Ghana

102. Mr. President, the delegation of Ghana is gratified to see you, a distinguished son of Guatemala, preside over the General Assembly at its twenty-third session and congratulates you on your elevation to this high office. We are confident that your long and remarkable record of devoted service to your country will enable you to undertake your new assignment with competence, impartiality and distinction. 103. My delegation wishes also to pay a special tribute to your predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Corneliu Manescu, who exhibited such a high degree of statesmanship and tact in steering the twenty-second regular and resumed sessions through the deliberation of some of the most difficult and controversial issues. The momentous achievement of the resumed session could, in a large measure, be attributed to his patience, shrewdness and equanimity. 104. The delegation of Ghana assures you of its unqualified support and co-operation in the discharge of the heavy responsibilities which now devolve on you as President of the General Assembly at its twenty-third session. 105. Our distinguished Secretary General, whose devotion to this Organization is a source of inspiration to all of us, deserves our praise and appreciation for his annual report [A/7201 and Add.1]. This comprehensive report merits serious study not only for its penetrating analysis of international problems but also for its candour and lucidity. We cannot help but share his feeling of disappointment and frustration over the course of world events. 106. In the present gloomy international atmosphere of strife and tension, there is a universal feeling of anxiety, despair and insecurity. The grim struggle in Viet-Nam, the unsettled conditions in the Middle East, the tragic conflicts in Africa and the recent invasion of Czechoslovakia are constant reminders of the grave threats to international peace and security that ominously hang over us. The mast disturbing aspect of this situation is that there does not appear to be any immediate prospect of a peaceful settlement of these apparently intractable problems. It is a matter of regret that the United Nations is often denied the support and the moral authority to exert its salutary influence in these troubled areas of the world. 107. This is the time that we should remind ourselves of the principles and objectives of the United Nations. The cardinal principle of the sovereign equality of all Member States invests in each State the right to manage its internal affairs and conduct its international relations in accordance with the sovereign will of its people. This principle of the inviolability of the sovereignty of States constitutes a guarantee to all nations that they will be free from aggression and interference in their internal affairs. If Member States of the United Nations adhere strictly to these principles, then there cannot be any justification whatsoever for one State to intervene in the internal affairs of another or violate its sovereignty. Any move by a big Power to impose its will on another State by either the threat or the use of force is a retrogressive step and a gross violation of the United Nations Charter. 108. If the effectiveness of the world Organization is nullified and the very basis of its existence threatened by the naked display of force in settling international disputes, then there is an urgent need to reassess its role as a machinery for ensuring world peace and international morality. It is in the interest of all small nations to support the efforts of the United Nations and other international organizations by their forthright and collective condemnation of all acts of injustice, denial of human rights or the violation of the sovereignty of any State. It is the view of the Ghana delegation that the time has now come for all nations, large and small, to react positively and courageously against any resurgence of the tendency to settle disputes by use of force. Nor should any State arrogate to itself the right of dictating how another State should conduct its own affairs. 109. Ghana believes that it is possible for States with different economic, social and political systems to live together in a friendly and peaceful atmosphere. Indeed, we believe that diversity is a source of strength to the international community, because each of these systems is geared to secure for its adherents the best that it can offer. 110. Inspired by this concept of peaceful coexistence, we in Ghana have endeavoured to promote good neighbourliness, because we believe that peace, like charity, must begin at home. It is for these reasons that the National Liberation Council has been at pains to strengthen relations with Ghana’s immediate neighbours. We are also co-operating fully, through the Organization of African Unity, to create on our continent conditions that will promote genuine co-operation, progress and peace. We would have been happier to see established in Africa large multiracial communities of people of different races, living and working together in pursuit of common objectives and aspirations. We would have liked to see the total eradication of all traces of colonial domination and white supremacy from our continent. Unfortunately, the strong wind of change blowing across the continent has not yet penetrated the last strongholds of colonialism and racism. Millions of Africans in Namibia, Zimbabwe, Angola, Mozambique, so-called Portuguese Guinea and South Africa still languish in the grip of racist white minority settlers and colonialists. These racists have persistently flouted world opinion and openly refused to implement resolutions of the United Nations on decolonization and human rights: It is the considered opinion of my delegation that those whit minority Governments and colonialists will continue to defy and treat the United Nations with contempt so long as they enjoy the support of some of their North Atlantic Treaty Organization allies and trading partners. 111. In this International Year for Human Rights we must rededicate ourselves to the total elimination and liquidation of racism and colonialism throughout Africa and other parts of the world. We must uphold the right of all people to a decent and purposeful existence, irrespective of their race, creed or colour. We must strive to reach the stage when it will be possible for people of different races to live together in brotherhood and dignity, free from exploitation and discrimination. We must, however, be realistic enough to admit that the road to such an ideal situation is long and difficult and may remain unattainable for many decades. The observance of the International Year of Human Rights should, however, keep alive our determination to strive towards this ultimate objective. 112. This Assembly will once again take up the question of Namibia. By the adoption of resolution 2145(XXI) of 27 October 1966, the international community committed itself to the task of removing the people of Namibia from the stranglehold of the racists of South Africa. In spite of the efforts of the United Nations to find a just and realistic solution to this problem, the racist régime in South Africa, in open defiance of the Organization, is implementing its apartheid policies in Namibia by the creation of the so-called separate states. Regrettably, some Member States have refused either to face the fact of South Africa’s gross betrayal of its solemn obligation to the people of Namibia or the threat which this defiant attitude poses to the peace and stability of Africa. 113. This session must therefore take all necessary and effective measures to secure the immediate and unconditional return of Namibia to the United Nations administration, as a first step towards the ultimate exercise by the people of Namibia of their right of self-determination. To this end, serious consideration must be given to the appointment of a full-time Commissioner, as recommended in resolution 2248(S-V), to assist the United Nations in leading the people of Namibia to independence and nationhood. 114. It is now three years since Southern Rhodesia declared unilateral independence, and the illegal régime of fan Smith is still firmly in control. Its illegal authority is now bolstered up by the presence of security forces from South Africa who scour the Rhodesian jungles in search of African freedom-fighters. This has not come as a surprise to those of us who have always been sceptical about the effectiveness of sanctions as a means of toppling the illegal minority régime. It has been our view that so long as South Africa and Portugal provide a convenient loophole for the Rhodesian rebels, sanctions will never work. Ghana has nevertheless implemented the resolutions of the Security Council, and on the basis of resolution 253(1968), the Government of Ghana has recently issued an amending decree to tighten the economic sanctions against the rebel régime. We submit that these measures should be faithfully applied by all States Members of the United Nations to hasten the end of illegality in Southern Rhodesia. 115. Although Ghana has supported the application of sanctions against the Smith régime, my Government has always maintained that the use of force as a last resort should not be ruled out. A peaceful solution to the Rhodesian problem, given a reasonable chance of success, should be a desirable objective, but Ghana strongly feels that a peaceful solution should not be arranged at the expense of the African majority of Southern Rhodesia. The principle of no independence before majority rule should not be readily sacrificed for a vague formula of unimpeded progress towards majority rule. My delegation has noted with satisfaction the assurances given by the United Kingdom Government, the administering Power, that there will not be any sell-out or a capitulation to Ian Smith. 116. From this rostrum, the Ghana delegation wishes to sound a note of caution to Prime Minister Wilson of Britain on the eve of his proposed talks with rebel lan Smith, that nibmar — the principle of no independence before majority rule — remains for us the bedrock of any settlement of the Rhodesian question, and any departure from this principle will be neither tolerated nor accepted by the people of Africa. 117. Meanwhile, we demand firmer action from the United Nations and, at the appropriate time, the Security Council should impose total and comprehensive mandatory sanctions backed by the use of force under the relevant provisions of Chapter VII of the Charter. We reiterate our conviction that any programme of sanctions, if it is to achieve its desired effect, must include action against all defaulters and that those Member States who defy the Organization by supporting the rebel régime should be brought to book. 118. We have time and again warned that the situation in southern Africa is dangerously drifting towards a racial conflagration. It is incumbent upon all of us to avert that catastrophe. The indigenous people of southern Africa will never continue indefinitely to tolerate these conditions of slavery and indignity imposed on them. Our Organization cannot remain indifferent to a situation which is fraught with such grave consequences for the peace of southern Africa. 119. The delegation of Ghana is happy that, in the midst of this gloomy picture of the African scene, a bright spot has emerged with the admission of Swaziland as the 125th Member of the United Nations. We rejoice with our brothers in Swaziland on their attainment of nationhood and look forward to the next few days when Equatorial Guinea will also join the comity of nations as a sovereign State. 120. The announcement last April of the decision by the United States and North Viet-Nam to hold talks preparatory to a peace conference was received with great relief and expectation. The step taken by the United States Government to effect a partial halt in the bombing of North Viet-Nam was then widely acclaimed as a positive step in the right direction. Contrary to our expectations, these exploratory talks in Paris have not made any progress towards ending the fighting in Viet-Nam. The talks have been regrettably protracted and appear to be in a stalemate. 121. In support of the stand taken by our Secretary-General, the Ghana delegation appeals to the United States to make yet another bold gesture by announcing a total halt to the bombing of North Viet-Nam. In the view of my delegation, such a step would go a long way towards creating a favourable climate for peace negotiations as a step towards a permanent settlement. We also call upon the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam to reciprocate positively if such a gesture is made by the United States. We all fervently look forward to the day when the people of Viet-Nam, with the return of peace to their war-torn country, will have the opportunity of deciding their own destiny, free from foreign interference and control. 122. The uneasy truce and the explosive situation in the Middle East are a matter of concern to my Government. There is no doubt that all Members of our Organization would like to see a new era of peace and stability in the Middle East, with all States in the area guaranteed a peaceful existence to encourage the promotion of economic development and prosperity for their people. We cannot conceal our disappointment and regret that the mediatory efforts of Ambassador Jarring have so far failed to produce any positive results. We admire and respect his calm determination and dedication to the cause cf peace in the face of great odds. We hope that he will be able to achieve a break-through with the co-operation of all parties concerned before he returns to the service of his country. The Ghana delegation holds the view that any meaningful settlement in the Middle East should be based on an impartial and strict implementation of Security Council resolution 242(1967) of 22 November 1967. Distorted or partisan interpretations of that resolution will not help to bring about peace or alleviate the misery and suffering of the people in the area. That resolution, it is worth recalling, was the result of a long process of difficult negotiation, rounds of consultation, compromise and accommodation. We urge the big Powers to play a constructive role in the search for a just and peaceful settlement by helping to reduce the arms build-up in the area and lending a helping hand to the United Nations. 123. This Assembly has before it the perennial item on the restoration of the lawful rights of the People’s Republic of China in the United Nations. Ghana believes that the People’s Republic of China is entitled to occupy the seat of China in the United Nations, primarily because it is now in effective control of mainland China. It is not my intention to repeat those arguments which have been so ably adduced from this rostrum by several Members, including Ghana, in support of our contention. I wish, however, to clarify the position of my Government on one aspect of this problem. While the Government of Ghana welcomes the restoration of the lawful rights of the People’s Republic of China in the United Nations, it is unable to support any move to expel an existing Member of the Organization to achieve that objective. Such a move would defeat our aim of the universality of the United Nations. 124. One of the historic achievements of the twenty-second session of the General Assembly was the adoption by an overwhelming majority of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373(XX)]. In spite of our strong reservations on certain aspects of the Treaty, the Ghana delegation supported it in the firm conviction that such a Treaty could open the way towards the achievement of general and complete disarmament. It is regrettable that two nuclear Powers, France and the People’s Republic of China, have not found it possible to associate themselves with this Treaty. Nevertheless, we hope that the nuclear Powers signatories to the Treaty will proceed with a sense of urgency to reach agreement on further disarmament measures in accordance with the undertaking they have given. I must emphasize, however, that our apprehensions and reservations about the security guarantees, nuclear explosions for peaceful purposes and access to fissionable material have not been removed by the adoption Jf this Treaty. It is a matter of considerable disappointment to my delegation that the Conference of Non-Nuclear-Weapon States was unable to reach any positive conclusions that would solve some of these crucial problems and allay our fears. If the non-proliferation Treaty is to achieve its aim and lead to an eventual disarmament and the attainment of world peace, then it is essential that these loop-holes and other defects be quickly and effectively remedied. 125. In the view of the Ghana delegation, the time is ripe for the 1963 partial test-ban Treaty to be expanded into a comprehensive ban on nuclear testing in all environments as well as underground. It is time for us to give serious consideration to the prohibition of biological and chemical warfare and to the limitation and reduction of nuclear weapons in the arsenals of the nuclear Powers. 126. In the economic field, we are disappointed that two years before the end of the current United Nations Development Decade, the progress made so far does not offer any assurance that the modest objective of a minimum growth rate of 5 per cent by the end of the Decade will be attained. The gulf between the rich and the poor nations which the Development Decade sought to bridge is wider in the eighth year of the Decade than ever before. Therefore it is clear that, unless we are prepared to give a massive impetus to economic and social development, the objective of the Decade will not be achieved by 1970. 127. Indeed, as Mr. George Woods has predicted from present trends, by 1970 the curious and depressing situation will have been achieved in which the net flows of development finance will be negative for developing countries and positive for the developed countries. My delegation, therefore, appeals to all Member States, particularly the developed countries, to exert every effort towards the realization of the modest targets of the current Development Decade. 128. While addressing ourselves to action aimed at attaining the goals of the current Development Decade, we must also look ahead and consider what action the international community individually and collectively must take to give support to the developing countries in their economic and social development in the next decade. It is for this reason that my delegation supported resolution 2305(XXII), adopted at the last session of the General Assembly, which calls for an intensification of the preparatory work for the next decade with a view to drawing up before the end of the current decade a clear and comprehensive picture of the specific goals and targets to be attained by the international community in a common endeavour to accelerate the economic and social development of the developing countries. It is the hope of my delegation that from our debates, will emerge a clear international development strategy for the next decade in which targets are more specific and in which the means for achieving these targets at both the national and international level are clearly defined. 129. It seems to my delegation that the question of poverty and economic disparities in the world has new reached a stage where a sincere effort is not only possible but imperative. That is why my delegation views with dismay the lack of political will on the part of Governments of developed countries to carry their full share of the development burden of the world. My delegation accordingly calls upon the developed countries to accept realistically their obligations to the international community as a whole, and to make available to the Secretary-General the necessary funds which would enable him to initiate, activate and co-ordinate specific crash programmes in selected fields of immediate concern to the developing countries. One such area of immediate concern is the problem of feeding the millions of peoples in the developing world and, particularly, in ensuring a basic supply of protein and nutritive content in their food. The over-all disabling effect of the lack of progress in the food production of developing countries has, in recent years, assumed alarming proportions not only in Africa but in other parts of the world. 130. The second session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development was a disappointment. We had hoped — and this was not an unjustifiable hope in view of the detailed discussions and preparatory work that had been undertaken since the first Conference — that the second Conference would advance the work of the first one. But the results of the Conference have fallen considerably short of our expectations. While we, the developing countries, pressed for concrete measures aimed at solving the key problems of international trade and development, the developed countries insisted on making a pious appraisal of the little that had been achieved since the first Conference and were unprepared to commit themselves to any concrete measures that could significantly contribute to the achievement of acceptable solutions. My delegation will make a full statement on the results of the second UNCTAD at a later stage in the appropriate Committee. 131. Perhaps the most striking example of the lack of progress in the work of UNCTAD is the failure so far to conclude an international agreement on cocoa. It was hoped that, before the second session of UNCTAD, an agreement on cocoa would have been concluded, to serve as one positive achievement of UNCTAD. This hope, unfortunately, did not materialize. However, following multilateral consultations held at the instance of the second session of UNCTAD, a compromise solution regarding a number of outstanding problems has been worked out. 132. It is generally believed that, if this compromise were accepted unreservedly by all parties to the negotiations, the way would be open for the convening of the final conference which would lead to the conclusion of the projected international agreement. We appeal from this rostrum to all the parties concerned to accept the compromise solution so that a full conference may be convened this month to conclude the long-overdue agreement. 133. We live in a trying but challenging period of history. It is a period in which we whom destiny has chosen to have a share in securing the welfare of our people and of mankind should be proud to serve, for the nuclear age and the age of mass communication open up unlimited possibilities for the general uplifting of the human race. Yet these possibilities for good are balanced by those for evil. Will we all have the good sense and courage to denounce and eliminate completely racial, cultural and religious bigotry? Can we realize that our world will never know permanent peace as long as one group of people exploit and oppress or dominate another? Will the rich nations finally come to accept their obligation to redress the imbalance of wealth between them and the poorer ones, lest we continue to be threatened by perpetual strife? We remain convinced that the United Nations, fashioned out of the experience of a most destructive and brutal war and born in an age of enlightenment, has the capacity to channel our efforts toward the realization of these truths and the securing of these objectives so that we can truly look forward to a future of peace, brotherhood and prosperity. It is in this spirit of faith in the capacity and vision of our Organization that the Ghana delegation will dedicate itself to finding solutions to the numerous problems that confront the twenty-third session of the General Assembly.