163. Before beginning my statement this afternoon, I wish, on behalf of my country, to register a strong protest against the discriminatory way in which the secretariat unit responsible for General Assembly Affairs has treated my delegation, giving preference to two other countries and allowing them to speak before Honduras, despite the fact that Honduras was higher on the list of speakers. Although we requested that the order of speakers should be maintained, the Secretariat resorted to subterfuges to prevent Honduras from speaking in the order of precedence.
164. In making this protest, we hope that other countries will not be similarly discriminated against in the future. We are glad to say that the delegation of Bolivia had agreed to let Honduras take its proper place and we are grateful to it for this. Nevertheless, the secretariat unit responsible for General Assembly Affairs again prevented Honduras from taking its place. We let the facts speak for themselves as evidence of the Secretariat’s lack of courtesy and respect for my delegation.
165. I am very pleased, Mr. President, to greet you in your capacity as an official representative of Guatemala, a sister republic, and in so doing to express the gratification of the people and Government of Honduras at your election to the high office of President of this great Assembly. It is a matter of great satisfaction to Latin America, which once more places itself at the service of the great cause of the United Nations.
166. Many speakers “have expressed well warranted confidence in your good judgement, your ability and your capacity as a statesman. Those of us who have had occasion to work with you in the Organization of Central American States are confident that you will be successful in carrying out your duties in this world forum.
167. May I also present my respects to the outgoing President of the General Assembly, Mr. Corneliu Manescu, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Romania. The applause we heard in this hall on 24 September last is clear evidence of our admiration and gratitude for his efforts.
168. We welcome the admission of Swaziland to the United Nations. Under the principle of universality, Swaziland is now a Member of this great community and can play a useful role in our efforts to attain the rule of law and peace.
169. The representatives of the small countries — which have a majority voice in world public opinion — have shown better than anyone else their fervent desire to direct the United Nations towards positive goals, in which the principles and purposes of the Charter would provide a sure means of achieving a stable peace and the best way of dealing with the economic and social problems that beset mankind. But all the positive efforts of the small nations have been obstructed by international tension, which has been mounting in the last few months.
170. The annual report [A/7201/Add.1] that the Secretary-General, as the moral guardian of the Charter of this Organization, has presented to the Assembly, is indeed sombre and objective. The Secretary-General has emphasized the fact that the tendency to revert to the use of force as an instrument of international .policy shakes the very foundations of the United Nations. He likewise warns us that, unless the principle of non-intervention in the self-determination of nations is re-established, the prospects for international peace and security will remain dim.
171. The conflict in Viet-Nam that now afflicts mankind is a direct consequence of the cold war, which has led to an open clash of differing ideologies, causing immense and far-reaching damage to all continents. It is well known that the Powers involved on both sides of this conflict spend in one day as much as the United Nations in one year. This shows the appalling cost of war, with its daily sacrifice of human lives, in face of the spontaneous and organized struggle for peace throughout the world, the many areas of the world that are deprived of more effective assistance, and the peoples, nations and geographical regions that suffer hunger, poverty, disease. and ignorance in a world which, in its indifference, allows the law of the jungle to prevail.
172. We also share in the Secretary-General’s condemnation of the cruel intervention by the Soviet Union and four of its allies in invading Czechoslovakia on 21 August 1968, in flagrant violation of the principles of international law and the fundamental precepts of the Charter. of the United Nations.
173. As a Latin American country, we base our condemnation of the aggression against Czechoslovakia on our adherence to the principle of non-intervention as established within our own regional system and reaffirmed in the Charter and at several sessions of the General Assembly by the Latin American representatives collectively, and on our peoples’ repudiation of all acts that threaten the security and sovereign integrity of States. We therefore feel entitled to reject — here in our continent and in any other part of the
world any intervention, and especially armed intervention, as an instrument of domination that jeopardizes the juridical equality of States and threatens to destroy the foundations of the United Nations just as the League of Nations was destroyed.
174. Neither the Charter of the United Nations, nor the principles of regional organizations, nor the Warsaw Pact, as contemporary international instruments, say anything that could entitle a Power to determine the internal affairs of another State by means of military force.
175. The fundamental rights of States, the right to self-defence, self-government, independence and permanent self-determination — are guaranteed in the Charter of the United Nations, together with all the rights that ensure the equality of all States Members of this Organization in international relations.
176. The protectorates that reflected colonial domination were abolished many decades ago. With the disappearance of the Ottoman Empire, the Eastern European States that were subservient to it became independent and demonstrated their great capacity for developing their own culture and protecting their own national interests and their existence as independent States.
177. We can no longer conceive of the existence of semi-sovereign States subjected to protectorates. It is inconceivable that the interests, the people’s right to self-determination, the national character and the right to free expression of one or more States should be subject to the tutelage of another State, which, through the use of tanks, guns and hundreds of thousands of soldiers, impose humiliating conditions, thus forcibly eliminating for the future all spontaneous means of self-determination.
178. It would be monstrous to accept the expansionist tendency of the great Powers as an instrument of national policy for increasing their rule and their economic and territorial dominion over the weak nations, and worse still to admit the pernicious theory that countries subjected to ideologies or spheres of interest should relinquish their sovereignty, territorial integrity and permanent right to self-determination to a great Power that imposes Draconian measures on States vanquished by force, measures contrary
to the enduring destiny of cultures that, within the history of mankind, are not only different but sometimes superior. In every nationality the expression of freedom must be protected by law and not thwarted by military occupations or dictatorial systems.
179. It is ironic that these acts of aggression, associated in certain spheres of influence with a dangerous line of conduct known as the “balance of terror", should have occurred during the International Year for Human Rights established by the United Nations. Historical responsibility cannot be disguised by empty and distorted propaganda.
180. The regional organizations recognized by the Charter were not created to ensure the rule of force but rather to allow for normal social and geopolitical development in an atmosphere of spontaneous and positive co-operation. This Organization, in which the torch of freedom of belief and conscience lights the world’s path, would be useless if it were to be subjected to a grotesque censorship on the legitimate exchange of creative ideas that justifies its existence and its work.
181. In the world in which we live we must, on the basis of the independence essential to ensure that each State retains its own individual character and, at the same time, of an interdependence conducive to constructive co-operation, seek solution to the other conflicts which bring the developed countries face to face with the developing countries. It is unfortunate that the growth rate of the developing countries has not yet reached the expected goal of 5 per cent per year.
182. Here we should emphasize what has repeatedly been stated by several heads of delegations in this great Assembly. I would particularly like to recall the statement made by my illustrious colleague, Mr. Carillo Flores, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Mexico, on 4 October, when he said:
“The decade of 1960-1969 is drawing to a close in an atmosphere of frustrations; it is a decade which the United Nations, at the time which we thought to be visionary, called the Development Decade. Without underestimating the gravity of a number of conflicts which are causing us concern at the present time, there is a general conviction that the key to peace for this generation — and unquestionably for the next one — is the finding of formulae that will meet the elementary aspirations of communities which have scarcely begun to feel the benefits which today’s astounding technology makes possible.
“These formulae, without overlooking the differences which exist between the poorer countries themselves, should, in our opinion, deal at least with the following fields:
“(1) The modernization of social structures — the task of each nation, but one in which the international community can co-operate by providing guidance, when so requested;
“(2) The carrying out of work which is necessary to raise productivity and tasks of a social and humanitarian nature, with the attendant transfer — in conditions which do not imply any anachronistic subordination — of resources and technology from the developed to the developing areas;
“(3) The opening up or expansion or guarantee of markets — in conditions of reasonable stability and fair prices — for the products of the developing countries; and -
“(4) If we may take a longer-term view and perhaps run the risk of taking a glimpse at Utopia — a system of world-wide social security, which would reproduce at the international level a process which, on a national scale, has enabled urban economies to guarantee to country dwellers a certain income level in keeping with the minimum earnings generally obtained in the towns.” [1681st meeting, paras. 22-3]
183. With regard to the last paragraph, I would simply add that the idealists of today surprisingly often turn out to be the practical men of tomorrow.
184. My country, jointly with the other Central American republics, has tried to strengthen the structure of the Common Market and we intend to deal with educational and social problems by: means of imposing the sacrifice of new taxes in the region, although, naturally, in poor countries it is difficult to persuade public opinion to approve such measures. But we have faith in the task we have undertaken in the context of the Central American integration movement and in its ultimate benefits to nations that choose to work together, and we believe that it will serve to strengthen similar efforts being made in other parts of Latin America.
185. Other speakers in this General Assembly have already mentioned a matter that has rightfully aroused the indignation of world public opinion in face of a series of acts that aggrieve every citizen of the civilized word. I refer to the civil war that is being waged in an African country. I wish to make it very clear that it is not our intention to interfere in the domestic affairs of another State, since we are the first to defend the principle of non-intervention, but it is the very suppliers of foreign aid that have not had the moral integrity to prevent hunger from being used in that civil war as a means of combat as a fearful weapon for killing not only combatants but also women and children, in a drama of genocide that the United Nations cannot disregard. We believe that this Organization must take effective steps, not to intervene in the conflict, but to ensure that civilized means of preserving innocent human lives are respected.
186. With regard to the conflict in the Middle East, our position remains the same. We support the United Nations decisions aimed at achieving a stable peace in the region, requiring the States involved to abandon their persistently warlike attitude, and, at the same time, the withdrawal of all military forces that have occupied territories that do not belong to them. Our regional organization—the Organization of American States—and the Charter, as well as the recognized rules of international law in many regions of the world, all set forth the principle that victory confers no rights.
187. The universal and human spirit of the countries of Latin America has left a lasting impression on the history of the United Nations. We have always been on the side of emancipation based on the principle of self-determination, where this is a legitimate right. We could never endorse acts of discrimination — they are intolerable, whatever their motives — because that would be tantamount to condemning the origin and development of our own nations. We have been a melting pot of races: the Indian, by legitimate right; the white man, by his contribution to culture; and the black man who, brought to America as a labourer, has also played his part. But with our different races joined by a common destiny, we together face the task of finding — on a continental scale — joint solutions through permanently evolving institutions.
188. For this reason, we would never accept the policy of apartheid practised by South Africa, both in its own territory and in South West Africa, contrary as this policy is to the principles of the United Nations. South Africa’s defiance of the many resolutions ‘opted by the General Assembly has led to the present crisis in South West Africa or Namibia. In administering this Territory, South Africa forgot that the legal status defined in article 22 of the Covenant of the League of Nations was substantially changed by Chapter XII of the Charter of the United Nations, whose fuller significance may be found in the discussions that took place at the Yalta Conference in February 1945, and in those that preceded the signing of the Charter in San Francisco.
189. Honduras has always supported the position of Guatemala in its historical claim over Belize and continues to do so.
190. We are gratified by the forthcoming admission of Spanish Guinea, a Territory formerly administered by Spain, to membership in the United Nations. Spain, in solving the problem of independence, has given the world proof of its praiseworthy attitude, its respect for the principles of the Charter and its willingness to help its former Territory towards decolonization. We are particularly glad to welcome this new State into the Organization and most willing to co-operate with it, because we are united by the ties of a common language. The example Spain has just set gives it sufficient moral authority for its just claims to Gibraltar to be unanimously supported by all States Members of the United Nations. Our position with regard to Gibraltar remains the same, namely, that it is a territory that legitimately belongs to the mother country, and that the United Kingdom has an obligation to restore it to Spain.
191. Honduras supports the just and long-standing claim that the Argentine Republic has been making with regard to the Islas Malvinas which we trust the United Kingdom will as soon as possible return to their rightful owner: Argentina.
192. Two years ago, before this General Assembly [1447th meeting, paras. 184-188], we made a statement regarding our rights over the Swan Islands, a territory which has lawfully belonged to us since the discovery of America. This problem is now being negotiated with the United States and we trust that a solution will soon be reached by which our rights will be restored.
193. We are now coming to the end of the first United Nations Development Decade, during which the underdeveloped countries have profited, to a limited extent, from technical and financial assistance. The United Nations Conference on Trade and Development has emphasized the serious problems caused by the enormous difference between the rich and poor countries and the ever-widening gap. The warlike attitudes in the world and the resumption of the cold war between conflicting ideological systems cannot be propitious to the chances of the second Development Decade improving present conditions, unless serious disarmament talks are started; for it has already been shown that if the great Powers cease to introduce power politics, great progress can be made, as is the case with the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, which today represents but the first substantial step towards general disarmament in all sectors and regions. We cannot understand how anyone can insist on the dismantling of all military bases in foreign countries — with which we agree — if at the same time, no request is made for the withdrawal of military forces of occupation in foreign countries, when these forces, made up of several powerful divisions equipped with the most modern weapons, often constitute a more decisive factor in the outbreak of war, as in Czechoslovakia, than the existence of an average military base. The dismantling of military bases and the withdrawal of forces of occupation in subjugated countries are essential elements of the problem of international peace and security rather than questions to be dealt with in the context of colonialism, thus assuming a different political significance.
194. The problem of peace has a fundamental bearing on that of development. Latin America, along with Asia, is one of the regions which receive least economic aid. Per capita aid in Latin America — $4.3 — is less than that received by the inhabitants of the African continent, which amounts to $5.7. The slow rate of development is further burdened by restricted markets, preferential treatment and low prices for our primary commodities.
195. We cannot resign ourselves to a permanent state of under-development and limited aid with all their attendant problems; we the Latin American countries believe that, collectively, we can secure better prices for our products on the international market and that this would inevitably promote better economic conditions in all sectors.
196. We agree with our illustrious colleague, Mr. Gabriel Valdés, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Chile, that the United Nations, to the detriment of better technical assistance, is setting up too many bodies, thus leading to overlapping functions and duplication of activities in various parts of the world. Such measures have not necessarily proved effective and have merely created a bureaucracy which the developing countries cannot sustain and which makes it impossible for them to be properly represented at the many meetings and conferences which those bodies convene.
197. At its twenty-second session, the General Assembly adopted resolution 2340(XXII), entitled “Examination of the question of the reservation exclusively for peaceful purposes of the sea-bed and the ocean floor, and the sub-soil thereof, underlying the high seas beyond the limits of present national jurisdiction, and the use of their resources in the interests of mankind”. It established an ad hoc committee of thirty-five members to study that question and consider its economic, technical and legal aspects. My country attaches particular importance to close study of that question, since matters relating to the jurisdiction and control of the sub-soil, air space, territorial waters, continental shelf and other zones adjacent to the national territory have been dealt with in the Constitution of the Republic and other legislation.
198. It should be pointed out that our legal approach to this question is very similar to that of many Latin American countries interested in defending the natural resources closely connected with their territory and geographical vicinity. From the economic point of view, my country is greatly interested in the study of the sea-bed and ocean floor, since intensified exploitation of our resources will increase our development potential from the technological point of view, we consider that the industrialized countries
could evolve a wide measure of co-operation to ensure that the different resources of the sea are used in the interests of the whole of mankind, particularly with a view to solving the problem of hunger in the world, without losing sight of either the legitimate rights of coastal States or the potential production to be derived from those resources.
199. In concluding my statement to the General Assembly, I should like to take this opportunity to reaffirm my most sincere wishes for the success of the present session under your worthy leadership, Mr. President, and to convey my warm and respectful greetings to all of my colleagues and other members of the delegations of Member States of the Organization.