It Is not without a certain pride, mixed with joy, that I speak on behalf of my country in this Assembly which brings together so many distinguished persons from all over the world. My voice, which is an echo of Africa itself, is here to convey to you a message of confidence and hope from the people of the Republic of Chad. My voice, joined by those other concordant and powerful voices from Addis Ababa, Contonou and Dakar, will add a new note to the touching appeal which the African Heads of State have made to the four corners of the world. Africa, whose voice has deeply moved the peoples in all countries, would like to state its case once more through the fervent impulse and will of the peoples of Chad, which we shall try to interpret here as best we can.
2. May I convey to you, Mr. President, on behalf of my Government, warm congratulations on your splendid election to preside over the eighteenth session of the General Assembly. The many qualities which have marked you out for your colleagues' attention are a sure guarantee of the impartiality and skill with which you will guide our debates.
3. This session is, without a doubt, a very important one. Yet I think some time must elapse before it can be seen what place each session of the United Nations is to occupy in history, because of the complexity of the urgent and varied problems which come before the Assembly every year. So long as any part of the world, however small, lives in justified fear of any kind of threat, the anguished eyes of millions of human beings in all continents will be turned upon the courts of the United Nations. So long as one single country has to live under the cruel domination of another, so long as there exists a single individual enslaved in the name of one principle or another, the sessions of this Assembly will grow yearly more important. So long as part of the population of our planet goes hungry to bed at night or flounders in the slough of famine —so long, that is to say, as some parts of the world suffer from under-development— we shall continue to raise our voices here to ask for the help of all in the finding of just solutions.
4. Before going into the details of the international problems which so preoccupy us, I should like to describe to the Assembly the positive contributions made by my Government, its efforts to ensure the happiness of its people and to work for that harmony and wellbeing which the world has made the ultimate goal of all social organizations.
5. My country, under the wise direction of Mr. Francois Tombalbaye, set in motion on the morrow of our independence a development plan based on a dynamic philosophy, which may be summed up as "Everything by the people, for the people". Our Government's programme, discussed at all levels of the Chad Progressive Party and enthusiastically approved, provided for an improvement in the material condition of the majority— peasants in the bush and workers in the towns— that is, an improvement in their material, cultural and social well-being.
6. In the realm of public health, the Government's aim is to increase the number of hospitals and clinics to the maximum.
7. Trade unions are encouraged in our country and function democratically, side by side with government bodies. Thus the worker is becoming increasingly aware of his role as the basic element in the country's progress. Even more important is the fact that the Government has begun to draft new labour and social insurance legislation, guaranteeing the freedoms and rights of the workers.
8. Chad has set itself the task of completely emancipating its women —in other words, of freeing them from all tutelage and ensuring their real equality before the law in relation to men. In this matter we have to overcome ancestral customs and belief s which weigh heavily on the behaviour of our people. But no effort will be spared to make our women into full members of a society in which everything must contribute to the fulfilment of the human personality.
9. At the international level, the existence of destructive weapons such as the atomic bomb makes the quest for peace mankind's most immediate concern. As His Excellency President Tombalbaye so rightly said on 11 August 1963, the third anniversary of our national independence: "Just as peace and unity are indispensable to the building of a better Chad, so world peace is necessary for the development of the African continent. "
10. It is a very special duty of Governments the world over, and of their leaders, to make superhuman efforts in order to ensure a lasting peace for mankind. The need for peace no longer has to be demonstrated. We have only to glance around in order to realize the incalculable consequences of a world war in these modern days.
11. Africa certainly has a mission to perform on the side of the forces of peace. The first prerequisite for peace is general disarmament. We pay tribute here to the many efforts made, throughout the world, to bring about total disarmament. This eighteenth session, at its opening, sees with hope a gleam of light on the horizon. The signing of the Moscow Treaty is an unprecedented event, creating the climate of confidence that is indispensable to serious negotiation. This Treaty, which we signed on 26 August 1963 in all good faith, may herald the coming of international "détente".
12. The direct line of communication between Moscow and Washington has established contact between the leaders of the two great Powers. It is designed to reduce misunderstandings and to make it possible, in case of need, to avoid catastrophe by error.
13. The Republic of Chad has carefully followed the efforts made at the various disarmament conferences. We have studied in detail the many plans and draft treaties on disarmament. We shall not, for the moment, put forward any fresh proposals for disarmament; but my delegation wishes to take this opportunity of suggesting to the Assembly a possible procedure for debate, or, more precisely, a method of work.
14. The negotiators would adopt simultaneously, at each stage, one point from each plan or draft treaty for disarmament submitted by the two great Powers. This is the course advocated by an eminent European. Allow me to illustrate it: let us say that the Western plan provides, as a matter of priority, for the destruction of all vehicles capable of launching nuclear missiles in outer space, in the atmosphere and under water, whereas the Eastern plan give priority to the dismantling of foreign bases. Whenever it is a question of reaching agreement, each of the parties is afraid of upsetting the balance if it concedes a strategic advantage to the other.
15. In these circumstances, the method of work advocated by my Government would be to reach agreement, at each stage, on one specific point taken simultaneously from each side. For example, instead of dwelling on the question of whether to give priority to the dismantling of foreign bases or to the destruction of rockets, it would be agreed to eliminate the bases and destroy the atomic rockets at one and the same time. We could go through the list and proceed stage by stage on the basis of this "twinning" principle. Difficulties would doubtless arise; we should accordingly leave the experts full latitude to make any adjustments necessary. Furthermore, the principle of inspection and verification should be respected, since this method offers the advantage of security.
16. In this tortuous and difficult field, in which vital interests are at stake, we must shirk no effort to reach a compromise, for at the end of the road shines the brilliant future of mankind and future generations.
17. I should like to turn now to the Committee of Twenty-four, which when submitting its report to the Assembly [A/5446 and Add.1-3] will not, I hope, come forward with empty hands. The forces of peace in the world are powerful, and are growing daily. All that we need in order to reach agreement is our wisdom and the good will of the negotiators.
18. While the global problem confronting our generation is world peace, we must not neglect other regional or local problems likely to involve us in conflict. In this connexion, the crucial problem, which is on a continental scale, is the elimination of colonialism, the complete eradication of the subjugation of one people by another, in accordance with the historic General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV).
19. Peoples throughout the world recognize the arbitrariness of the domination of one people by another. Colonization has been condemned morally and specifically, both by religious sects and by lay societies —in fact, by all mankind. We Africans are ready to make any sacrifice in order to free our continent and help others to free themselves, in whatever latitude they may live.
20. Our independence would become an empty word if our brothers in Angola, Mozambique, Portuguese Guinea, the Cape Verde Islands, South Africa and Southern Rhodesia had to remain under the colonial yoke and suffer persecution and torture that are inadmissible in the twentieth century. Those are greatly mistaken who believe that by sabotaging the United Nations resolution on the granting of independence to colonial countries they will divert us from our primary objectives, which is to liberate our brothers. Some call us impatient; others accuse us of injecting passion into the settlement of a political problem. To all we shall reply that our only weapon is our wisdom and that our determination can overcome all obstacles.
21. In a resolution adopted on 4 April 1963 [see A/ 5446/Add.1, para. 251], the Committee of Twenty-four drew the Security Council's attention to the gravity of the situation in the Portuguese colonies and called for appropriate measures to be taken against Portugal, whose acts of repression were endangering peace and security in Africa.
22. In Southern Rhodesia, the Constitution perpetuating the supremacy of the Whites is unacceptable because the racist policy may provoke a long and bitter war. The Committee's hope of seeing colonialism abolished before the end of 1963 is not to be realized, but the attainment of that goal cannot be far off.
23. A recent article published in the Daily Mirror states that hatred is increasing day by day and that no" one knows when or how the explosion will occur, for the policy of the Verwoerds is based on fear and on fear alone.
24. We have displayed moderation at Geneva, at the ICFTU meeting, at the meetings of GATT and here at the United Nations in meetings of the General Assembly and Security Council last month. Our spokesmen, to whom my country wishes to pay tribute here, have been equal to their task. They have been both firm and flexible.
25. Speaking from this rostrum, I feel rising within me the cries of sorrow and indignation emitted by the women of Angola, South Africa and other areas who cannot bury their children, cut down by the deadly bullets of the racist soldiers in the service of colonialism. I tremble at the anguished moans of children who cannot cry "Mercy!" when Portuguese aircraft drop a hail of bombs over whole villages in Angola and Senegal. These poor souls have drunk the cup of misery to the dregs; they cry out and die in the name of the theory of Portugal's Overseas Provinces. They are dying so that we may speak here from this rostrum of the United Nations and tell the world about the crimes which are daily being committed in some part of Africa.
26. We have learnt from the Press that the Portuguese Government intends to hold a referendum in Angola. Let those who propose to stage such a carnival realize that no one will be fooled.
27. South Africa has adopted a policy of panic. A new law for the suppression of sabotage and of resistance by the Africans was submitted to Parliament at the end of Aprill963. It surpasses in brutality all the measures previously adopted. That law entered into force on 2 May 1963 and was incorporated in the Constitution. It prescribes the death penalty for any South African citizen who either in his own country or abroad —even in the United Nations— calls for the abolition of the policy of apartheid, and this applies to all statements and speeches made since 1960. The police State of Verwoerd has openly declared war on the brave inhabitants of South Africa who are fighting for their independence.
28. We condemn, loudly and publicly, the proliferation in South Africa of factories for the manufacture of weapons to be used in stifling the black inhabitants' legitimate claims to freedom. We take this occasion today to call upon our friends, the great Powers, to ensure that the resolutions voted by the Security Council and the General Assembly are not treated with contempt.
29. Left to itself, the Salazar Government would be powerless to combat the colonies which have rightly revolted against its rule. Consequently, the suspension of all arms shipments, an economic boycott and the severance of all diplomatic and consular relations could not fail to have favourable repercussions on the policy of Portugal and South Africa, a retrograde policy which is of a truly criminal nature. We note hopefully the Statement of a United States representative that all arms shipments to Portugal will be suspended. In the field of trade, certain of the great Powers can complete the embargo by preventing any traffic in arms with the Portuguese Government.
30. The official or semi-official statements of those who refuse to follow the path of complete decolonization have no effect on us. We shall resolutely continue our advance along the road to liberation. That road will be long and arduous, but we shall not allow ourselves to be deflected, even for an instant, from our primary objective.
31. While threats of war, like colonialism, constitute one of the causes of friction in the world, the division of the planet into rich regions and under-developed regions is a no less serious source of danger.
32. The Government of the Republic of Chad is concerned essentially with the pursuit of the material and cultural well-being of our country's people. Political independence is, of course, one goal but it can be no more than one historic step towards the total emancipation of our peoples. There would be no independence if our peoples had to continue living in the same material and cultural conditions as in the era of colonialism. That being so, what are the obstacles to the development of the newly independent countries?
33. Let us set aside the many ancillary questions and concern ourselves with the problem that we regard as the most important and basic: the difference between the prices of imported products and those of exports. There is no equitable relationship between the prices of the manufactured goods which we import and those of the agricultural produce and primary materials that we export. What is required is a certain balance which no small country can establish unilaterally and which cannot be achieved without the help of the United Nations. Chad would like to see this question made the basis of the work of the world trade conference planned for 1964, to which we look forward with high hopes.
34. The United Nations Economic and Social Council, at its last session, dwelt at length on the need for foreign aid and on the developed countries' obligation to assist the developing countries.
35. The Government of the Republic of Chad has defined what it conceives to be the purpose of foreign aid and the perspective from which it should be viewed: the problem is how to overcome anachronistic economic backwardness, to develop national industry and to end the humiliating and unequal position occupied by the developing countries in international trade.
36. In Chad we agree with certain economists who hold that it is in the interests of the developed countries that the peoples of the developing countries should have access to the world market, for the more this market expands, the more the industries of the developed countries will prosper. We in the Republic of Chad are determined to cast off our poverty and make our country prosperous.
37. We shall overcome our economic backwardness by a natural process if we succeed in establishing a rate of development fast enough to exceed our rate of population growth. We have to invest in both agriculture and communications; we want to give priority to the development of national industries. We need the assistance of the more developed countries which can make available to us the funds required for smooth development. We are in favour of bilateral aid, but equally we share the hope expressed by the Secretary- General of the United Nations that all economic and social activities will be placed under the sign of the United Nations Development Decade. The United Nations Conference on the Application of Science and Technology for the Benefit of the Less Developed Areas is an event the importance of which we fully recognize. That Conference has placed within our reach the modern technology which is the first requirement for all development. The second requirement for development is the availability of sufficient resources; these we shall obtain thanks to the regulation of international trade which will we hope, be the result of the trade conference to be held within the framework of the Decade.
38. The Secretary-General, in the Introduction to his annual report on the work of the Organization [S/5501/ Add.1, section IV], has informed us of his concern lest the Special Fund should be unable to reach its target of $100 million for 1964. We, I need hardly say, strongly support the Secretary-General in his appeal to the participating countries that they should contribute enough to make it possible to reach this modest target. I should like to draw attention to that part of the Introduction [ibid.,] which mentions the figure of 327 projects in 120 developing countries at a cost of $672 million, of which the Special Fund is contributing 42 percent and the Governments concerned the remainder.
39. The economic development of all the regions of the world is a goal which lies within our reach; it is no longer a dream. General disarmament, by releasing large sums absorbed by war industries, so that they can be diverted to peaceful enterprises in the developing countries, will accelerate these countries' growth.
40. The road which we must still travel to ensure the maintenance of peace in the world is, perhaps, long and difficult. But if we all look in the same direction, and if we maintain this constancy of effort with the good faith and good will of the twentieth-century humanist, we shall have grounds for optimism. We express this optimism, trusting in the effort that each one of us will make at the current session to resolve the various thorny problems before us. Whatever those problems may be —the proposed conference to consider revision of the Charter, the question of Palestine (rather, of peace in the Middle East) which was recently the subject of proceedings in the Security Council, the important question of the United Nations Emergency Force and the problem of its financing, or the question of the denuclearization of certain zones— the United Nations has in the past, and in connexion with the most burning questions, shown itself to be an effective organ fully conscious of its responsibilities.
41. Certainly the stormy debates which we have had on philosophy and ideology have often made our meetings tumultuous, but the United Nations has emerged from them with enhanced stature. The small nations place great hope in the Organization's work. The peoples of the entire world cherish the United Nations and feel for it the veneration accorded to institutions which, and persons who, have made their contribution to the rapprochement of men and to universal peace.
42. Let us hope that, after this session, our Organization will be even more deserving of the confidence and respect which it enjoys at the hands of millions of people. Let us hope that our Organization will as quickly as possible attain the goal of universality for which it was created and towards which all our efforts should be directed.