Mr. President, allow me first of all to congratulate you once more on behalf of the Greek delegation upon your election to the high office of President of the eighteenth session of the General Assembly. In conferring upon you the weighty responsibility of presiding over this session of the Assembly, we are confident that your valuable experience and wisdom will ensure the complete success of our work.
107. As the general debate proceeds, it becomes increasingly apparent that this eighteenth session of the Assembly is meeting in an atmosphere of hope. When a few weeks ago the three Powers signed the agreement on the nuclear test ban in the Soviet capital, they were not only responding to the desires of a world worried about the dire effects of radiation on the future of the human race; they were doing more than that, because, as has been said, their agreement brought a ray of light into the darkness of the cold war.
108. Because Greece believes that the Moscow Treaty is an important step towards disarmament and towards the welfare of mankind at large, it was among the first countries to sign the Treaty, on 8 August 1963, The Greek Prime Minister had already stated, on 26 July, that the signing of the Moscow Treaty would contribute to the international 'détente' which Greece had for long advocated. No peace-loving nation can fail to be gratified at the conclusion of the Treaty, which imposes the first curb on the nuclear rivalry of the great Powers and paves the way for the conclusion of other supplementary agreements on disarmament.
109. States which, like Greece, have worked incessantly for peace, feel that the Moscow Treaty will usher in a period of 'détente' which will make it possible to settle other international issues now pending.
110. The road that now lies before the protagonists of the Moscow Treaty is long and arduous. The division between the two worlds has been deep, and the disagreements have been too keen, the disappointments too great.
111. Two fortresses, armed with vehicles capable of destroying the world in the space of a few minutes, still confront one another. More important, more threatening than these sources of danger, looms the vast difference in outlook concerning the most fundamental principles of international life. It is not only nuclear war which threatens the world. There is also war by subversion. There is a whole series of tactics, a whole range of methods by which nowadays, peace may be violated without a declaration of war. It is our duty to face all these problems realistically and courageously and to take the necessary action to exorcise the threat of catastrophe from our minds.
112. Yet one cannot but wonder why in the schedule of items to be dealt with following the agreement on tests, many of which relate to measures for the reduction of military potential, one finds no trace of an intention to remove the causes which led to the building-up of this military potential.
113. If military potential is reduced before the most explosive problems have been settled, will this result in a better and more rapid settlement of those problems? Clearly, this is a question of cause and effect, and it is a vital question to those of us who regard military preparations as being of purely defensive value.
114. Yet there are no obstacles that goodwill cannot overcome when, in the final analysis, our existence —the existence of our peoples and countries— is at stake. That is why the Moscow Treaty could be a starting point for establishing relations of friendship and co-operation among nations, in accordance with the principles of the United Nations Charter.
115. The Moscow Treaty was not the only positive achievement recorded during the past year. The settlement of the Cuban crisis also shows what can be accomplished when a sense of responsibility is coupled with a spirit of conciliation. The United Nations was able to play a useful part in this settlement, if only through the spontaneous and unanimous reaction of its Members in favour of peace. That was not all, however; the debate in the Security Council helped to clarify the positions of the opposing parties, gave the international community an opportunity to make its voice heard, made it possible to put forward alternative compromise solutions, provided the necessary margin of time for direct contacts between the antagonists, and supplied them, when happily an agreement was reached, with a solemn forum for making statements simultaneously and without losing their prestige or dignity. The value of the distinguished role which the Secretary-General played, so discreetly, in these grave events was universally recognized.
116. Another positive achievement among United Nations peace-keeping activities was the progress made in the Congo towards the unification, the internal security, and the political stability of that country. In the Middle East, in New Guinea and more recently in Yemen, the United Nations again provided constructive assistance.
117. It has often been said that the United Nations is useful only in minor crises. Even if that were entirely true —and we know that it is not— minor crises, if allowed to worsen and grow, may very well lead to a major crisis, with all that that entails.
118. Besides, as everyone knows, the United Nations has not yet acquired the means of intervening effectively in every crisis, irrespective of its magnitude or of taking such action as could guarantee the maintenance of peace in all circumstances.
119. The financial crisis of the United Nations has caused us great concern of late. Despite the constant efforts of the vast majority of its Members, despite the example given by so many countries which are beset by genuine economic difficulties in meeting their obligations to the last cent, the financial crisis continues; it grows worse and threatens the capacity of the United Nations to discharge its primary function of maintaining peace. Greece is happy to have made its positive contribution by punctually meeting all its financial obligations to the Organization, and in particular those resulting from the ONUC and UNEF operations.
120. There are certain Members which, while asserting that the Security Council has sole jurisdiction with respect to international security and the maintenance of peace, at the same time oppose any increase in the membership of the Council, although such an increase would make the Council more representative of the present composition of the Organization.
121. We are obliged to note with regret that we are sometimes confronted with tendencies which, whatever their motivation, could eventually only diminish the effectiveness of the United Nations as an instrument for peace.
122. One need scarcely look far into the future in order to appreciate what any financial weakening of the Organization might mean.
123. Take the case of the Congo, for instance. Even those who, at various times, have expressed serious objections to certain phases of the United Nations operations in that region now agree that the principal objective of the operations has been attained. The Congo has been pacified and its territorial integrity safeguarded. We shall have to decide, however, whether those operations can be terminated at the end of the year, or whether they must continue, but with fewer personnel, for a period of a few months. The important point is that, should the situation require us to decide upon the latter course, it would be deplorable if the decision could not be taken or implemented because of financial implications. Even if the matter is considered from a purely material standpoint, it will be seen that the retention of some forces in the Congo for a limited time would be more economical in the long run than a premature discontinuance of the operation, if the result might be to plunge the Congo back into chaos and to make it necessary, later, to begin all over again.
124. While speaking of Africa, I should like to make particular reference to the Conference of Heads of African States convened by His Majesty the Emperor of Ethiopia, which met at Addis Ababa in May 1963.
125. This happy move by Ethiopia, a country with which Greece has maintained cordial friendly relations since time immemorial, led to the establishment of the Organization of African Unity.
126. The aims of this new organization, which we hail with pleasure and welcome most cordially, are unity, co-operation in development, the protection of national independence and sovereignty, and the elimination of colonialism —all aims which are dear to the peoples of Africa and to us.
127. As a neighbour of Africa and a friend of the African peoples, Greece takes note of the aims of the new organization with great sympathy, and hopes that its activities will be productive and that its purposes will be achieved.
128. As regards the Balkan peninsula, the political line which Greece has taken has always been motivated by a desire to settle by negotiation such differences as existed between it and any of the Balkan countries, with a view to the development, on firm foundations, of mutually advantageous relations. To the extent that this attitude on the part of Greece has met with understanding, the results have been satisfactory.
129. With some Balkan countries Greece maintains relations which are either very friendly or are likely to become so. We venture to hope that relations between Greece and the other Balkan countries will tend to become more normal and will eventually improve. Greece, for its part, will, in its relations with its Balkan neighbours, continue to be guided by that spirit of conciliation and goodwill which has always inspired its foreign policy.
130. Although understandably it is the political action of the United Nations in times of crisis that focuses world attention on our Organization, it should be remembered that a political crisis, like the sudden attack of disease, may sometimes result from a chronic ailment; in the present instance, poverty, and its concomitant scourges —unemployment, illiteracy and disease. In a world where distances are being steadily reduced and the political and economic interdependence of all countries and continents is no longer questioned, the most pressing and universal need is the abolition of poverty. In the Herculean co-ordinating effort required, the United Nations plays a unique role, a role which no country or group of countries and no other institution could play. Here, the United Nations, through its specialized agencies and its organs, makes a major contribution, of which the public at large is often unaware or not fully appreciative. A well-deserved tribute should be paid to this effort and the attention of world public opinion would be drawn to it. That is why my Government approves of the idea and supports the proposal that the twentieth anniversary of the United Nations should be celebrated under the sign of international co-operation. The prospect that this gigantic task will be brought to a successful conclusion has been enhanced in our day as a result of the liberation of the colonial peoples.
131. The major historic event of recent years is indubitably decolonization, which has changed the face of the world. This event is historical not only because of its importance, but also because it may be said to have been recorded in the annals of history. The right to self-determination, which was once only an ideal, has been universally accepted and largely applied. We need only look around us to see this. It is true that some vestiges of colonialism remain. We understand the impatience of the African countries to see every trace of domination still remaining on their continent disappear as rapidly as possible. We earnestly hope that the Administering Powers will not delay in setting in motion the machinery for this inevitable transition. In saying this, we are by no means overlooking the valuable contribution which European countries can make to the African countries. But we know that this contribution can be fruitful only if there is freely accepted co-operation. Experience has shown that only if such co-operation exists will the liberated countries instinctively turn to those whom they know and who know them best, and that the painful memories of a short period of conflict will be rapidly erased by the prospect of a long association.
132. The political and economic interdependence to which I have referred can only increase in this field. We therefore most warmly welcome the preparations which have been made for the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development to be held next spring. Scientific and technological advances raise productivity, both industrial and agricultural, at an ever growing rate, which justifies the hope that the entire world will enter an era of abundance. But such abundance is not without danger if adequate measures are not taken in time. The enrichment of certain countries may be accompanied by the impoverishment of others. The abundance of certain primary commodities may lead to a decline in prices and jeopardize the economic balance of producing countries and theft development programmes. Artificial barriers to trade may simultaneously cause an accumulation of surpluses in some countries and a shortage in others. These are problems of extreme gravity and complexity. There is no more suitable instrument than the United Nations to study them and seek solutions. However these problems must be tackled without propaganda, without political exploitation, and without bias or prejudice. A fallacious theory, which is unfortunately sometimes given credence, holds that the groupings of the industrially advanced countries must necessarily aim at the exploitation of the developing countries, at their own enrichment at the expense of the latter countries, and at the perpetuation of an economic hegemony. Nothing could be more untrue. The advanced countries can progress only together with the developing countries. The time is past when a trade balance could be established between the preponderantly industrialized countries and the primary producing countries. Active trade today requires all countries to attain a level of prosperity which cannot be achieved without a certain degree of industrialization. This is the philosophy of the European Economic Community which, through association with countries such as Greece and the eighteen African States in equitable conditions, has offered them economic assistance and means of speeding up their economic development.
133. The United Nations Conference for Trade and Development has a heavy programme ahead of it. It must pave the way for the improvement of existing economic organs. It must seek ways and means of overcoming the instability of primary commodity prices which are not worse than the ill they seek to cure. It must prepare the progressive removal of trade barriers without disrupting existing trade structures. The task is enormous, and the Conference can do no more than start it. If it steers clear of propaganda and polemics, it may usher in a new era in economic and political relations.
134. Before concluding, I would like to revert to the event which offers a ray of hope for the present session —the Moscow Treaty— and to the prospects it has opened up. In Greece, our scepticism, which is characteristic of a spirit of inquiry, accentuated by the vicissitudes of our history, has never affected our position in the forefront of new international developments, particularly in working for peace. Being absorbed with our reconstruction and development, we ask only to live in peace. But we need a just peace, a peace based on mutual respect, a peace that will guarantee what we value most: liberty, human dignity and freedom from fear and want.