Mr. President, on behalf of the delegation of Ghana I am happy, first of all, to offer you our warmest congratulations on your election as President of this eighteenth session of the General Assembly. It is no coincidence that the General Assembly has unanimously elected you as President of this session immediately following upon the courageous and public-spirited vote of Venezuela which you personally cast at the meeting of the Security Council which immediately preceded your election. The importance of this vote, cast by a leading South American State, far transcends the particular issue of Southern Rhodesia to which it was directed. It exemplifies a new spirit of approach by the nations of Latin America towards world problems. From your vast knowledge of world affairs and your distinguished service at the United Nations, especially in the Security Council, my delegation has no doubt that you will bring to the Presidency a wealth of experience and wisdom which gives us all the confidence that you will guide this session to a successful conclusion.
2. To the outgoing President, Sir Zafrulla Khan, who so ably conducted the proceedings of the last session, my delegation expresses its profound appreciation of the excellent work he did. The promptness, impartiality and energy with which he discharged his onerous responsibilities have created a record in the annals of our Organization.
3. It is a matter of great satisfaction and relief to the Ghana delegation that the present session of the Assembly opens in an atmosphere of relaxation and optimism. The recent successful conclusion of a partial nuclear test ban treaty has indeed opened up new vistas of hope for easing world tension. Several countries, including my own, have expressed their support for this significant, though limited, achievement by acceding to the treaty. Let us hope that other countries which have not done so will, in due course, find it possible to take a similar step, thus paving the way to a complete "détente" which will lead to the achievement of general and complete disarmament.
4. Indeed, what has come to be known as the Moscow Treaty is a significant and positive step in the right direction. In our view, the stage has been set for the conclusion of a comprehensive test ban treaty, totally banning all forms of nuclear testing in every environment, whether in the atmosphere, in outer space, under water or underground. The search for new areas of agreement should be relentlessly pursued to save mankind from the scourge of a possible nuclear annihilation.
5. In this context, any contemplation of further atmospheric testing at this time should be vehemently condemned by all as a betrayal of man's yearning for peace and survival. Ghana, as is well known, has always vigorously opposed nuclear testing everywhere, especially in the Sahara. We are amazed therefore that, despite the protests of the whole world and contrary to the resolutions of this Assembly, France, a permanent member of the Security Council, should still persist in its designs to continue nuclear tests in the Sahara. We appeal to France to hearken to the voice of mankind.
6. It is for this reason that the idea of nuclear-free zones as an initial step towards eliminating the danger of a nuclear world war appeals to us. To this end, the General Assembly, at its sixteenth session, adopted resolution 1652 (XVI), declaring Africa a denuclearized zone. This significant and far-reaching resolution of the General Assembly was fully supported and reinforced by the Heads of African States and Governments in Addis Ababa in May of this year, when, in operative paragraph 1 of the resolution on general disarmament, they decided to advocate the adoption of the following measures:
"To affirm and respect the principle of declaring Africa a Denuclearized Zone; to oppose all nuclear and thermo-nuclear tests, as well as the manufacture of nuclear weapons; and to promote the peaceful uses of nuclear energy."
7. It Is significant that recent events have increased interest in the possibilities of creating nuclear-free zones in other parts of the world, especially In Latin America, where an initiative in this direction has been taken by Brazil and a number of other Latin American countries. The Government and people of Ghana are ready to lend their support to any such constructive move anywhere in the world. We are also of the opinion that the Rapacki Plan for a nuclear-free zone in Central Europe, first proposed in the General Assembly on 2 October 1957 [697th meeting], could be revived and studied for possible Implementation. So long as the problem of disarmament remains unsolved, so long as there is a haunting sense of impending disaster, so long will there always be room for such sincere and honest efforts towards the goal of peace, concord and harmony in the world, which we all desire.
8. Speaking before this Assembly on the question of disarmament in September 1960, my President, Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah said:
"Fundamentally, the argument in favour of disarmament must be looked at in two ways. First, it is ridiculous to pile up arms which must destroy the contestants in a future war impartially and equally. Secondly, it is tragic that preoccupation with armaments prevents the big Powers from perceiving what are the real forces in the world today. If the world population continues to grow, and if inequality between the so-called developed and under-developed countries is allowed to remain, in conditions where it is no longer technically or scientifically justified, then however great the armaments piled up, an international explosion cannot, in my view, be averted...
"Armaments, therefore, not only threaten the future of mankind, but provide no answer to the major problems of our age.
"Possibly the cause of disarmament has suffered because it is looked upon in a negative way." [869th meeting, para. 60-62.]
9. We have always maintained that Africa and, indeed, the whole of mankind have a stake in peace. While, therefore, we are encouraged by the successful conclusion of a partial test ban treaty, we are distressed that so far no significant break-through has been effected in Geneva by the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament. In saying this, however, my delegation does not in any way wish to minimize the significance of the agreement between the United States and the Soviet Union to establish a "hot line" between the White House and the Kremlin. This is a welcome development, calculated to prevent war by accident or miscalculation. We admit that some good work has been done, but it is our view that the core of the problem has yet to be tackled.
10. The urgency of the problem is being further accentuated by the phenomenal advances in nuclear technology and the race in rocket nuclear armaments. Every effort should therefore be made to halt this armaments race. In this regard, my delegation submits that serious consideration should be given to the abolition of military bases on foreign territories which are decidedly a danger to peace. We also support proposals for the elimination of nuclear weapons and nuclear delivery vehicles, as well as significant reductions of military forces and conventional armaments. We are also opposed to the dissemination of nuclear weapons. Surely it is in the interest of mankind that the nuclear Powers should refrain from giving these weapons of mass destruction to other States which do not possess them.
11. In reaffirming Ghana's support of these proposals, I must say at once that we are fully aware of the difficulties posed by such problems as strict international controls and inspection. But it is only by the successful application of such measures that effective disarmament can be achieved. My delegation, therefore, hopes that the perfection of scientific devices for detection will help to remove the obstacles impeding the progress of disarmament negotiations.
12. I have dwelt at some length on the question of disarmament because it is a matter of great concern to all States, especially the developing States whose main preoccupation at the initial stage of their independence is the elimination of hunger, poverty and disease. It is our conviction that any disarmament or test ban agreement can only be effective if it embraces all States, both Members and non-members of the Organization. The exclusion of the People's Republic of China from any such agreement is, therefore, unrealistic and futile, as is now becoming apparent.
13. It Is obvious that the proper representation of China in this Organization will immensely enhance our efforts to create a congenial atmosphere for harmonious world relations. What is more, this will be a significant step towards the Organization's declared objective of universality. If the partial test ban treaty is to have any meaning, and if indeed general and complete disarmament is to be effectively realized, then we cannot continue to ostracize indefinitely the world's most populous nation. It is imperative, therefore, that the People's Republic of China should take its rightful place in this Organization.
14. We must repeat here that the policy of the universality of this Organization will ever remain a pious hope so long as large areas of Africa and other parts of the world still linger under colonial domination and oppression. The independent States of Africa are determined to remove the stigma of colonialism from their continent. By their concerted efforts they have made a significant breach in the ramparts of colonialism and we hope that very soon this iniquitous and decadent system will disappear from Africa. Indeed, the raging hurricane of anti-colonialism is bound to dislodge all obstacles in the way of total freedom and independence for the dependent territories of Africa.
15. We are encouraged in this optimism by the march of history, as we cast our minds back to 1945 when the Charter of the United Nations was signed. Then Africa was the forgotten continent. There were at that time only three African States. But in 19 58 the number rose to nine and today there are thirty-two African States. My delegation is happy at the prospect of the independence of Kenya and Zanzibar later this year. Ghana rejoices that the long struggle against outmoded colonialism and inhuman racial injustice in Kenya and Zanzibar is coming to an end. We, therefore, warmly applaud the successful conclusion of the recent elections which have led to an elected African Government assuming full reins of authority in Kenya and Zanzibar.
16. The efforts of the Government and people of Kenya to accede to independence in an atmosphere of interracial harmony is a happy augury, and all people of goodwill everywhere would wish them every success. This is the kind of racial co-operation we want to see developed in territories like Southern Rhodesia and South Africa. Ghana fervently looks forward to the admission of Kenya as the 112th Member of this world Organization, and also of Zanzibar, before the end of this session.
17. But while counting our gains, we are saddened by the fact that this proud record of decolonization in Africa is being marred by the stubborn and shameful struggles of minority white-settler governments and racist and colonial Powers which have entrenched themselves in Angola, Mozambique, Portuguese Guinea, Basutoland, Swaziland, Bechuanaland, Southern Rhodesia, South West Africa and South Africa. African States can never accept, nor will they ever accept, the principle that Africa shall be half slave and half free.
18. It must be admitted that the problem of decolonization will continue to be one of the major preoccupations of the United Nations until colonialism has been completely wiped off the face of the earth. The voice of Africa has never been silent in the denunciation of the evils of colonialism and its offspring, neo-colonialism, and we shall never remain silent until the achievement of the total liberation and political unification of our continent.
19. By unanimously adopting the resolution on decolonization at the Addis Ababa Summit Conference in May of this year, our Heads of African States and Governments once again gave expression to their deep concern about the inhuman and diabolical colonial system in Africa, particularly the intolerable situation prevailing in the territories under Portuguese domination, in Southern Rhodesia and in South Africa.
20. The recent momentous discussion in the Security Council concerning the African territories under Portuguese domination is still fresh in our minds. The situation in these Portuguese territories, as determined by the Security Council in its resolution of 31 July 1963, is "seriously disturbing peace and security in Africa". And although Portugal has been called upon to recognize the right of the inhabitants to self-determination and independence its response has been negative.
21. The African States are calling upon Portugal to read the signs of the times and to adjust its colonial policies to accord with modern trends. We demand that Portugal should proclaim the principle of self-determination for its colonies and take immediate steps to grant independence to the territories under its domination. The heroic Angolans and other African nationalists who have justly taken up arms in defence of their inalienable rights have no illusions that their claims to self-determination and independence will succeed over the counterclaims by Portugal and its NATO allies. It is up to Portugal to abandon its fruitless intransigence or face the fury of a renascent and united Africa. Today, the people of Angola and Portuguese Guinea are up in arms. What is this Organization doing about it?
22. Ghana proposes here and now that Portugal should enter into immediate negotiations with the Angolan government-in-exile and the other nationalist leaders of Mozambique and Portuguese Guinea for the granting of self-determination and independence. A great moral responsibility devolves upon the NATO allies of Portugal, without whose support and assistance Portugal could not have dared to flout the wishes of a United Africa.
23. Ghana, in concert with other African States, has exposed the grave situation which the dissolution of the Central African Federation will create in the British-ruled territory of Southern Rhodesia. The Government of Southern Rhodesia, as presently constituted, is a fraud; it is undemocratic and oppressive. If, as is contemplated by the United Kingdom Government,
the large section of the powerful Federal Army and the powerful Air Force are put under the control of the minority white-settler government with such a notorious record of racial oppression, then those forces will certainly be used to perpetuate the suppression of the three million Africans by the few white settlers in Southern Rhodesia.
24. It is unnecessary for me to go over the various aspects of this grave problem which have been so exhaustively discussed recently by the Security Council. Although the United Kingdom succeeded in nullifying Security Council action by a veto, Africa has nevertheless won a great moral victory and we shall continue to fight relentlessly until this anomalous situation has been corrected. It is the hope of my delegation that the result of the forthcoming consideration of this question by this Assembly will meet the aspirations of the people of Southern Rhodesia. We are convinced of the justice of our African cause and we believe that reason will prevail.
25. We hail the prospects of independence for Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland under democratically elected governments. But we are categorically opposed to any transfer of sovereignty or attributes of sovereignty to the Government of Southern Rhodesia as presently constituted.
26. The consequences of any disregard of African wishes will only spell disaster and chaos. The United Kingdom Government has a great moral responsibility to the people of Southern Rhodesia, to Africa, to this Organization and, indeed to the world at large, and it will therefore be well advised to heed the warnings of the Heads of African States, reflected in the statement made to the Ghana National Assembly on 21 June 1963 by Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, when he said:
"Any Government that is formed in Southern Rhodesia without the consent of the majority of its people will be unacceptable. Not only would we refuse to acknowledge any such government; we shall also oppose its entry into the Commonwealth and into the United Nations. Our recognition will only go to a government which in our view is fully representative of the people of Zambia —that is, a government based upon universal adult suffrage, employing the principle of 'one man, one vote'."
27. I should now like to turn to the question of South West Africa. It is a matter of disappointment and regret to my delegation that South Africa still persists in its refusal to accept a United Nations resident representative in South West Africa. By its persistent refusal, South Africa is preventing the establishment of a United Nations presence in the territory, as called for in General Assembly resolution 1805 (XVII) of 14 December 1962.
28. It is the view of the Ghana delegation that a United Nations representative stationed in South West Africa will ensure the implementation of General Assembly resolutions, particularly resolution 1702 (XVI), which demands, among other things, the evacuation of South African troops from the territory, the release of all political prisoners and the repeal of laws which establish and maintain the intolerable system of apartheid. The present session should, therefore, continue its efforts to secure the establishment of a United Nations presence in South West Africa.
29. The racial policies of the Government of South Africa constitute some of the most formidable problems in Africa, and the shameful plight of millions of Africans' cries for speedy redress. The long list of Security Council and General Assembly resolutions has failed to produce any change of heart among the leaders of the present South African ruling party. The arrogance and truculence of Dr. Verwoerd and his colleagues can no longer be tolerated. As Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah has said, Dr. Verwoerd must realize that the present South African Government is a foreign government resident on African soil. How long can such a government remain a Member of this Assembly? And as the Romans would put it, "Quousque tandem abutere patientia nostra?” How long, oh how long, can we hear with these things? This Organization at this session must take appropriate steps against South Africa to bring it to book.
30. There is no excuse for those countries which, because of their financial interests or military commitments, take shelter behind plausible excuses and refrain from taking positive steps to eradicate the very evil they themselves vehemently condemn. The Heads of African States and Governments at their conference in Addis Ababa irrevocably committed themselves to the application of certain measures which will compel the South African Government to abandon its Inhuman policy of apartheid. In this regard, the co-operation of all countries, especially the great Powers, will certainly hasten the day when the Government of South Africa will be made to bow to world public opinion.
31. I must say here that my delegation was heartened by the tenor of the statement made at this Assembly on 20 September 1963 by President Kennedy. In particular, we appreciate his efforts to eradicate racial discrimination and racial inequality and segregation in the United States of America. The long and sorrowful plight of peoples of African descent in America is a matter of deep concern to us all. America cannot long continue to have this blot and at the same time continue to enjoy the confidence of the African peoples.
32. President Kennedy, in referring to Africa, said: "We do not advocate the rights of black Africans in order to drive out white Africans." [1209th meeting, para. 66.] Neither do we in Africa advocate this. Our struggle in Africa is not against race or creed. We only seek the elementary democratic right of "one man, one vote". As long as constitutional changes are made to allow majority rule in that continent, there can be no racial conflict. We have not advocated that the white man should be driven out of Africa. In fact, the concept of black and white Africans is alien to us.
33. Having said this, my delegation would like to place on record its appreciation of the decision by the United Kingdom Government refusing to hand over the so-called High Commission territories to South Africa. How can South Africa presume to administer these African territories when they have demonstrated in every way a callous disregard of human dignity, freedom and justice?
34. The recent sinister overtures of the South African Government regarding the future status of Basutoland, Bechuanaland and Swaziland have brought into sharp focus the deplorable political and economic anomalies existing in these territories. Despite the provisions of General Assembly resolution 1817 (XVII), the United Kingdom Government has not taken effective steps toward the creation of democratic institutions following the convening of a constitutional conference with the full participation of all the duly elected political leaders to pave the way for the attainment of complete independence. Instead of implementing this resolution, the United Kingdom imposed a constitution on Swaziland against the will of the majority, and this resulted in a general strike which was repressed by the use of military force. Furthermore, the composition of the constitutional conferences for Bechuanaland and Basutoland has proved wholly unsatisfactory, since there has been a preponderance of officials and traditional rulers. There is a notable tendency on the part of the Administering Authority to pit the people of these territories against their traditional rulers. It is my delegation's hope that the United Kingdom Government will realize the dangers inherent in this old practice of divide and rule.
35. My delegation fully endorses the recommendation of the Special Committee of Twenty-Four that United Nations observer teams be sent to the three territories in order to prevent any encroachment by South Africa and to guarantee their territorial integrity. There has recently been some disquieting news about restrictions on air services to these territories and the movements of labour. These restrictive measures are undoubtedly designed to increase the difficulties of the territories and to hasten their absorption by South Africa. The Ghana delegation will therefore urge the General Assembly to adopt measures which will encourage the educational, social and economic advancement of these territories and their early attainment of independence.
36. No discussion of the problems of Africa would be complete without reference to the Congo. Three years ago the Organization was called upon to face the greatest challenge in its short history. The operations in the Congo reached such heights of complexity and magnitude that the Organization was driven to the verge of bankruptcy. Today, thanks to the sacrifices of Member States and the efforts of the Secretary-General, the operations have been virtually brought to a successful conclusion. At this juncture, I should like to pay warm tribute to the Secretary-General, U Thant, and his United Nations staff who helped to restore peace to that troubled country. We must not forget the gallant soldiers who placed their lives at the service of this Organization. My own country, Ghana, was one of the first to respond to the call of the United Nations and the appeals by the first Congolese Government led by our late compatriot and martyr in the struggle against world imperialism, Patrice Lumumba, of blessed memory. Since 1960, our troops have continued to render loyal service to the Congo. It must not be forgotten that Ghana suffered the heaviest casualties in human life in the cause of peace in this troubled country.
37. The secession of Katanga has been averted, the Congo has been unified and its territorial integrity guaranteed. But the seeds of trouble still remain. The problem of maintaining law and order has yet to be effectively solved, as the training of the Congolese National Army has not yet been completed. Imperialist and neo-colonialist intrigues have not yet been completely eliminated. Some members of the notorious Katanga "gendarmerie" and mercenaries are still a potential threat to law and order.
38. Had this Organization listened to the voice of Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah at the very beginning and the numerous warnings made by him, the present difficult situation would have been averted.
39. If the United Nations forces are withdrawn at the end of this year for financial reasons, steps must quickly be taken to fill the vacuum. It is for this reason that the President of Ghana has proposed that a small force contributed by African States should take over from the United Nations force the duty of maintaining law and order in the Congo until such time as the Congolese Government decides that its Army will be in a position to take over that responsibility. This African contribution will be a kind of real technical assistance to our sister African country, Ghana is prepared to leave its troops in the Congo in concert with other African States if the United Nations withdraws. My delegation commends this proposal to the serious consideration of all African States for that is the only way to free the Congo from neo-colonialist encumbrances and to enable it to develop its resources in stability and tranquillity.
40. While focusing attention on the problems of Africa, we are not oblivious of the existence of tension in some areas of the world. Close to us in Africa is the Middle East where Israeli-Arab relations have hung precariously on an uneasy truce which has never been scrupulously observed. There have been sporadic outbursts of fighting in this area over the last fifteen years and this potentially dangerous situation calls for urgent and permanent solution.
41. Ghana's views on the Arab-Israeli conflict are already very well known and I need not repeat them here, but they need urgent consideration. I should, however, like to express my Government's deep concern over the piling up of lethal weapons in the area concerned.
42. As recently as 21 June 1963, when addressing the National Assembly, my President, Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah drew attention to this when he said:
"The nuclear arms race in the Middle East is now an open secret. Instability in this area not only heightens world tension but jeopardizes the security of the African continent. In the interests of world peace a way must be found quickly to end the dangerous arms race between Israel and Egypt, which could easily lead to disaster for Africa, the Middle East and the world. This arms race has already involved some of the major world Powers who are aiding and abetting both sides in the struggle."
43. Ghana hopes that the problems of the Middle East will be approached with objectivity and a sense of realism. The United Nations should continue in its efforts to seek a solution to the intractable problems which bedevil relations in the Middle East. To these efforts all States must lend their co-operation.
44. It is generally agreed that since the big Powers confrontation which almost brought the world to the brink of a thermo-nuclear war in October 1962, the situation in the Caribbean has fortunately shown signs of easing, although the threat to Cuba's sovereignty continues to raise tension. Every effort should be made to bring the two parties together for talks to resolve their differences. At least they must agree to coexist. Ghana, as a friend to both countries, would like to see a reconciliation effected and normal relations restored,
45. Ghana's position in world affairs as a non-aligned nation has enabled it to play a constructive role in the Security Council and in the United Nations generally on all matters affecting peace and security. We shall continue to exert our influence to assist in the resolution of all problems which bedevil world peace. As in the case of the crisis over Cuba in October 1962, so in the case of the Sino-Indian conflict, Ghana, in concert with other non-aligned countries, contributed towards the easing of world tension.
46. In Asia, one is confronted with the unfortunate clash between China and India which has created an unhappy tension along the frontiers of Asia's two most populous States. A group of non-aligned countries, including Ghana and spearheaded by Ceylon, has endeavoured to reconcile the two parties. Although reconciliation has not yet been achieved, my delegation is hopeful that a way will be found for a peaceful settlement.
47. Parts of South-East Asia are also in great ferment, such as Laos where the situation is precarious. It is the view of my delegation that a strict adherence to the Thirteen-Nation Geneva Agreement of Laotian neutrality, signed on 23 July 1962, will ensure peace and stability to that unhappy country. Every co-operation and assistance should be given to the members of the International Commission for supervision and control in Laos in the discharge of their onerous and difficult assignment. We appeal to the political leaders of Laos to place the interests of their country above any ideological differences. And to the co-chairman of the Geneva Conference, the Foreign Ministers of the United Kingdom and the Soviet Union, I address a special appeal to use their good offices in ensuring that the terms of the agreements are duly observed.
48. The grave religious troubles in South Viet-Nam and the attendant difficulties have aroused concern in all parts of the world. Ghana deeply deplores the loss of lives which has resulted from this conflict and urges an early settlement of the dispute between the parties concerned.
49. The settlement of the Berlin and German problems remains one of the most urgent tasks of the great Powers. Today, eighteen years after the Second World War, a German peace treaty has not yet been signed; Germany remains a divided country and Berlin split into East and West. There is no doubt that a peaceful settlement of this thorny problem will make a significant contribution to the lessening of the cold war. We must continue to cling to the hope that the possibilities for negotiations leading to the easing of world tension which the partial test-ban treaty has opened up will be utilized for the solution of this problem, too.
50. Sometimes it seems that we in the developing countries are unduly preoccupied with the problems of world peace. But this is bound to be so, because we are convinced that the objectives of this Organization, as set out in Article 55 of the Charter, can only be attained in an atmosphere of peace and tranquillity. The prevalence of poverty, ignorance, and disease among two thirds of the world's population poses a challenge to this Organization. The achievement of a real and lasting peace will continue to elude us so long as the gap between the developed and the developing countries progressively widens. All of us, therefore, must redouble our efforts to narrow this gap. The developing countries are conscious and appreciative of the tremendous assistance which the developed countries are giving either through bilateral or multilateral agreements. But there is still room for increasing this aid. We believe that in this partnership of technical and economic co-operation lies the road to prosperity for us all.
51. The proposal to establish a United Nations capital development fund is still at the blueprint stage. My delegation is fully aware of the difficulties involved in translating this idea into reality, but we fervently believe that establishment of such a fund will be a follow-up to the Special Fund which is at present doing such valuable work in promoting pre-investment projects in the developing countries. A capital development fund will eliminate the wasteful duplication of development funds and the outcome will be increased prosperity and a higher standard of living in the developing countries.
52. Another setback to world-wide economic cooperation is the creation of restrictive and discriminatory economic groupings, We are looking forward, therefore, to the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, due to convene in the spring of next year, and trust that with the united efforts of all concerned, acceptable solutions will be found to urgent problems which have tended to stifle the expansion of international trade and economic co-operation.
53. No one can deny that the trend of trade has been moving against the developing nations, especially during the present decade. This is because while the price for manufactured products has been steadily rising, that for primary products has been steadily declining. This is a situation which merits the serious attention of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development. If we receive the proper price for our primary products, there will even be no need for technical assistance. As the Osagyefo has said time and time again, "We need trade, not aid". We, therefore, demand the proper price for our goods.
54. We cannot discuss the economic problems of developing Africa without an acknowledgement of the valuable part being played by the Economic Commission for Africa, the youngest of the regional economic commissions. It has always given ample evidence of drive and energy in tackling our basic economic problems, It has a great future, for many tasks lie ahead of It and the competence with which it handles them will be the measure of its further success. But we are convinced that it is only when there is a central political direction and co-ordination under a Union Government that the Economic Commission for Africa can be fully meaningful and effective in our continent. This conviction is exemplified in the Charter of the Organization of African Unity adopted at Addis Ababa, which has laid firm foundations upon which the superstructure of a Union Government will be built for a United Africa.
55. For Ghana, the realization of a United States of Africa is an article of faith. Our common political problems, our common economic problems, obi-common boundary problems, our common defence problems, and our common fight to feed and raise the standard of living of millions of our peoples —all these underlie the imperative need for a common, concerted continental approach for the solution of these problems.
56. The United Nations has justified its existence and even the sceptics concede that it has a valuable role to play in world development and international relations. In spite of Its shortcomings and weaknesses, the United Nations continues to exert a salutary influence in areas hitherto undreamt of. It has demonstrated a dynamism to which its phenomenal growth in membership is a living testimony.
57. The contribution of Africa to the rapid increase in the membership is significant; but this has also created the problem of its adequate representation on the principal organs of this Organization. It is an urgent problem requiring prompt solution. Otherwise, injustice will be done to a large segment of its membership. Unfortunately, a review of the Charter which will permit an increase in the membership of the Security Council and the Economic and Social Council now appears to be a remote possibility.
58. Proposals have been made for revising the so-called "Gentleman's Agreement" made in London in 1946. So far as the African countries are concerned, we have made our position clear on this "Gentleman's Agreement". That, too, must be revised. This session cannot properly discharge its duty to Africa without redressing the outmoded representation on the main organs of this Organization.
59. Before concluding, I should like to express my delegation's disappointment that the fourth special session of the General Assembly did not succeed in providing a solution for meeting the cost of the peacekeeping operations of the Organization.
60. While we are quarrelling about principles, the inescapable fact is that the Organization's financial position remains a matter of deep concern. The arrears are steadily mounting up. My delegation believes that every means, including high-level talks between the great Powers, should be employed to solve tills problem. All agree that the problem is not purely financial, but has very strong political overtones. That is why the opportunity should be seized to make another attempt to discuss this question at the highest inter-governmental level. The future of our Organization is at stake, and It is incumbent upon us all to work hard to put it on an even keel. No sacrifice is too great to preserve the United Nations, which is the only hope for man's survival in this thermo-nuclear age.
61. The Conference of Heads of African States, realizing the seriousness of the financial crisis facing the United Nations, reiterated its desire to strengthen and support the Organization. Moreover, the Conference reaffirmed "its dedication to the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter and its acceptance of all obligations contained in the Charter, including financial obligations". This Is a testimony of Africa's faith in this Organization.
62. The Member States of Africa have come to this session fortified by the momentous decisions taken at the Addis Ababa Summit Conference, where a significant chapter in the chequered history of Africa was written. Our future course of action is clear. We, in Ghana, shall ever cherish and strengthen our hard-won continental unity and nothing shall deflect us from our goal of a Union Government for Africa.
63. While pledging ourselves to work assiduously towards the solution of world problems in general, we must also ensure that Africa no longer remains the down-trodden continent. To the colonialists, therefore, we say: "Hands off Africa. Africa must be free now." To the settler regimes we say: "Your days are numbered; therefore come to terms now with the people and live in peace in Africa or you will be overtaken by events." To the neo-colonialists we say: "We know your tricks, for Africa is now awake. You cannot fool us all the time."
64. And finally, a word to the great Powers: "We appeal to you solemnly to come together in the interest of mankind. A divided world is an unhappy world. Let us all, therefore, come together, big and small, in the true spirit of this Organization and work for the peace, progress and prosperity of all mankind; in that lies man's survival and happiness."
65. In conclusion, Mr. President, may I express the hope that under your able guidance this eighteenth session will go down in history as having made significant progress in the solution of the three major problems of our time, namely, decolonization, disarmament, and economic development.
66. May success attend our deliberations.