NOR

Mr. President, first of all, allow me to congratulate you on your unanimous election to your high office and to express satisfaction that we can all now enjoy the privilege of your wise guidance of our deliberations. 61. I have listened with keen interest to the speakers who have preceded me on this rostrum. In my turn I venture to offer a few observations on the present world situation, as it presents itself to a small nation on the northern fringes of Europe. 62. Less than a year ago the world was on the brink of catastrophe. Today we meet in an atmosphere perhaps more relaxed and more hopeful than at any time during the preceding seventeen Assemblies. We are filled —and I sincerely believe justifiably so— with a strong feeling that the danger of all-out war is greatly reduced. The world and its leaders realize that general war under existing conditions cannot possibly be used as an instrument for furthering political ambitions or national interests or for solving international problems. 63. Faced with the destructive potentialities of modern warfare, responsible leaders have been forced to the conclusion that there is no alternative to peace. Here lies the great and decisive change in the international situation. We all hope that we have entered a period where negotiation, conciliation and ultimately co-operation will little by little replace the mutual recrimination and propaganda blasts characteristic of the cold-war period. 64. The Treaty banning nuclear weapon tests in the atmosphere, in outer space and under water has been greeted with great satisfaction in Norway. It has allayed fears of an ever-increasing poisoning of our environment and, what may in the long run prove to be even more important, it has created a more favourable political atmosphere. Indeed, the positive psychological effects of the Treaty should not be underestimated. We are therefore glad to know that more than 100 nations have already signed it, and we hope that those nations which have not yet made up their minds will soon follow suit. 65. We realize, however, that the limited test ban treaty in itself has not solved any of the fundamental political problems with which the world is faced today. It is a first step in the right direction. It must be followed by other concrete agreements, for example, to reduce the risk of war by accident or miscalculation and to reduce the risk of surprise attacks. I take it as a good omen that we can already express satisfaction that agreement has been reached in principle not to place nuclear weapons in orbit in space. 66. Now it is the task for all of us to conduct our debates during this eighteenth session of the General Assembly in such a way that they help to create a climate conducive to further fruitful negotiations on outstanding international issues and, in particular, on general and complete disarmament. 67. It may well be that in years to come, this year of 1963 and this session of the General Assembly will be considered a break-through for constructive great Power negotiations. For us Europeans, a major test of the sincerity of the great Powers and of the durability of the improvement in the international situation lies right in the heart of our continent. The ability of the Powers responsible to solve the German problem or at least to create conditions where a solution in keeping with the principle of the right of self-determination will ultimately become possible, will be a proof of their genuine desire to reach a relaxation of international tension. And, while efforts towards a final solution continue, the freedom and the peace of the people of West Berlin must be preserved. 68. Until a reasonable and just peace settlement is arrived at in Central Europe the European continent will not come to rest. May the same sense of reality and responsibility that turned the Cuban crisis of 1962 into the hopeful situation of 1963 and brought agreement to stop nuclear tests in the atmosphere and under the sea also be applied to the inherently dangerous situation in Central Europe! 69. I now turn to an attempt at assessing the situation in which we, as an Organization, find ourselves. Most of our new Members turn to the United Nations when they need help to uphold their national integrity and they also seek assistance to develop their economies through the agencies of the United Nations family. My Government welcomes this gradual expansion of the functions and tasks of the United Nations. It has been, and remains, our policy to make our contribution to the strengthening of the United Nations as an instrument of peace and prosperity. 70. At the same time we should not overlook the inherent limitations in the capabilities and possibilities of our Organization. There are situations which do not naturally lend themselves to the kind of assistance that the United Nations can offer. I have in mind problems and situations which directly involve the vital interests and special responsibilities of the great Powers, and where the discreet mechanism of traditional diplomacy may offer better prospects of success. 71. There are other international problems where the positions of the parties concerned may have hardened to such an extent that further endeavours through the United Nations or otherwise offer little hope of success. I have already expressed the deep relief of the Norwegian Government and people resulting from the easing of international tension. I add to that an earnest appeal from my Government to the great Powers to reexamine their positions in the unsolved international problems still outstanding, in the hope that they may find that their hardened positions are no longer of the same importance to them. 72. Likewise I wonder whether smaller nations, which may be parties to local conflicts of long standing, may not upon re-examination of their original positions find that they do not have the same validity or are no more of the same importance as they were when the conflict arose? There are also a number of such conflicts or situations —"hardy perennials" to use the apt phrase of the Prime Minister of Canada, Mr. Lester Pearson— pending before the United Nations. In these cases the Organization should assist the parties in taking a fresh look. 73. During the past year we have had further proof of the remarkable capacity of our Organization to take on tasks of a peace-keeping nature in limited international conflicts, and to carry them out in a practical and effective way. 74. The Secretary-General has acted promptly and competently in the spirit and the letter of the Charter. I would like to pay my most sincere tribute to his successful and self-sacrificing contribution in the service of the United Nations. His practical and dynamic approach to different problems deserves unqualified support from the Member nations. 75. I say this in particular against the background of the success of the United Nations in the Congo during 1963. It is our understanding, on the basis of the Secretary-General's latest report to us and the request from the Government of the Congo, that the military phase of the United Nations operation in the Congo may be brought to a successful conclusion by mid-1964 at the latest. 76. Notwithstanding the fact that this peace-keeping action has placed great economic strain on the United Nations, it is our view that the Organization should not turn down the request by the Government of the Congo for a continued United Nations military presence. The Norwegian Government is prepared to recommend to the Norwegian Parliament that Norway accept her reasonable share of the expenditures for the extension of the United Nations presence in the Congo during the first six months of 1964 on the basis of the system of financing now proposed by fifteen African nations in the Fifth Committee [see A/C.5/L.793 and Corr.1 and Add.1 and 2]. 77. In Norway, as well as in Denmark and Sweden, the national military establishments have, for some time, been engaged in making the necessary preparations for a Nordic stand-by force which the United Nations could make use of in future peace-keeping operations. The force will be so composed, with medical and engineering units, that it could also be of value when international assistance is required in catastrophes such as earthquakes, floods or the like, It is a matter of great satisfaction to my Government that other countries such as Finland, Canada and the Netherlands, are now also setting up stand-by forces. 78. I should like to emphasize that the creation of stand-by forces naturally does not, and cannot, obligate the United Nations to make use of these forces wholly or in part in future peace-keeping operations. Nor does it mean that the United Nations can automatically make use of them. As has been the case ever since the establishment of the United Nations Emergency Force in the Middle East, it will be a matter of request from the United Nations in each case to the Governments concerned. 79. The value of stand-by forces lies in the fact that the Secretary-General and his military advisers know in advance, and can take into account in their planning, forces that are available. The nations setting up standby forces can prepare the units with regard to training, language courses, clothing, equipment, medical service, and so on. In short, in our view, the formation of stand-by forces means that use is made of the practical experience drawn from a number of peace-keeping operations, and suitable steps are taken to avoid the hazards and shortcomings of improvisation in future peace-keeping operations. 80. In this connexion I also wish to associate myself with the statement of the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Sweden [1222nd meeting], recommending that the planning capacity within the Secretariat with regard to peace-keeping operations be increased by making the necessary staff assistance available to the military adviser of the Secretary-General, 81. As a necessary corollary to better military planning for future peace-keeping operations, I should like to point to measures to improve and strengthen the financial position of the Organization. Naturally, unless Member States pay the amounts they are assessed in accordance with the Charter, decisions regarding peace-keeping operations cannot be carried out. It gives grounds for serious concern that some Member States do not fulfil the financial obligations which the Charter places upon them, 82. I should like to express our gratitude for the very important contributions rendered by the African and Asian Member States in finding solutions to the financial problems of the United Nations. We have noted with respect how the new nations, notwithstanding their limited resources and serious payment difficulties, have paid fully the amounts which have been assessed against them. A considerable number have also used their scarce financial resources to purchase United Nations bonds to alleviate the acute financial crisis of last year. 83. We sincerely hope that the small number of Member States that are in arrears because they object on political or legal grounds to one or more of the duly authorized activities of the United Nations, will make their payments. It would be most regrettable if the United Nations, at a time of general improvement in international relations, should be pressed into a serious constitutional crisis on the basis of Article 19 of the Charter, for reasons of non-payment of amounts which are certainly insignificant in relation to those Member nations' capacity to pay. I venture to strike a note of optimism in this regard, since a number of the States that are in arrears have lately indicated a more positive and co-operative attitude in general towards the work of the United Nations, 84. Norway's general position on colonialism and racial discrimination is well known. During the past few months we have stated our views in the Security Council on the problem of Southern Rhodesia and have been party to the decisions made with regard to the Portuguese territories in Africa and the policies of apartheid pursued by the Government of South Africa. 85. We deplore that there still are countries which have not realized the positive character of the process of decolonization. We believe that the United Nations should assist in completing the process of liberating the dependent peoples in Africa, and particularly in doing away with the inhuman policy of apartheid. It is to be hoped that the Government of South Africa in its own interest will not ignore the serious warning which the Security Council issued in regard to apartheid on 7 August of this year. We urge that Government to change its policies in a direction which gives the whole population of South Africa, regardless of race and creed, equal opportunities to live together in a free, democratic society. If, however, the Government of South Africa continues to pursue its abhorrent policy of apartheid with its concomitant measures of suppression, we fear that it can end only in international catastrophe. We therefore believe that the main task of the United Nations must be, by taking suitable steps which can obtain general support, to continue its endeavours to influence the Government of South Africa to change its course. 86. In addition, I would stress that we think it incumbent of Member States individually, in their relations with the Republic of South Africa, so to act as to further United Nations principles of human rights and freedoms. 87. As was mentioned by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Sweden in his intervention on 1 October 1963, the Foreign Ministers of Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Sweden and Norway were recently invited by the Government of South Africa to visit that country and to acquaint themselves with South African conditions. All five countries declined the invitation. To our regret, we felt that a visit at the present time would not serve the purpose of furthering progress towards a solution in accordance with the purposes and principles of the United Nations. 88. What is required of the Government of South Africa now is not invitations to study prevailing conditions —which are well known— but a change in policy away from apartheid, away from the forced establishment of "bantustans", away from eventual partition, and rapid moves in the direction of respect for human rights and fundamental human freedoms. If there were indications of such a change, invitations would be welcomed and accepted, and I feel sure that any reasonable request for assistance in the transitional period, either from the United Nations or from individual Member States, would be viewed with sympathy. 89. When the matter of apartheid again is taken up by the Security Council, the basic instruction guiding the Norwegian delegation will be to contribute to whatever further decisions by the Council may then appear to be proper and to have a reasonable chance of being adopted by the Council. We believe that any use of the Council for purposes of propaganda or demonstrations should be avoided. We could hardly conceive of any greater setback in the long struggle of the United Nations against apartheid than failure on the part of the Security Council to act. 90. I have already referred to the dramatic process of decolonization and I venture to hope that in the near future we shall see the fulfilment of this historic evolution. The process is not completed, however, on the accession of the former colonial peoples to political independence and freedom. The gap in the standards of living and human welfare between the rich and the poor countries is today the most appalling fact confronting us on the world scene. The shocking truth is that this gap is constantly growing. To narrow the gap and assure a more equitable distribution of world resources and income is no doubt the greatest challenge of this decade. 91. The United Nations has come to play a vitally important role in what has come to be known as the North-South problem of our times. Those of us who have reached an advanced stage of development in our economies should now in turn increase the resources of the United Nations in the battle against poverty and want. 92. In the light of the breathtaking scientific developments in our century, the pessimistic Malthusian estimates of world resources have given way to more optimistic appraisals. In this respect, the United Nations Conference on the Application of Science and Technology for the Benefit of the Less Developed Areas has focused our attention on theinspiringpossibiliti.es for the acceleration of economic progress through exploitation of scientific and technological potentialities. Today I think we can affirm that world resources are so great that, if fully and rationally exploited, they should be amply sufficient to meet the needs of the rapidly growing world population. But for such a rational exploitation and equitable use of world resources, exact knowledge of the character and magnitude of these resources is a prerequisite. 93. It seems to me, therefore, that in approaching this problem, perhaps the first need would be to call for a major international effort for the systematic study of world resources. The success of the International Geophysical Year some years ago proved that major break-throughs can be accomplished when nations large and small pool their scientific resources. Why not organize through the agencies of the United Nations a world-wide study of world resources and requirements? 94. Economic growth and higher standards of living also require the development of human resources through education, Education is a field which deserves higher priority in international aid programmes. The report of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization on "World Campaign for Universal Literacy" highlights the unsolved tasks in elementary education. 95. Even more critical for the newly independent nations of Africa and Asia is perhaps the lack of trained personnel for use as government administrators, technicians, professional men, industrial leaders and skilled workers —in short, people who can make effective use of physical resources. 96. The task of wiping out illiteracy is an immense one but it is not enough. Secondary and higher education and vocational training are equally important. We are here faced with a new challenge which calls for greatly increased efforts and resources. 97. Another essential and highly urgent aspect of economic development is the complex of problems connected with trade between industrialized and developing countries. With the decision to hold a United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, our Organization has assumed new responsibilities. We welcome this development as there is need for constant search for new ways in which to correct the anomalies which are manifest in the present system of international trade to the detriment of the economic interests of the developing countries. We share the hope that the forthcoming Conference will bring about fuller international co-operation and pave the way for greater progress towards the attainment of collective economic security. It is in the enlightened self-interest of the industrialized countries to co-operate in a positive and constructive manner to achieve that goal. 98. For more than a decade the major Powers have felt a need to concentrate a major part of their material and human resources on upholding their interests which were at stake in the East-West conflict. The improvement in the general international climate, and even more so, the explicit desire of both East and West to continue dialogues and negotiations, offers hope of savings of resources, both human and material. It is our view that a major part of such savings should be concentrated in an attack on the North-South problem.