Mr. Chairman, I should like, if I may, to associate myself with the many speakers who preceded me in expressing to you, on behalf of my Government and the Malagasy delegation, the profound satisfaction we felt on the announcement of your unanimous election to the Presidency of the eighteenth session of the General Assembly. I am sure you will place at the disposal of the United Nations the eminent qualities which you have displayed in the course of a brilliant career in the service of your great country. Your experience of international affairs and your high competence will contribute greatly to the maintenance of that calm atmosphere which we all desire to permeate our debates in this chamber.
66. My delegation would like to pay a tribute to Sir Muhammad Zafarullah Khan whose impartial attitude and extensive competence made it possible for the work of the seventeenth session and the fourth special session to proceed in a clear and orderly manner. I, personally, had the privilege of being able to appreciate his high qualities of integrity and honesty last year when I had the honour to lead the Malagasy delegation at the seventeenth session.
67. At the fourth special session the representative of the Federal Republic of Cameroon offered his felicitations to Kuwait on its admission to the United Nations [1203rd meeting]. Today I should like to add those of the present Malagasy delegation.
68. Kuwait's admission brings the number of Members of the United Nations to 111, and my dearest wish is that soon three more States may be admitted —Kenya, Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland. These three countries will enlarge the African family in the United Nations, a family whose desire to achieve unity was shown at the historic Addis Ababa Conference during which we expressed our will to play an active part in international affairs.
69. International life, as we conceive it today —and in saying this we do not ignore other definitions which eminent specialists in international law may offer— is and should be governed by the purposes and principles set forth in the United Nations Charter.
70. True democracy, democracy which dares to show itself as it really is, should prevail throughout the entire world.
71. Fundamental human rights should be protected throughout the world, and their protection should not be subordinated to considerations which our conscience rejects all the more because those who use them as a pretext do not dare to state them openly,
72. Economic and social progress should be encouraged throughout the world in order to permit better living conditions for all peoples and particularly those whose development, for historical, demographic or geographic reasons, can only be achieved with the help and assistance of others who are more fortunate.
73. Every nation in the world, in its attitude towards other nations, should feel impelled to contribute to the effective maintenance of international peace and security rather than allow itself to lapse into self-satisfaction buttressed by empty declarations of principle.
74. Such a conception is by no means Utopian because it is the one which we, as a Member of the United Nations, are endeavouring to apply. It is the one by which we are guided in our relations with other countries. It is the one to which we must remain loyal if we wish to make an honest and effective contribution to international life.
75. Madagascar's modest contribution may be measured by the constant concern of the Malagasy Government —in abiding by the rules of democracy, in respecting the fundamental liberties and rights of its citizens, and in promoting social and economic betterment— to act in accordance with the purposes and principles of the Charter and to base its opinions on the objective legal concepts which Will continue to be our guide, since we formally reject all emotional reactions, the latter being unsuitable as the basis for any coherent external or internal policy.
76. For the past five years —since 14 October 1958, when the Republic was proclaimed— peace has reigned in Madagascar and stability has been the rule in our politics and government. We owe this peace and stability —conditions that are much sought after in the difficult and troubled world in which we live— to the fact that we have observed in our internal relations the rules of democracy of which President Philibert Tsiranana is one of the most ardent supporters. Liberalism, moreover, is one of the cardinal characteristics of our people.
77. Our parliamentary institutions, as provided in our Constitution and approved by our people, permit free expression of opposition views. Opposition to the Government exists by legal right, and opposition newspapers can criticize the Government without being arbitrarily prevented from doing so. The representatives of opposition groups and parties enjoy freedom of movement throughout Madagascar and are entirely free to go abroad to meet their sympathizers.
78. We cannot help feeling surprised that these sympathizers consider themselves obliged to believe certain allegations that democracy cannot exist in Madagascar when the evidence of it is so plain: all liberties are guaranteed by the Constitution and are respected in law and in fact.
79. We wish to show in our relations with other nations the same liberalism that exists in our internal relations. Since Madagascar became independent we have received visits from parliamentary missions, good-will missions and commercial and technical missions. They have come from countries with which we have traditional ties as well as from countries with a different economic and social system and they can all bear witness to our desire to establish friendly relations with all nations. They have had an opportunity to see the efforts made by our Government to establish real co-operation, which we believe to be possible, on the basis of mutual understanding and respect for the interests of others.
80. Our economy is largely dependent on external trade, and our efforts at home would not get us very far if they were not supplemented by our efforts in the international sphere. The primary objective of the Government's economic policy is to increase the purchasing power and raise the standard of living of the population, to diversify our economy and to improve the terms of trade in order to consolidate our independence.
81. The Malagasy Government is aware of the need for international aid, which must be humanized by not imposing on it limited objectives or paralyzing conditions, and believes, as President Tsiranana said on 13 November 1959 in the Second Committee [620th meeting], that the filial aim of investment must be, first and foremost, human welfare. That is why we want international aid —the forms of which should be worked out jointly and made applicable to every part of the plan we have drawn up— to concern itself not only with large industrial undertakings but also a number of small activities touching the masses of the population in order to permit "grass-roots" development,
82. It is because of this desire not to lose contact with the masses of the population and to try to Improve their lot, particularly that of the less fortunate among them, that we have been striving for the past five years to establish true social justice.
83. The reforms which have been introduced in order to make the education system more democratic will make it possible to provide schooling on a practical basis for 70 to 75 per cent of the children by 1972, thus achieving a real system of mass education. Likewise, the development of secondary education —at the beginning of this year there were 50,000 pupils enrolled in our secondary schools— and in particular an expansion of the non-specialized colleges aimed at bringing secondary education within reach of children in rural areas, will make it possible in ten years to offer children of all social classes equal chances of admission to the University of Madagascar. In addition to conventional schooling, the Government has for the past two years been conducting a literacy campaign especially for the benefit of the rural community.
84. In the field of public health, it is worth repeating that free medical care is provided for all citizens of Madagascar. I would like at this juncture to thank the World Health Organization, UNICEF, the French Government's Aid and Co-operation Fund, the European Development Fund, and the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations for their assistance in the fight against certain endemic diseases, such as malaria, in improving and extending our network of hospitals and in setting up pilot areas in which nutritional education will play an important role.
85. Lastly, in the social field proper, the Government's policy is to help the workers first of all by establishing basic health services for them, by giving them a greater sense of security and by concentrating on the creation of a socially adequate wage structure.
86. This outline of the Malagasy Government's economic and social policy shows our deep concern to ensure better living conditions for our people and to promote economic and social progress in an atmosphere of complete freedom and democracy. It is thus possible for all to judge what sort of contribution my country is making to the attainment of the purposes of the Charter and, by the same token, our participation in international affairs.
87. Furthermore, the social, democratic and liberal orientation which we have given to our development efforts may justify the position we have taken with regard to certain general principles which we have always upheld in international organizations.
88. Among the fundamental principles on which all nations take a firm stand, those which arouse most controversy and have given rise in international organizations to often passionate but always fruitful exchanges of views are non-alignment, coexistence and co-operation among nations.
89. When the word "non-alignment" is mentioned, some people immediately associate it with a negative attitude reflected by a disinterest in international affairs, which in the world of today is inconceivable. Others regard it as a clever device for safeguarding one's own national interest, but do not take into consideration the often disastrous consequences of giving national interests complete precedence over those of the international community.
90. If we claim to be non-aligned, it means that we refuse to take part in the confrontation of two blocs and do not wish to participate in the cold war which has been waged for the past seventeen years.
91. It would be erroneous to believe that by adopting such an attitude we wish to evade a choice. We have already made our choice in the light of the social, economic and political structures as I have just described them. Our attitude, which is not negative (since it implies a choice), nor selfish (since it places the good of the international community above all), is one which our Government feels allows us to take part in the improvement of relations between nations and so help the cause of world peace.
92. By adopting the position of non-alignment thus defined, we acknowledge that there must exist among all nations and groups of nations respect for the idea of coexistence, an honest and true coexistence extending to every possible field.
93. The Malagasy Republic, which is resolutely pacifist, believes that the implementation of the principle of coexistence throughout the world should serve to eliminate many of the obstacles to a lasting peace and the peaceful settlement of any differences that may arise between nations or groups of nations.
94. Demagogues often call for extension of co-operation among nations in all fields, as if by a miracle and at one stroke. Perhaps if we lived in an ideal international society it would be possible to attain that form of co-operation immediately. However, since we do not, rather than accept co-operation as something ready-made, we prefer to build it up ourselves within a flexible but effective framework while trying progressively to widen the areas in which it may prove most beneficial to all and sundry.
95. Thus, since 1961, Madagascar has been a member of the African and Malagasy Union and its specialized bodies. Then, after the Addis Ababa Conference of African Heads of States from 22 to 25 May 1963, my country signed the Charter of the Organization of African Unity.
96. It is true that the ultimate aim we all pursue is to achieve international understanding. It is no less true that we must proceed by stages, taking into account political and economic reality, and we. must see to it that we adopt a flexible approach. The existence of an ideal at the international level does not exclude our attempting to achieve it on a continental scale, and this in turn should not exclude efforts made on a regional basis, which, as the activities undertaken and the concrete results obtained show, have already proved their worth.
97. In the economic sphere, my Government has signed the treaty setting up the Afro-Malagasy Organization for Economic Co-operation composed of fourteen nations which seek to pool their experience so as to harmonize their economic, technical and social policies. Far from being a closed club, this Organization is open to all.
98. In accordance with the principle that it is desirable to try and widen the fields of co-operation, Madagascar signed, on 20 July 1963 at Yaoundé (Cameroon), the Convention of Association with the European Economic Community, which is a negotiated agreement concluded between equal partners. It is not, as some people would like to have it believed, a unilateral European act. Under this Convention the European Economic Community is helping us to build up our economy and accelerate our internal development in order that we may be able to play our part in world markets. We associated ourselves in full knowledge and complete liberty with the European Economic Community because we wished to promote the industrialization of our countries and the Community's efforts are directed primarily to developing existing industries and establishing new units of production.
99. We are surprised that this economic policy has been regarded as a manifestation of neo-colonialism because we know that we became associated on a basis of complete equality and the Convention itself is a truly international treaty.
100. In addition to political and economic co-operation between nations there is another form of co-operation that should not be neglected, namely, technical cooperation which might be referred to as intellectual aid. We feel that co-operation of this type is essential if we are to participate in the development race, but it must be free from any political conditions. Our experience of such co-operation to date enables us to pay tribute to the disinterestedness of those who, bilaterally —such as France, in particular— or multilaterally have furnished no technical assistance personnel, without imposing political conditions which would have been incompatible with respect for our sovereignty.
101. It is paradoxical, moreover, that at a time when the merits and benefits of co-operation for reducing international tension or ensuring the development of less favoured countries are hailed on all sides, cases are to be found almost everywhere in the world, where understanding between peoples and races is far from assured. Here I am thinking of racial or religious intolerance, racial discrimination in all its forms, and the denial of civil and political rights to certain peoples and certain races.
102. As in the past, my delegation will support any action taken within the framework of the United Nations, which will help to remove obstacles to the establishment of real understanding founded on tolerance, equality and respect for the rights of man and peoples,
103. With reference to friendly relations and co-operation among States, my delegation attaches particular importance to respect for national sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of States, sovereign equality of States, self-determination of peoples, and non-interference in matters within the competence of a State. These principles, proclaimed in the United Nations Charter, have inspired the Charter of the Organization of African Unity signed at Addis Ababa on 25 May 1963. Madagascar's attitude towards other States has always been founded on these principles, and we firmly believe that it is by understanding and tolerance between peoples, co-operation among nations and friendly relations between States that we can effectively defend peace and preserve freedom.
104. Non-alignment —as I have defined it, coexistence and international co-operation are interdependent principles to which all nations, for whom peace and liberty are not empty words, are firmly attached. These principles, we believe, can bring about universal concord and promote a harmonious development of the world always providing that the developed and non-developed countries —on whichever side they happen to be— pool their resources in proportion to their capabilities and in respect for each other's sovereignty.
105. It might be thought that those principles, which we have purposely stated in moderate and realistic terms, could be manipulated at will and that our liberalism and spirit of conciliation could be interpreted as a leaning on our part toward compromise, if not surrender. Those who dare to think so are gravely mistaken, because there are certain problems and certain principles which are no less important than the three which I have just defined and on these we would never accept any form of compromise. I refer to the self-determination of peoples, the struggle against colonialism and neo-colonialism and respect for human dignity.
106. When I spoke at the seventeenth session of the General Assembly [1172nd meeting], I expressed the views of my Government on those three questions. Had the situation improved since then, I would not trespass further on your valuable time. But the grave events in Africa and elsewhere show that non-respect for these principles by nations which are Members of the United Nations constitutes a threat to international peace and security.
107. It is my duty therefore solemnly to restate our position which was recently confirmed by the representative of the Malagasy Republic in the Security Council [1051st meeting].
108. We shall not cease to demand that the right of peoples freely to choose, themselves, their political, economic and social destiny should be respected everywhere in the world, without distinction of race or colour. It is also necessary to mention the neocolonialism of those who, under the cloak of a principle generously accepted by all but to which the different systems attach different meanings, seek to perpetuate de facto situations and would even go so far as to impose by force a way of life and thinking that are unacceptable to those subjected to it.
109. Similarly, self-determination should not, in order to suit special interests, become pre-determination, but should result from freely negotiated agreements involving the accepted and genuine accredited representatives of the populations concerned. If true self-determination had applied in Korea, Viet-Nam, Germany, Berlin, China, West Irian and elsewhere, how many points of friction would have disappeared and how much easier it would have been to establish real coexistence throughout the world.!
110. Our attitude in this matter is consistent: it does not depend upon the regimes of the various countries for which we ask that self-determination should apply, but upon our conviction that self-determination is the key to ending the state of incipient war which the world has endured for the past seventeen years.
111. Another aspect of the liberation of mankind is decolonization. At Addis Ababa, the Heads of African States and Governments adopted a fifteen-point resolution the substance of which has already been explained by some of the eminent speakers who have preceded me. I simply wish here to stress our full acceptance of that resolution, as well as our determination to implement the other resolutions adopted at that historic conference.
112. The active part played by the Malagasy representative in the Special Committee of Twenty-Four and our effective participation in the deliberations when the question of the territories under Portuguese administration in Africa and that of the policy of racial discrimination in South Africa were brought before the Security Council, are sufficient evidence that Madagascar intends fully to assume its responsibilities.
113. What we ask of the colonizing Powers is something which we have already asked on several occasions. However, in view of the ill will of some and the legal fiction invoked by others, we are obliged, at the risk of repeating ourselves, to affirm the principle that, once the Charter of the United Nations has been acceded to, one has certain unavoidable obligations, including that of applying not only the letter but also the spirit of the Charter.
114. Humanitarian considerations dictate that we ask these same Powers to safeguard the interests of the majority of the inhabitants of a territory which is still dependent, and to put an end to repressions against nationalists whose chief crime is their belief in the principles of our Charter. These same considerations lead us to reject, in the name of equality and justice, the policy of separate development, which is a policy of racial discrimination, all the more odious in that it has been given a semblance of legality. In view of the indignation felt by the conscience of the world, we appeal to South Africa to renounce that policy, for perhaps it is still not too late for genuine coexistence between Afrikaners and Africans.
115. Non-alignment as I have defined it, co-operation, the self-determination of peoples, liberation from colonialism and neo-colonialism, respect for human dignity —these are the great principles which my delegation intends to uphold during the present session. With the co-operation of other nations, we shall endeavour, during the course of our deliberations, to ensure that these principles prevail.
116. A primary concern of the delegations attending the eighteenth session is, quite naturally, the question of disarmament, not only because it has been the subject of lengthy discussions for several years now, both here and at the Conference of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament, but especially because the signing, on 5 August 1963, of the limited test ban Treaty partially appears now to open new prospects of conclusion of a global and lasting agreement. Indeed, this Treaty, as has been repeatedly stated, is a great contribution to the strengthening of peace, for it improves East-West relations, and this cannot but be beneficial for Africa. It also indicates the desire shown by both parties to reach an agreement to reduce international tension.
117. It is regrettable, however, that certain Powers which already possess nuclear weapons or are likely to possess them soon did not participate in it. One might hesitate to regard this Treaty as a measure of effective disarmament, because even if nuclear tests are prohibited in outer space, in the atmosphere and under water, two very important problems still remain unsolved: the destination of the nuclear weapons already available to the Powers, and the measures which might prohibit the multiplication, manufacture and possession of all the means of their delivery.
118. That is one of the reasons why we are inclined to hope for the conclusion, as soon as possible, of a treaty that would permanently prohibit all types of nuclear tests, and for the concomitant signature of a treaty on general disarmament; for we wish to reaffirm that atomic disarmament can be achieved only as part of general, progressive, simultaneous and controlled disarmament, with special emphasis on effective control and inspection.
119. We cannot believe that the limited nuclear test ban Treaty will only strengthen the status quo. On the contrary, we are convinced that it may be the starting point for further agreements dealing with some of the important problems which still remain to be solved.
120. Disarmament is of particularly vital interest to us, because it will release additional resources which will permit acceleration of the economic and social progress of the developing countries, assuming that those resources are not used for the manufacture or perfection of other means of destruction. We hope that those resources may be freed as soon as possible. We will then be able immediately to specify the action which should be taken, information which it is difficult to provide as yet, since no clear picture of the extent of these resources can be obtained at the present time.
121. We also hope that this project may be carried out within the framework of the United Nations Development Decade and —better still, perhaps— as part of the International Co-operation Year, thereby marking the opening of an era of peace, mutual aid and understanding.
122. I should like to add to this statement of our views on the major problems which we shall have to discuss at the present session certain other considerations which are also of some importance. They pertain to matters affecting the life and work of our Organization.
123. I should like to refer, first, to the question of improvement of our methods of work. My delegation has studied with considerable interest the recommendations and suggestions made in the report-of the Ad Hoc Committee on the Improvement of the Methods of Work of the General Assembly, of which the representative of Madagascar was a member in his capacity of Vice-President at the seventeenth session. From this report, which was drafted in a clear and lucid manner, we may derive a number of principles to be observed if we wish our work to be conducted in a manner which is financially sound, impartial, efficient and representative. For example, if the Committees were able to deal substantively with the problems submitted to them, without becoming involved in lengthy discussions which are frequently of a political nature, there would appear to be no need for systematic recourse to the establishment of new sub-committees or ad hoc working groups, which, in any event, should be resorted to only when the differences arising in a Committee relate only to points of detail. In the discussion of an important agenda item, even the closest positions may be expressed with different nuances, and it is therefore desirable that delegation of the right to speak should be used only with circumspection.
124. Finally, with regard to any installations which might be required for the improvement of our working methods, and their possible financial implications, my delegation considers that no additional appropriation should be sought for this purpose. In this connexion, I should like to mention the serious concern felt by the developing countries at the steady increase in the budgets of the United Nations and the specialized agencies. If, along with this increase, further international organizations and regional sub-commissions are to be created without any administrative reorganization aimed at using existing personnel, the small countries may well find it difficult to pay their ever-increasing contributions.
125. Another point of considerable importance, particularly for the developing countries, is the technical assistance provided by the United Nations and its specialized agencies. My delegation notes with satisfaction the measures taken on behalf of the African countries, which form an increasingly important part of the various assistance programmes, in accordance with the spirit of General Assembly resolution 1527 (XV).
126. Our thanks go especially to the 102 Governments which have pledged contributions totalling $50.3 million to the Expanded Programme of Technical Assistance and a further $70.5 million to the Special Fund.
127. International action is necessary if we are to achieve the goals we have set for our social and economic development programmes, and the various contributions pledged will help us to help ourselves.
128. Although we recognize the need for surveys, analyses, inventories and estimates in the formulation and implementation of projects, we have nevertheless noted that the number of experts is increasing steadily. It would seem to us that some of this work has already been done or is well on the way to virtual completion through assistance provided on a bilateral or multilateral basis. In our opinion, therefore, the preliminary work of the experts should be speeded up, in order to pass on to implementation and especially intensified direct action through increased provision of material, equipment and even funds.
129. We are at present witnessing a real acceleration of the process of development in all fields, and one of the principal aims of technical assistance should beto enable us to obtain the greatest possible benefit from this acceleration and also to permit us to participate in it to the extent of our means and of those made available to us, because the aim of all technical assistance should be to make the recipient a participant.
130. Our desire to make our own contribution extends also to the work of the United Nations, and that is why I now must speak of the part now played in it by Africa. At present, there are thirty-two African Member States of our Organization. This number will probably increase to thirty-five, perhaps even to thirty-six, in what we hope may be the near future. Surely it is only reasonable, in the circumstances, that, since we make up almost a third of the Organization, we should call for a more active and equitable participation in it?
131. We are aware that certain understandings were at one time reached concerning the geographical distribution of the higher, policy-making and executive posts in the Secretariat. Those understandings may have been justified at that time, but circumstances have altered since then and we ask that this distribution be made on another basis than the one created through those understandings. Our claim will be seen, on the whole, to be a relatively disinterested one if account is taken of the heavy sacrifices we are willing to make in seconding to the United Nations the most qualified among our own officials, whom we sorely need in our own public services.
132. Africa's demand for better representation, a demand which was embodied in a resolution adopted at the Addis Ababa Conference of Heads of State, is connected with a possible revision of the Charter of the United Nations. The Committee on arrangements for a conference for the purpose of reviewing the Charter recently recommended [A/5487] that the General Assembly should consider the possibility of enlarging the Security Council and the Economic and Social Council.
133. We regret most sincerely that, just when the situation seems propitious for such a revision, certain States have set a prior condition for the satisfaction of our legitimate claims —a condition which we cannot accept either as to substance or to form.
134. The unanimous approval on 30 November 19 62 of the appointment of the Secretary-General [1182nd meeting] was proof of our confidence in him. This confidence has been justified by the positive results of the Secretary-General's actions and mediation efforts to improve the international situation. We wish to congratulate him particularly on the implementation of the plan for national reconciliation in the Congo (Leopoldville) and the steps taken towards the administrative and economic reorganization of the country. We hope, however, that the United Nations action in the Congo (Leopoldville) will, enter as soon as may be feasible upon a new phase, involving a radical change of objectives. We still believe, in fact, that the primary objectives of the United Nations in the Congo should be in the field of civil operations and technical assistance directed towards the general rebuilding of the country.
135. We would like to assure the Secretary-General that we will always support his efforts within the framework of the purposes and principles of the United Nations.
136. This year has been marked by events which have clearly influenced the development of international relations in the direction of a generally desired "detente" and greater solidarity among nations. First of all, there was the awakening of the African consciousness at Addis Ababa on the occasion of the Conference of Heads of State, at which the Charter of the Organization of African Unity was signed. By that Charter, thirty-two African States decided to strengthen the ties of unity and solidarity which already existed among them and to co-ordinate and intensify their cooperation, with a view to ensuring a better life for the peoples of Africa.
137. The Charter also provides that one of the objectives of the Organization of African Unity is to foster international co-operation. We believe that these objectives, which are compatible with those of the United Nations, will make possible the achievement of better understanding among our peoples, notwithstanding national differences.
138. Another important development —still within the context of Africa— was the implementation of the plan of national reconciliation through which, in spite of political vicissitudes, the unity of the Congo has been preserved and a gradual return to normal life made possible.
139. Finally, the Treaty on the partial banning of nuclear tests will, we hope, help to remove the spectre of total war.
140. Nevertheless, alarming situations still exist in many parts of the world. These situations are the result of seventeen years of cold war; of the refusal of certain parties to abandon the outmoded system of colonialism; of the refusal to grant peoples, despite the provisions of the Charter, the right to self-determination; and of territorial disputes which could be settled peacefully by negotiation.
141. However, there are also signs of a relaxation of tension which can only become a reality if there is mutual sincerity. We hope that the improvement in the international situation is not the result of ephemeral enthusiasm, and will not be used by some as a pretext for strengthening their political and economic hold upon countries and nations whose people also have the right to self-determination.
142. Solutions to the alarming situations may be found in the application of and respect for the fundamental principles to which I referred at the beginning of my statement: sincere and friendly coexistence, co-operation without any ulterior motives. I also wish to emphasize strongly that bilateral negotiations are the most effective means of settling some of those problems. We hope that these solutions will be motivated by respect for the freedom of peoples and for human dignity, so that the world may finally live in peace and freedom.