MEX

Your election, Sir, as President of the eighteenth session of the General Assembly has been a matter of particular satisfaction to the delegation of Mexico as also to me personally, for I have for many years been in a position to observe your brilliant work as the representative of Venezuela in the United Nations. The choice of you as the person to preside over and guide our deliberations in this historic moment constitutes an honour not only for you and your country, but for all of Latin America. We are confident that your experience, ability and firmness will guarantee to all Members, without exception, the full and lawful exercise of the rights accorded them by the United Nations Charter and the rules of procedure of the General Assembly. And with your wise assistance, we shall all be able, throughout our debates, to fulfil the obligations which are a corollary of those rights. 2. We are met here today to carry out a sacred mission which takes precedence over all others: to strive for understanding among nations: to condemn violence; to create by our conduct an atmosphere of mutual trust; to assert and set in motion peaceful means for the settlement of international disputes; to negotiate in good faith and, with a firm determination, to reach reasonable and fair agreements; to recognize and respect the rights of others, of all human beings, of all the peoples of the world, of all the States represented here and of those which are not represented. Only mutual respect creates confidence and a climate favourable to the establishment and maintenance of peace in freedom and justice. 3. We have not come to advocate new principles, but rather to give effect to those which we have proclaimed as worthy of guiding us and governing our conduct. It is not enough to pay lip service to these principles; we must translate them into deeds, we must give them meaning and cogency in our daily conduct. That is why we have come here today. This session of the General Assembly will make clear to us what we ought to do and will strengthen our resolve to do it. We do not expect spectacular solutions, but we want to take another step and another and as many as we can —however partial and limited they may be— to pave the way for negotiation of the differences among nations and to bring us closer to disarmament and farther away from war. 4. Year after year, for eighteen years —when we were fifty Member States and now that we are 111 Members of the United Nations— I have had the honour and responsibility of reaffirming from this rostrum Mexico's faith in the need for understanding and for peace, in the inalienable right of peoples everywhere to self-determination. We have, to the best of our ability, defended respect for human dignity and the fundamental freedoms of all. 5. The yearning for freedom is a prodigious force which cannot be contained; it is on a par with the formidable scientific and technological conquest of outer space. Today's statesmen and politicians cannot afford not to keep pace with the hopes and wishes of their peoples, the desire for peace, social justice and better living conditions being expressed more and more forcefully within and outside the United Nations. 6. There are the so-called realists who dismiss the clamour of world public opinion as mere vociferation, and it is true that the voice of the people sometimes seems to fall on deaf ears; but we have said that the day would come when it would be heeded. That day has come, and the people are listening and acting. 7. The interests and the future of the great Powers and of the world point to one road, and one road only: mutual respect, negotiation and the peaceful settlement of international disputes. It is the only possible road; it is an arduous, slow and difficult one, but it is the only one we must and will follow. 8. Many obstacles have to be overcome. Everywhere there are men who still believe that might is right. The reactionary attitude which they represent must be overcome and vanquished if we are to survive, for in our time the mere existence of nuclear and thermonuclear weapons has imposed upon us all a common fate. 9. We have for- many years been living in fear of a possible nuclear conflict; in previous Assemblies, the cold war has filled this room with the stridency of mutual recriminations in an atmosphere of distrust, suspicion and doubt —a negative and sterile ground in which the Purposes and Principles of the Charter, which we all want to respect, have been unable to flourish. 10. Today, we can change course. The great Powers have opened a door, found a road, taken a step, a small one perhaps, but one which can and must be followed by others. The Moscow Treaty represents no more than a beginning in the immense task of preventing war and strengthening peace, but great ventures often begin modestly. We trust and believe that this treaty will set off a chain reaction which will pave the way for further understandings. 11. The mistrust among the great Powers, their different ideologies, their determination to ensure the triumph of their respective social, political and economic systems throughout the world, their legitimate duty to defend their national security, their fear of military imbalance make it difficult for them to reach agreement when it is not forced upon them by their particular interests. But this Assembly, as an expression of the force of world opinion, can indicate the path and facilitate understanding. Our duty is clear, and we must carry it out. That is why we are here today. 12. The Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament has been meeting at Geneva —and of which Mexico has the honour to be a member— is fulfilling an extremely useful and important function. This Committee, backed by the General Assembly and endowed through the Assembly's resolutions with the directives and means of action dictated by the collective will of the nations here represented, has impressed upon the great Powers the real and dynamic power of world opinion and the continuing desire for agreements, arrived at through negotiation and conciliation, that will enable further progress to be made along the road to peace. 13. The existence of a negotiating body and the participation in it of the great Powers has been and will continue to be an indispensable condition for the peaceful settlement of disputes and a means of easing and eventually eliminating the dangerous clash of conflicting views. When positions have become so rigid as to cause talks and negotiations to be broken off, political crises have reached limits bordering on catastrophe. 14. On those rare occasions since the Second World War when there has been a relative easing of international tension, one of the decisive factors has been the resumption of negotiations which had been broken off and the reaching of some kind of agreement among the great Powers. The Austrian State Treaty concluded some time ago and now the Moscow Treaty are two examples. It is therefore essential to keep the negotiating body known as the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament in operation, and it is equally essential for this General Assembly to call upon the great Powers to persevere in their search for new areas of agreement. 15. It is no secret that the great Powers do not enter into agreements except when their interests happen to coincide and when they come to the conclusion that the failure to reach agreement is harmful to their own security. When that time comes, the great Powers find themselves compelled to revise the rigid positions previously adopted, and they must do so without losing prestige or showing weakness. In this process, the co-operation which the General Assembly and the Committee on Disarmament can offer is of inestimable value. There Is no better fulcrum on which to swing from intransigence to agreement than the expressed will of world opinion. This will must be expressed not only in speeches in the general debate but in specific resolutions reflecting the desire and collective wisdom of the peoples and Governments represented In the United Nations. World opinion can be disregarded for a time, but, sooner or later, it will be heeded. 16. We have for many years been giving expression to our belief that in order to achieve collective security, reduce the danger of war and promote international co-operation and peaceful coexistence, it is necessary for the two big groups of nations into which the world has been divided to become convinced that neither is seeking the destruction of the other nor attempting to impose on the other by force its own ideology or particular political, economic or social system. If all nations, great and small, prove by their deeds that they are determined to settle international disputes solely by peaceful means, a climate of trust will be generated which will make it possible to maintain and strengthen peace. 17. The Governments of the great nuclear Powers have recognized that the formidable destructive force of the weapons which they have created has doomed future belligerents to a common fate. Only international co-operation and the peaceful settlement of disputes can prevent a nuclear war which would be the last war for all mankind. The States and peoples living in the world today have only one alternative: either live together in peace and understanding or disappear from the earth. 18. The Moscow Treaty has been ratified by the original parties and has come into force. Mexico, which was one of the first signatories, is proud of that fact. This Treaty represents a historic event of paramount importance and paves the way for a new phase in international relations. Perseverance, determination and recognition of the common interest have enabled the great nuclear Powers to conclude a partial agreement on the banning of nuclear weapon tests in the atmosphere, in outer space and under water —an agreement long sought and desired by the whole world and brought about through the moral pressure exerted by peoples everywhere. 19. This agreement can and must facilitate further understandings aimed at lessening international tension, checking the arms race, preventing the spread of nuclear weapons and fostering progress towards general and complete disarmament. To keep this Treaty for ever in force will be a measure of incalculable importance on behalf of peace not only because of what this means in itself but also because it marks the first step towards achieving greater and more difficult tasks such as the complicated political agreements and effective measures required for disarmament. 20. For many years, world public opinion, as expressed both within and outside the United Nations, has been clamouring for the discontinuance of nuclear weapons tests, particularly those which poison the atmosphere and seriously imperil the health and life of present and future generations. This universal clamour has to some extent been heeded, and the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly have to some extent been carried out. We are gratified by these achievements, and we congratulate the members of the Subcommittee on the Discontinuance of Nuclear Weapons Tests of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament upon the successful outcome of its negotiations. 21. Asa member o f the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament, Mexico continues to be convinced that our faith, determination and perseverance will lead to the conclusion of further agreements, on underground tests and on various collateral measures, thus enabling us to progress towards the principal objective, namely, the conclusion of an agreement for general and complete disarmament under strict international control. 22. The agenda of the current session of the General Assembly contains an item 74 entitled "Denuclearization of Latin America", which was included at the request of the Brazilian delegation [A/5447/Add.1], In the course of the general debate, many distinguished speakers have referred to this question, and we have been gratified at the favourable reception and the support accorded to the idea that the States of the region should in time adopt the necessary measures to avoid the spread of nuclear weapons to Latin America. 23. The President of Mexico, Mr. Adolfo López Mateos, got in touch with the Presidents of Brazil, Bolivia, Chile and Ecuador on 21 March of this year regarding the advisability of adopting a "Declaration on the Denuclearization of Latin America". 24. The President of Mexico turned first to the Presidents of these four Latin American countries because these States had co-sponsored a draft resolution at the seventeenth session of the General Assembly [A/C.1/L.312/Rev.2] calling for the denuclearization of Latin America. 25. The Mexican initiative was favourably received by the Chiefs of State of the four Republics, who in their replies, which expressed the peace-loving feelings of their peoples, gave enthusiastic support to the declaration. The declaration was, in consequence, solemnly approved and is today in force for the five nations that drafted it. 26. The Mexican Government considers that efforts should be continued to bring about an agreement under which Latin America would be declared a denuclearized zone recognized as such by the United Nations. It trusts that this opinion will be shared by the other Latin American Governments. 27. This action is in conformity with the spirit of resolution 1665 (XVI), which was proposed by Ireland and unanimously adopted by the General Assembly on 4 December 1961, calling upon States not possessing nuclear weapons to conclude an agreement by which they would undertake not to manufacture or otherwise acquire control of such weapons. It is also in conformity with the main objective of the Moscow Treaty, to which more than 100 States are parties and which came into force yesterday when the original parties deposited their instruments of ratification. 28. The Mexican delegation has consistently sought to promote agreement among the great Powers so that, in the spirit in which the Moscow Treaty was negotiated, they might come to a decision on other problems of special interest and urgency. That is why, in June 1963, I suggested in the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament [147th meeting] that the great Powers should undertake not to place in orbit or station in space devices with nuclear or thermo-nuclear weapons or other weapons of mass destruction. 29. Plans for the denuclearization of certain zones on earth are meaningless if we do not achieve the denuclearization of outer space. If the nuclear threat were to be put into orbit and were to hang over the territories of all peoples of the world, outer space would be open to a nuclear weapons race more dangerous than the present one, and the risks of war by accident, miscalculation or fear of surprise attack would be increased to an unbelievable extent. 30. It was for these reasons that, at the 147th meeting of the Committee on Disarmament, I submitted a working paper containing a draft treaty prohibiting the placing in orbit and the stationing in outer space of any nuclear weapons. I was convinced that a treaty ensuring the peaceful utilization and exploitation of outer space and celestial bodies and introducing international understanding into this area would promote the Purposes and Principles of the United Nations Charter. 31. We were therefore extremely gratified to hear Mr. Gromyko, the Foreign Minister of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, say on 19 September 1963: "And the nations have a right to expect that the new environment in which man has now set foot —the limitless ocean of outer space— will never become yet another spring-board of war, destruction and death. .. The Soviet Government is prepared here and now to take steps to prevent the spread of the arms race to outer space, and desires to create the best possible conditions for the utilization and exploration of space for the good of all peoples. It therefore considers it necessary to agree with the United States of America to prohibit the placing in orbit of objects carrying nuclear weapons. "We know that the United States Government is also willing to settle this question. And we assume that the Governments of the Soviet Union and the United States of America will continue their bilateral exchange of views regarding a ban on the placing of nuclear weapons in orbit. It would be a very good thing if an understanding could be reached on this important question and an agreement concluded. The Soviet Government is ready to do so." [1208th meeting, paras. 182, 184 and 185.] 32. For his part, Mr. Kennedy, the President of the United States of America, said in his statement of 20 September 1963: "We must continue to seek agreement, encouraged by yesterday's affirmative response to this proposal by the Soviet Foreign Minister, on an arrangement to keep weapons of mass destruction out of outer space. Let us get our negotiators back to the negotiating table to work out a practicable arrangement to this end." [1209th meeting, para. 51.] 33. These encouraging statements further strengthen our confidence that the Mexican suggestion for a treaty to prohibit the placing of nuclear weapons in orbit and the stationing in space of devices with nuclear or thermo-nuclear weapons or other weapons of mass destruction will very soon bear fruit, since it corresponds to a universal desire to keep outer space clean and free of nuclear weapons and to preserve peace on the earth and beyond the earth, no matter how far or how high man’s knowledge, determination and hopes may carry him. 34. We believe that the General Assembly can and must contribute to the realization of this desire. I would venture to suggest that at the current session we should adopt a resolution noting with satisfaction the statements made by the two Powers and the decision embodied in them, a resolution expressing the unanimous will of the States Members of the United Nations to use outer space and the celestial bodies exclusively for peaceful purposes and, to that end, urging all States to abstain from placing nuclear weapons in orbit or stationing them in outer space. If this suggestion were to be favourably received, my delegation would be prepared to submit an appropriate draft resolution. 35. Since this session of the General Assembly is, happily, taking place in an atmosphere of greater confidence —or less tension— among the great Powers as a result of the Moscow Treaty, I feel impelled, out of a desire to take a further step towards the strengthening of peace, and I consider it fitting, to reiterate here the basic ideas which I expressed in the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament in connexion with the draft resolution submitted by the Soviet Union for the conclusion of a non-aggression pact between the States parties to the Warsaw Treaty and the States parties to the North Atlantic Treaty. 36. The universalization of this draft —if I may use this term— from the time when it was circulated and first discussed was an endeavour initiated by the Mexican delegation. At the 148th meeting of the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament, held on 30 July 1963, I said the following: "It may be that the great Powers will at some future date reach an agreement embodying a solemn pledge of non-aggress ion. We believe that this non-aggression pact should be extended to all the Members of the United Nations, which could co-operate in reducing international tension by adopting a declaration in the General Assembly constituting a solemn reaffirmation of the obligations assumed in the Charter, a declaration which would be justified by the present international atmosphere and political circumstances." We believed then —and we continue to believe— in the possibility that such a commitment might be universally accepted, and the basis for this belief is the remarkable similarity —which perhaps the Mexican delegation was the first to note— between the Soviet draft and a juridical instrument that is in force in the Inter-American regional community, namely, the American Treaty on Pacific Settlement, also called the Pact of Bogota, which was signed at the Ninth Inter-American Conference. You will excuse me if I do not embark on a detailed comparison of the two texts because I do not wish to abuse your patience, but it is perfectly clear that in both these instruments the parties undertake not only —and this would be the negative aspect— to refrain from the threat or use of force, but they also contract the positive obligation of resorting only to peaceful procedures in order to settle their differences, whatever these may be. 37. Ten years ago, in September 1953, I referred here, in the United Nations General Assembly, to the Pact of Bogota, stressing the example given in this field by the Republics of the New World. These Republics have been able, in fact, to setup a system for the peaceful settlement of disputes that is workable and consistent, and in so doing they have complied with article 23 of the Charter of Bogota, which imposed upon them the obligation to conclude a special treaty .. so that no dispute between American States shall fail of a definitive settlement within a reasonable period". The Pact of Bogota gives effect to this provision by stipulating that if other pacific procedures have failed, the jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice or, if this body is without jurisdiction, arbitration shall be compulsory. 38. Thus, over a period of ten years the delegation of Mexico has had close to its heart the ideal of universalizing the American Treaty on Pacific Settlement —not of course, in the literal sense, but as regards the application of its essential principles— and thereby creating a true system of peace rather than a mere series of arrangements to ward off aggression. The Soviet draft just referred to has seemed to us to be a new opportunity or a fresh possibility of disseminating our Inter-American peace system throughout the world. For that reason, my delegation is now returning to this idea of the past and thinks this an appropriate moment for the General Assembly to make a declaration at least expressing the hope that one day a system will be built up by the Member States for the pacific settlement of the disputes which may arise between them. 39. My delegation also trusts that efforts will be continued to conclude agreements on other subjects, and particularly on reducing the possibilities of war owing to surprise attack, an error of judgement or a breakdown in communications. 40. The agreement concluded on 20 June 1963 between the Government of the Soviet Union and the Government of the United States of America on the establishment of a direct line of communication is an encouraging step and should be followed by others directed to the same end. The possibilities of agreement on the proposal for the establishment of observation posts at key points should also be explored. 41. We also believe that this may be the appropriate time for considering whether the Assembly should make a declaration condemning war propaganda, similar to the declaration which was considered last year by the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament and which reaffirmed General Assembly resolution 110 (II) condemning "all forms of propaganda, in whatsoever country conducted, which is either designed or likely to provoke or encourage any threat to the peace, breach of the peace, or act of aggression". We hope that the objections which at the time prevented that declaration from being made at Geneva have been dispelled. 42. Mexico's attitude at the various sessions of the General Assembly and in the Committee on Disarmament has always been one of co-operation in the interests of understanding and harmony among nations and of facilitating the settlement of international disputes by exclusively peaceful means. 43. Mexico's policy in this connexion has just been fully reaffirmed by the President of the Republic, Mr. Adolfo López Mateos, in a speech which he made on the fifth of this month. In view of its importance, I shall quote some of the sentiments expressed on that occasion by the President of Mexico: "Respect for the rights of others —or what is now known as non-intervention— is a traditional principle of Mexican legal thought. To Benito Juárez, the illustrious defender of our sovereignty against foreign invasion, this respect for the rights of others was the very source of peace and its true foundation. And so it is for our own generation! We are in full accord with its legal implications. In a world where international friction seems to be the general rule of life, nothing will do so much to calm men's minds and to reduce tension as the universal practice of this principle with complete sincerity and in good faith. "Because of the blocs into which it is divided, the world urgently needs some environment in which negotiations can be carried on sincerely. Distrust and disagreement go together, but then so do good faith and constructive negotiation. Everything that we can do to bring about the triumph of confidence over sterile suspicion, of agreement over ever ominous international discord, will be an effective contribution to world peace. Considerable progress would be made in this direction if all States could agree on the principle of non-intervention in a formal agreement —including the necessary safeguards to render it effective— to be drawn up within the framework of the United Nations. Mexico would be prepared to participate in such a step and to give it strong support". Further on, the President of Mexico said: "The Moscow Treaty banning nuclear weapon tests in the atmosphere, in outer space and under water —to which Mexico promptly acceded— has eliminated the danger of radio-active fall-out. Psychologically speaking, it has produced a feeling of relief for mankind and a new hope that we have perhaps started on the road to peace. We know, however, that we must carry on the fight unwearyingly for the conquest of still greater objectives. The liquidation of colonialism and respect for the right of self-determination must continue for some time to come to be aims that cannot be side-stepped. We must abolish aggression and strengthen systems for the peaceful settlement of disputes. We must vigorously combat under-development, and we must create mutually advantageous conditions for international trade. In order to promote universal and complete disarmament, we must, for the time being, reduce the scale of the armaments race by establishing nuclear-free zones, prohibiting nuclear weapons tests and neutralizing outer space." 44. I should now like to touch on a problem which has been and still is of concern to my country, namely, the problem of the dependent territories. 45. I shall not at this time attempt a recapitulation, even a brief one, of the evidence provided by my country in both its national and international life of its devotion to the principles of freedom which we have never considered apart from the principles of justice and the rule of law. I shall, however, cite one example, which is sufficient to illustrate Mexico's unswerving stand on the specific problem of the powers and the duties of the United Nations with regard to those peoples who in our time are still deprived of their liberties. 46. When, between September and October 1944, the Government of the United States informed the Government of Mexico of the efforts then being made to formulate the initial plans for the establishment of what is today the United Nations, the Government of Mexico sent to the United States Government, for the information of the organizers of the constituent assembly, a statement of our views on the new world organization and compared them with the text produced by the Dumbarton Oaks Conference, which had been held from 21 August to 28 September 1944. 47. On that historic occasion Mexico recommended, among other amendments to the Dumbarton Oaks proposals, that the Charter of the new world organization should include a provision under which each and every member would recognize that the well-being and development of the peoples not yet in a position to govern their own destiny was a sacred trust of the international community. This idea, which underlies Chapter XI of the Charter now in force, had not appeared in the document prepared by the Powers which convened the San Francisco Conference. The Mexican document, on the other hand, postulated the need for a provision by which the situation of the dependent peoples would be recognized and protected. It attached considerable importance to repairing that omission and stressed the fact that if that were not done, the United Nations Charter would in that respect be inferior to the Covenant of the League of Nations, Article 22 of which, one of the longest Articles of the Covenant, dealt With the lot of the Territories under tutelage. 48. Mexico's concern for the fate and the cause of the peoples deprived of the benefit of self-government has thus been demonstrated from the earliest days of the United Nations. This has always been and still is our firm position, deriving from our profound belief in the essential capacities of man and our unshakable devotion to the principles of self-determination and non-intervention. 49. We have been and shall continue to be concerned that the Organization should faithfully discharge its duties towards the peoples who are emerging to national life. In the years which have gone by since the United Nations Charter was adopted, an appreciable number of peoples who were previously dependent have achieved full political rights. While we are gratified by the part which has been played by our Organization in the dissemination and gradual achievement of the ideals set forth in this regard in the Charter, we also have the duty to draw on and put to the service of these ideals the experience which has been acquired during this time and has amply demonstrated the dangers facing the less developed peoples, and particularly those taking their first steps as members of the world community. I should like here to repeat what I said on 27 November 1961 with reference to the Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples: "We therefore believe it to be this Assembly's duty to ensure that decolonization is carried out in circumstances which represent no threat to international peace and security and which do not make sovereignty and independence a hollow sham for the territories and peoples that win their freedom". [1066th meeting, para. 5.] 50. I have taken the liberty of making these references to Mexico's position on the problems of self-government in order to show how much we have welcomed the advent of independence among those nations which in recent years have attained it and have been admitted to our Organization, in order to reiterate our profound and sincere interest in the destinies of those which do not as yet enjoy these rights. 51. In conclusion I should like to call to mind the commemorative meeting at San Francisco held in June 1955, when I spoke as follows: "The birth of the atomic age, far from reducing the contribution which the smaller countries can make in contemporary international society, has increased it; for today more than ever before, they are in a position to exert a moderating influence with a view to preventing the abuse of power. In that connexion, the part which the smaller countries should play in the present division of responsibilities in the United Nations is that which is played in national societies by an alert public opinion conscious of its rights and obligations. The stronger the great Powers, the greater the moral responsibility of the smaller countries. "My country has often demonstrated its understanding and application of that moral responsibility, and has consistently urged a return to the spirit which prevailed at the birth of the United Nations. In 1948, at the third session of the General Assembly, it proposed that the great Powers should be urged to liquidate the heritage of the war and to hasten the conclusion of peace treaties. The Mexican draft resolution as approved called upon the great Powers to renew their efforts to compose their differences and establish a lasting peace". 52. Today I still think as I thought then. What is more, it would seem to me not at all inappropriate for the Assembly to consider the possibility of issuing yet another such exhortation to the great Powers, making clear the paramount importance of redoubled efforts to achieve positive results in the disarmament negotiations as soon as possible. It is my belief that to reiterate essential principles always serves to enhance their strength and value. 53. Mexico, as is well known, believes that peace must be based on a regime of freedom and justice; it upholds the legal equality of States and scrupulous respect for their sovereignty; it regards as fundamental the principle that any intervention, whether direct or indirect, and whatever the motive, by one State in the internal or external affairs of another is inadmissible; it whole-heartedly rejects the threat or use of force in international relations; it acknowledges the obligation of States to settle their disputes exclusively by peaceful means; it believes respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms to be essential; it fully supports the right of all peoples to self-determination; and it is firmly convinced that prosperity, like peace, is indivisible and that therefore the economic development of all countries and the betterment of the standard of living of their peoples constitute an inescapable duty of the international community. 54. Peace and prosperity, moreover, are so closely connected that It is no exaggeration to say that one depends on the other. There can be no true peace without at least a minimum of general prosperity, and prosperity except in conditions of peace is hard to contemplate. 55. Some years ago I said to the Assembly that, to judge from the opinion of scientists and experts, atomic and hydrogen weapons seem once and for all to have destroyed the traditional concept of victor and vanquished and to have left no alternative to potential enemies except the common destiny of living or dying together. 56. Permit me now to express the hope that the achievements of this session of the General Assembly will be such as to prove to all peoples on the earth that their Governments have made the choice between these two alternatives and have decided not only to live together, but to "live together in peace with one another as good neighbours" and to co-operate loyally with each other so that the weapons of destruction may soon be converted into the implements of prosperity.