160. Allow me at the outset to convey to Mr. Arenales my congratulations and those of my delegation on his election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its twenty-third session. My delegation is confident that, under his wise guidance and able leadership, our deliberations will bear fruit and make a significant contribution towards the attainment of the ideals of the United Nations Charter. He may rest assured of my delegation’s support and co-operation in his difficult task.
161. I have also the very pleasant duty of conveying a message from the President of Kenya, Mr. Jomo Kenyatta, who has sent his good wishes for the success of the deliberations of the twenty-third session of the General Assembly.
162. I should like also to express my delegation’s sincere appreciation and admiration for the outgoing President, Mr. Manescu of Romania. He is a personality of proven ability and stature, and the skilful way in which he guided the deliberations of the twenty-second session of the General Assembly contributed considerably to the achievements of the United Nations.
163. When my predecessor addressed this body last year [1570th meeting], he observed that the General Assembly was meeting at a time when explosive issues were posing a serious threat to international peace and security. It is a sad commentary on our contemporary diplomacy that we have not since then made much progress in easing international tension. In certain respects we have actually lost ground. Nations are still fighting each other today. The disparity between the rich and the poor is as wide as ever. The concepts of conquest and occupation have revived. In spite of all the efforts of the United Nations, the most wanton and shameless violations of fundamental human rights continue to be systematically practised.
164. Let me illustrate what I mean and begin with the problems confronting the African continent. Our thoughts turn more specifically to the position of our brothers who are waging a heroic and fierce struggle for the total liberation of our continent. Africa is now menaced by growing anti-African forces, planning to annex the southern part of the continent. Millions of our brothers still live under white, colonial, racist régimes in South Africa, Namibia, Angola, Mozambique, Rhodesia and so-called Portuguese Guinea. These racist régimes have paid scant attention to human dignity and basic rights of man and have persistently defied international public opinion and the numerous resolutions of the United Nations. These régimes have now formed themselves into a Lisbon-Pretoria-Salisbury axis, to suppress freedom and human dignity in Africa.
165. Credit should, of course, be given where it is due. I should, therefore, like at this point to record Kenya’s appreciation of the granting of independence by Spain to Equatorial Guinea, although I might say that the people of Equatorial Guinea took it themselves by force. We feel that Spain has thus opened a new chapter in its relations with Africa. We would only urge that steps now being taken to bring what is now known as Spanish Sahara to nationhood will be speeded up. With the advent of nationhood to Spanish Sahara the way will have been opened to unblemished and constructive relations between Spain and Africa.
166. To revert to the Lisbon-Pretoria-Salisbury axis, we find it ironical that these minority régimes find comfort and support from certain Powers that generally boast of their democratic institutions and love for justice — Powers that profess intentions to make the world safe for democracy. What democracy? Let no one make any mistake about it: free Africa will never abandon its solemn obligation to liberate the entire continent.
167. The policies of the South African Government must be resolutely opposed by all people who strive for justice, equality and human dignity. The African people of South Africa have been condemned to live under the torture and exploitation of a minority racist régime. Discriminatory legislation imposes heavy penalties on Africans for minor crimes for which Whites are never punished. Just about any offence in South Africa today can be, and generally is, elevated to, and is generally interpreted as, a political offence for the purpose of oppressing Africans. It is no wonder, therefore, that there are over 10,000 political prisoners, practically all of them Africans, in South African gaols. In such a situation, who can doubt that the political, economic and social suppression of 14 million Africans by 4 million Whites is a definite and serious threat to inter-racial harmony and to world peace and understanding.
168. We are aware of South Africa’s threat against the fraternal State of Zambia, a threat which is in fact directed against all African States. It is the South African régime that sustains the rebellious Smith régime. It is the South African régime that has master-minded the Pretoria-Lisbon-Salisbury axis for the perpetuation of apartheid and for maintaining minority supremacist régimes in southern Africa. It is indeed South Africa which now symbolizes forcible extension of racist régimes beyond its traditional borders. In the face of such oppression, the African people are determined to regain their liberty, dignity and independence at all costs.
169. We are fully aware of the steps that have been taken to incorporate Namibia into South Africa and the extension of apartheid to that Territory. We reject this as illegal. We note with grave concern that South Africa has completely ignored all United Nations resolutions that have sought to give the Africans of South Africa their basic human right to self-determination. In the case of Namibia, this Assembly, by resolution 2145(XXI) in October 1966, terminated — may I repeat, terminated — the South African Mandate over that Territory and Namibia became a direct responsibility of the United Nations, of this body. It is deplorable that South Africa has been able to frustrate all efforts directed towards the assumption by the United Nations of its responsibility in Namibia. In spite of the United Nations revocation of South Africa’s Mandate over Namibia, the South African Government has seen fit to introduce repressive legislation and to mount a campaign of terror in the Territory. Mass arrests and fascist techniques of torture are the daily lot of the people, who only wish to exercise their birthright of freedom. The shadow of unabated cruelty hangs heavy over their lives.
170. We reject South Africa’s offer of so-called independence to what it calls Ovamboland. This is but another sinister move by South Africa’s régime to create a fresh Bantustan, aimed at dividing the people of Namibia and balkanizing their territory for further exploitation. We must ask ourselves how long South Africa will continue to defy the decisions of this Organization; how long this Organization will continue to be humiliated and frustrated by this racist régime.We feel that the United Nations must not yield to South Africa on the right to establish its, the United Nations, presence in Namibia. The United Nations Council for Namibia should therefore be accorded entry into the Territory without further delay.
171. In this connexion, may I add that, considering that, in 1966, the United Nations took over the Territory of Namibia. and that, last year, the General Assembly, by its resolution 2248(S-V), appointed a group to go and establish a government in Namibia, there would be no question of any serious interference by South Africa if the United Nations were to put some teeth in the authority of its Council for Namibia. As to what could be done legally, let a United Nations team go to that United Nations Territory, using a United Nations plane and under United Nations colours; let it land on United Nations territory — and let us see what happens. Perhaps that is a little bit too sophisticated for the great Powers. But may I put it this way: You are at the door of the matrimonial home. You are tired, in the evening. You want to go inside. But when you attempt to go inside, somebody resists your entry. Would you know what to do? Speaking for Africa, I can assure you that not only would Africans know what to do; they will do something about it.
172. Yesterday we witnessed a lamentable sight, that of the Foreign Minister of a Power which lays claim to greatness, skirting around a problem which is no longer a problem. It was only twenty-four hours earlier that our greatest fears were confirmed when the meeting between Prime Minister Wilson and the rebel Smith on the British naval ship Fearless collapsed as expected. This was due, of course, to the intransigence of the leader of the illegal régime in Rhodesia which has been allowed by Britain to linger on as a result of erroneous actions and acts involving irresponsible and unconvincing legal technicalities. It is worth repeating part of what the Kenya Government stated when we heard that the meeting was impending:
“Any equitable settlement [of the Rhodesian question] must be based on the following principles: (1) It must demonstrably guarantee the hand-over of power to the African majority; (2) There should be no question of independence [for Rhodesia] before majority rule; (3) [The settlement] must ensure that the paramount interests of the Rhodesian Africans are not compromised or betrayed through non-participation of the African leaders currently languishing in Smith’s gaols and (4) All discriminatory legislation should be repealed in recognition of the inalienable right of the Rhodesian Africans to freedom and independence.”
173. Valuable time for action has been frittered away by Mr. Wilson and his group of guilty and frustrated men. The illegal régime and the rebels in Rhodesia must be halted now, for that régime grows more oppressive for the African people of Zimbabwe every day. Millions of Africans in that country have a whetted desire; which we now know to have been misguided, for a negotiated settlement with the rebels. We heard yesterday, and we have read in the past, distortions which seek, in short, to justify the existing situation. Evasive techniques have been used to shirk the responsibility for toppling the illegal régime.
174, What we demand now is decisive action to end the rebellion, as Ian Smith is only interested in setting up another police state of terror with the help of the South African police. Smith not only has defied Her Majesty the Queen in connexion with the hangings, as you know — after the Queen’s gracious pardon, that is — but has twice treated the British Prime Minister as his personal valet - and I do not apologize for saying that. We are surprised that he was not arrested and detained in the confines of the Fearless the other day. Now is the time for military force. Now is the time to forget any opening of negotiations. Let us give no more time to Smith to consolidate his racist illegal régime. We have already witnessed the failure of economic sanctions applied against that régime. This, of course, could not work as long as everybody knew that Rhodesia’s economy was strongly supported by South Africa, Portugal and other Powers, through deliberate leakages in the sanctions which the United Nations is not able or perhaps not willing to
seal. It is an open secret that brokers in South Africa, Portugal and some well-known European countries, continue to export Rhodesian products under new labels. Great Britain should no longer shirk its responsibility to the millions of Africans in Zimbabwe. Indescribable atrocities against the Africans of Zimbabwe, including the so-called trials — trials in inverted commas — resulting in hangings of innocent Africans under the pretext that they are “terrorists” have shocked the world — or at least my part of the world. The so-called terrorists are, of course, nationalists waging a genuine struggle for the freedom and liberation of their country. And all the crimes against them are being committed in defence of a Power claiming to have power and sovereignty over the area.
175. Of course we sympathize with the difficult position in which the British Foreign Secretary found himself yesterday, trying to justify an unjustifiable position. Britain must reconsider its stand on Rhodesia if freedom in that country is to be restored. We Africans shall fight with all our resources until Zimbabwe is free. We are appealing here once again to the freedom fighters in that country to make one final effort at this final hour for unity among themselves, because theirs is the struggle. The struggle for the liberation of Zimbabwe will continue, as indeed it must, no matter how long it takes, and this must be known to Smith and his collaborators. Let Britain once again show signs of discharging its responsibilities towards the people of Zimbabwe, if only to prevent the serious, looming and bloody consequences which must follow if the illegal régime is not brought to an end now.
176. Of course, we have heard the idle tales — the old wives’ tales — which were repeated here yesterday to the effect, more or less, that the present situation is perhaps the best: “Let us have this type of resolution"; it is a question of half a loaf being better than no loaf. But there should be no question of half a loaf if that loaf is your loaf.
177. Apart from South Africa itself, Namibia and Rhodesia, some 800,000 square miles of our continent is still under the brutal colonialism of Portugal. Portugal has constantly refused to comply with the resolutions of this Organization on the question of granting independence to the African territories now under its sway. We reject completely the fictitious Portuguese theory that Angola, Mozambique and Guinea are its overseas territories. Those territories have never been and will never be a part of Portugal. They are non-self-governing within the meaning of the Charter, and the people there have the inalienable right to independence. In defiance of the decisions of this Organization, Portugal cheerfully continues to intensify its repressive activities against the peoples of those Territories. Portugal, instead of preparing its colonies for independence, is increasing its colonial troops and defence budgets. What is the purpose of Portugal’s spending nearly 42 per cent of its annual budget for waging at: inhuman war against peoples whose only desire is freedom and liberty? Portugal draws inspiration for its atrocious behaviour from its connexions with, of course, NATO, without whose supplies of arms it could not wage the war it now wages against the people of Angola, Mozambique and Guinea (Bissau). We urge the NATO members to halt the supply of arms to Portugal. Portugal is increasingly using NATO military resources to suppress the people of Angola, Mozambique and Guinea (Bissau). Indeed, it is even becoming a threat to independent African States.
178. The colonial issue of Africa is still a burning one. We have made it clear that we will never abandon our brothers who are struggling for their freedom in those areas. The Organization of African Unity has pledged its full support for the final liberation of the African continent. The intentions of the OAU must be taken seriously by the United Nations.
179. I should now like to refer to a special African problem which, for more than a year, has been a focal point, where external arms and ammunition have been clashing. I refer, of course, to Nigeria. It is barely three weeks since we came to some understanding on this African problem at the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU in Algiers. It is lamentable that outsiders are still active in that African country. My delegation is so
opposed to violence and bloodshed and to death by starvation that we suggest that, while so many Foreign Ministers are still here, a consistory of Foreign Ministers should confer on this issue and fix an immediate end to death. It is strange that the big and able Powers should have stood idly by during all this period doing nothing even for humanitarian objectives.
180. Elsewhere in the world our attention is inevitably drawn to the Middle East, Eastern Europe and the Far East. Before addressing myself to those areas of conflict, I should like to state a fundamental tenet of Kenya’s foreign policy. Kenya firmly believes that international relations must be conducted in accordance with the principles of the United Nations Charter. This is our yardstick and we would like all nations to judge our performance by this measure. Amongst the most cherished of the principles of the Charter is the obligation of all Members of the Organization to settle international disputes by peaceful means and to refrain from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity and political independence of other States. The United Nations Charter, then, forms the basis of our attitude to the explosive situations which threaten international peace and security today.
181. The United Nations has been seized of this Middle East situation for well over twenty years now. Today it has become one of the most complex and intractable issues that face the international community. It has defied all attempts at settlement and remains a permanent sore in international affairs.
182. The Government of Kenya proceeds from the belief that all States have a right to exist. As a sovereign and independent Member of the United Nations, the State of Israel should enjoy this right. We do not share the philosophy of permanent belligerency now maintained against Israel by some of its neighbours, and it is our fervent hope that the State of Israel have the right to peaceful existence as a sovereign member of the world community. On the other hand, the Government of Kenya cannot and will not support the further occupation by Israel of Arab territory it brought under its control during the six-day war. The language of the United Nations Charter is clear and unequivocal on the question of territorial aggrandizement: as we have already reminded the Assembly, it urges its signatories to refrain from the acquisition of foreign territory through conquest. The Middle East situation is admittedly complex, and peace cannot be brought to the area by waving a magic wand. We believe, however, that peace can no more be ushered back through the military occupation of Arab lands by Israel.
183. Our concern on this question goes beyond political considerations. There are, for instance, effects on our own economy from the closure of the Suez Canal. Kenya, therefore, views with serious concern the continued closure of this principal waterway.
184. There is, secondly, the human problem of refugees. The tragedy of these people defies description. No people or Government could remain oblivious to their plight. Many observers now concede that the problem of refugees cannot be satisfactorily solved until an atmosphere of peace and understanding once again descends on this area.
185. The Government of Kenya therefore attaches singular importance to Security Council resolution 242(1967) of 22 November 1967, which, apart from affirming the necessity of achieving 2 just settlement of the refugee problem, made it possible for the appointment of Ambassador Gunnar Jarring to assist in the efforts for a peaceful and negotiated settlement. The Jarring Mission has the full support of the Government of Kenya.
186. The last two world wars originated in Europe and rapidly spread to other parts of the world. It should be understandable, therefore, that the Government of Kenya has viewed with concern recent events in Eastern Europe. I refer, of course, to the invasion of Czechoslovakia by troops of its Warsaw Pact allies, and I am aware that it is the wish of the Czechoslovak Government that as little as possible be said here on the situation to avoid inadvertently aggravating it. We feel, nevertheless, that a remark or two on that situation is pertinent, as the events in question have a direct bearing on the Charter of the United Nations.
187. The invasion of Czechoslovakia was a clear violation of the sovereignty, political independence and territorial integrity of that country. It was an unpleasant reminder to small nations like mine that friendship between the great and the small can at times be a dangerous adventure. For that reason, it has tended to undermine our confidence in the super-Powers as well as in the United Nations Charter. The Government of Kenya sincerely hopes that the invaders of Czechoslovakia will have second thoughts and withdraw their troops from that country with minimum delay. Whatever action the Warsaw Pact countries may henceforth take in Czechoslovakia or in any other Warsaw Pact countries, my Government sincerely hopes that no attempt will be made by the super-Powers to divide the world into ideological spheres of influence.
188. Of equal concern to the Government of Kenya is the suffering of the people of Viet-Nam. It is unfortunate that this case parallels the one I have just referred to. We are witnessing a most unequal match between the richest nation in the world and a tiny nation. The policy of the Government of Kenya is clear on this issue of Viet-Nam: We condemn unreservedly the arrogance of a big Power that sees fit to tread on the toes of a small nation without provocation. We feel, moreover, that this is a futile war in which the mighty obviously cannot hope to win. Why, then, prolong the suffering of the Viet-Namese people, who have not seen peace for the last twenty years? We believe that peace can come to that unfortunate land any time the United States wishes. The first essential step to peace, of course, is the cessation of the American bombing of North Viet-Nam. My Government is convinced that the cessation of American bombing of North Viet-Nam would swiftly lead to a political settlement. We therefore urge that the bombing of North Viet-Nam be halted without further delay.
189. I should now like to make a few remarks on economic matters. We are approaching the end of the United Nations Development Decade, and it should now be obvious to all that the Decade has been a failure. The concept of the Decade is both noble and inspiring, although not inspired; but with the position of developing countries deteriorating, it appears we have reaped almost nothing but frustration.
190. Nowhere is that frustration more symbolized than in the second United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, which convened in New Delhi, earlier this year. The first Session of UNCTAD defined the framework for trade and development; we went to New Delhi with guarded but high hopes that a global strategy for development would emerge. We from the developing countries went to New Delhi in the expectation that the second session Of UNCTAD would pave the way for a new era in the field of international economic relations. What we witnessed, however, was that, one by one, the important initiatives of the developing countries were frustrated by the affluent nations. This emphasized the point that there is no alternative for developing countries if they sincerely wish to correct the existing economic inequalities but to rely more and more upon themselves.
191. For their part, the rich nations today are increasingly involved in investing their savings in their own security, in the advancement of technology and the exploration of outer space. Their pattern of trade is so geared as to promote trade amongst themselves rather than with developing nations. Their markets are protected by tariff and non-tariff barriers. The efforts of developing countries to process their own natural products and increase their share of international trade in manufactured and processed goods are systematically nullified. The continuous onslaught of synthetics and substitutes further deprives developing nations of the resources they can derive from the use of their products and thus create some investment capital.
192. Although the second session of UNCTAD did not achieve what we had hoped it would, its shortcomings should not be attributed to it as an organization. We in Kenya submit with humility and accept that the need for UNCTAD remains as long as the gap between the rich and the poor remains. UNCTAD has demonstrated its importance in economic affairs, particularly for the benefit and protection of the developing countries. We should like to see the fulfilment of the high ideals out of which it was born. This fulfilment cannot take place in vacuo: it has to be done with the willing co-operation of the industrialized nations.
193. It is the ardent hope of the Government and people of Kenya, therefore, that industrialized countries will lend UNCTAD their support, without which the agency cannot really achieve the aims for which it was set up. After all, we all agree that, in the long run, international peace can be achieved only in a world in which the resources are shared equitably among the nations.
194. This statement would be incomplete without a word of welcome to our brothers from Swaziland and Equatorial Guinea, whom my delegation wishes to congratulate very heartily. Their attainment of independence is a source of great satisfaction to us in Kenya because it is one more concrete example of African triumph over imperialism. My delegation salutes them, and wishes the Swazi and Guinean delegations every success here at the United Nations. May God help them.