1965, in the general debate of the twentieth session, pointed out to Member States that, in regard to the problem of the war in Viet-Nam, the only way to approach the conference table was to stop the bombing of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam unconditionally and without any threat of its renewal. This year a partial limitation of the bombing raids has made it possible to start preliminary talks in Paris. Only the complete and definitive cessation of the bombings and other acts of war against the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam can turn the preliminary talks into genuine negotiations. All those concerned have to understand—and I think it is not difficult to understand — that there cannot be meaningful negotiations under bombing attacks and under the threat of renewed bombings. The Hungarian People’s Republic expresses its full solidarity with the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam and with the National Liberation Front of South Viet-Nam. We are convinced that their proposals serve the peaceful development of the nations of South-East Asia. Their proposals offer a decent possibility for the withdrawal of the United States from this most tragic affair and would help to put an end to the war in Viet-Nam.
63. The political and peaceful solution of the Middle East crisis may be within reach if and when Israel can be convinced that Security Council resolution 242(1967) of last November is not an agenda item to argue about in bilateral or multilateral negotiations but a summary of the main lines along which the complex problems of that area could and should be solved. The directly interested Arab States are most willing to co-operate in elaborating the stages of implementation of the provisions of the Security Council resolution. The supporters of Israel could do it and the whole world a service by persuading the Israeli Government to comply with the resolution of the Security Council.
64. The situation in Europe has seemed to be calm in recent years. The general debates of several sessions emphasized the stability and promising signs of security in Europe. Reports were published of bilateral and multilateral talks in preparation for an all-European security conference. But it is also on the records of those sessions of the General Assembly that my delegation did not cease to caution against vain expectations and even against illusions. We emphasized that calmness in Europe was a superficial phenomenon; that the basic issues below the surface had not changed; that the main problems of Europe which had often created high tension in that part of the world, the source of two world wars, were not solved; that the greatest concentration of military forces was in that so-called Old World; and that the most imminent dangers of a thermo-nuclear holocaust might start out from there. That was the real situation at the time when we were listening to optimistic speeches here.
65. Properly speaking, and without oversimplifying the situation in Europe with all its complicated nature, of which I am perfectly aware, it may be said, as we have said over and over, that the fundamental issue of European security might be settled through an explicit international recognition of such existing facts as are recognized de facto by all parties concerned but not recognized de jure by all. I mean the existence of two German States, the special status of West Berlin, the definitiveness of the Oder-Neisse frontier and of the frontiers of both German States, including the boundary-line between them. The existence of two German States is a historic necessity, for the time being. It has its historical, political and social background. Its recognition is an underlying prerequisite of peace and security in Europe and in the world at large. No move towards reunification can be justified unless it is made on the basis of recognition of the existence of those two States.
66. In the past few years, we did our best to induce the Government of the Federal Republic of Germany and its allies to recognize these historical realities. Our effort was in vain, or rather of little avail. But we witnessed a new military build-up in West Germany, and there came a new upsurge of revanchist and neofascist tendencies in public life, and political manoeuvres directed against the historical realities. We, the States Members of the Warsaw Treaty, made proposals for a system of European security to be
elaborated with the simultaneous dissolution of the military alliances. It was to no avail. But we witnessed new attempts to strengthen the NATO contingents in Europe. In addition to all this, there are incontestable signs that some United States quarters would like to offset the obvious failure of their South-East Asian policy by generating new tensions on the European scene.
67. The risks involved in Europe are great. And so are the risks involved in the problem of the peace and security of Europe from the point of view of the whole world. That is why we had to strengthen our fronts, our frontiers. That is why we were compelled to strengthen Czechoslovakia, whose geographical position is most exposed. Nobody is happy — nobody can be happy — about the necessity of such an action, but its effects will be beneficial to the cause of peace in Europe and in the world. Our co-operation with the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, the consolidation and strengthening of our common international activity will create a new and more solid basis for bilateral and multilateral negotiations with a view to building up a real and peaceful system of security in Europe. After dispelling its illusions, West Germany will certainly be a party to such a system. It is only with the sincere and constructive participation of West Germany that a really effective and peaceful system of security can be imagined in Europe. We have in view a more stable, more consolidated and safer Europe. This is not unreal; it can be achieved. It will be beneficial not orly to the nations of Europe. My Government avails itself of every opportunity to participate in international co-operation to this end.
68. This general debate has had favourable omens from its very beginning. It was by the proposals of the Soviet Union, presented by Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko [1679th meeting], that the twenty-third session of the General Assembly was led out of the shadows of cold-war dangers into the propitious climate of new possibilities for disarmament negotiations. Besides all the crucial problems of the actual world situation, it is the disastrous nuclear arms race being escalated at an unpredictable rate that is the greatest danger to our future. In, the present circumstances of the nuclear age, it would be a most inspiring event if new negotiations were started to work out the conditions for checking the armaments race and preparing real agreements on concrete disarmament. The treaties concerning armament and disarmament matters signed since 1963 are the results of careful preparations, delicate diplomatic actions conducted on a bilateral and multilateral basis. Certainly, it will be so again. The memorandum of the Soviet Government will be discussed first by the First Committee. Bilateral contacts and deliberations of this Assembly may pave the way for genuine negotiations on the proposed questions. If some success, in however modest a measure, could be achieved in the questions that can be most easily approached, then the twenty-third session of the General Assembly of the United Nations may figure in the annals as one of the most encouraging sessions.
69. And this may happen in spite of the permanent and latent dangers of a thermonuclear war. As long as no decisive steps are taken on the way towards real disarmament, it will be impossible to forget that, regardless of the ups and downs of détente and periods of tension, the danger of a thermonuclear war permanently hangs over our lives. It is in this cruel reality that we deal with all the issues, great and small, of the present world situation.
70. In conclusion, I wish to pay a heartfelt and well-deserved tribute to the President of the General Assembly at its twenty-second session, Foreign Minister Corneliu Manescu of the Socialist Republic of Romania, for his successful activities under complicated international conditions during one of the longest sessions of the General Assembly.
71. I extend our good wishes to the distinguished Foreign Minister of the Republic of Guatemala, His Excellency Mr. Emilio Arenales. May this session of the General Assembly under his Presidency be a starting point for new initiatives to improve international relations and, above all, to open new doors for negotiations on the problems of disarmament.