We, the Togolese people, are profoundly and sincerely attached to peace and the union of our countrymen; for we know that we are not alone in the world and that our peace and well-being cannot be complete when danger threatens our neighbours near or far. We are just as firmly attached to world peace, whether It be in Asia, in the Near East or, especially, in Africa. We are attached to the reconciliation of all peoples and to human and world solidarity. My country was therefore acting in accordance with its deepest beliefs when it participated with five other African countries in the preparatory work for the historic Addis Ababa Conference.
96. Whenever, in my country, the bonds of national harmony have loosened so that order and peace were threatened, we have always found that a patient and eager search for all possible means of effecting reconciliation and restoring peace with freedom and justice has invariably saved us from the danger. What is true for my country must also be true for all countries, especially for those in which the people, because of skin colour or the will of some to dominate others, or as a result of intolerance, are divided into antagonistic groups, superimposed like oil and water in a bottle, unable to mix, to know and to value one another.
97. My country, as I said, is entirely devoted to peace and harmony. For that reason my delegation has been particularly responsive to the remarks made from this rostrum supporting the strengthening of the world peace —unfortunately too precarious— that we now enjoy, the abolition of racial discrimination, and, lastly, a general rapprochement of all peoples. If the present session of the General Assembly could keep this promise, it would mark a decisive turning-point in the history of mankind.
98. A portentous event —and a pledge for the future— preceded the opening of the eighteenth session; the United States of America, the United Kingdom and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics —the only countries which possess atomic weapons— at last realized the mortal danger in which they alone placed this planet which belongs to us all; they agreed among themselves and promised to renounce a certain category of nuclear tests and sealed their agreement by a treaty signed at Moscow. It is understood, unfortunately, that other categories of nuclear tests may continue and that the immense stockpiles will remain intact and available for the apocalyptic use for which they are intended. These monstrous stockpiles are said to represent more than twenty times the quantity required to blow up our planet.
99. We in Togo had thought that the total destruction, under control, of these bombs and their carriers would be decided upon at the Moscow meeting. But the time when our anguished spirits will at last feel the relief of which we have so often dreamt is still distant. The Moscow Treaty therefore had not aroused any great enthusiasm in my country. Our anguish remains, but our hope, too, abides and will not die. There is a glimmer of hope on the horizon: we do not have the right not to acclaim it.
100. History, of course, has taught us the value of treaties which are concluded only the better to be broken. We are, however, among the many countries that have acceded to the Moscow Treaty and have signed it. From my country's point of view, this gesture was made in order not to leave the three protagonists alone face to face and to make them feel that the matter was not only their problem but the problem of us all, in order to caution them formally against any retrogression and, lastly, in order to encourage them to go forward to general disarmament in the very near future.
101. The fact that the three authors of the Moscow Treaty overcame all manner of obstacles in order to reach agreement in the interest of peace is a good augury in itself. It must be welcomed. The momentum gained in this way has led them, or at least two of them —the United States of America and the USSR— to envisage a joint flight to the moon. At this point I should like to make a comment. Our planet is hospitable and generous. Nature has spread immense and inexhaustible riches before us. Life on earth is potentially sweet and good for all. However, all do not yet have their fair share of the inheritance. Some have much more than they need. But others —and they are the overwhelming majority— are without the absolute minimum; and it is certain that the way things are going, the rich countries are continuing to get richer and the poor countries poorer. This is an alarming situation which urgently calls for rigorous action. Then why not remain on earth? Why spend fortunes to reach another planet, which may be only a desert hostile to man, when on our own earth we have not yet fulfilled all our duties as good heirs and fathers? The wish expressed by a large number of delegations from this rostrum is that there should soon be general disarmament, affecting both atomic and conventional weapons and that the colossal sums hitherto spent on the manufacture of bombs and guns should henceforth be used to give bread to those who have none and to improve our earth so that all men may taste the joy of living.
102. Therefore, at a time when the circumstances attending this eighteenth session justify hope in this regard, space competitions and feats and this idyllic flight to the moon ought not to be encouraged. As long as poverty continues to ravage the world, such feats and moon flights, because of the considerable sums which must be sunk in them, can represent only a fantasy, a foolish waste. I realize that certain ventures, certain experiments which in the past were judged mad and useless later produced results which today benefit us all. The cautious or timid souls who opposed them at the time seem so ridiculous to us today! But in present world conditions, my country is not afraid of ridicule of that kind and is prepared, so far as it is concerned, to assume before history the responsibility for delaying the moon flight for some years —time for vast organized and active human and world collaboration to bring rays of light and joy into all the homes on earth and to restore balance in a world which the Creator intended to be harmonious but in which harmony is everywhere destroyed.
103. On this subject of harmony an image comes to mind. I borrow it from the eminent African Head of State Mr. Leopold Sedar Senghor, the President of the Republic of Senegal, who said in substance that all the peoples of the earth together play a vast symphony. The industrialized Powers are the ones that lead the orchestra. This we readily admit. We the countries of the under-developed world —the greater part of mankind— are the percussion section. If the orchestra leader becomes dizzy and loses the beat, we are there, steadily beating out on the drums the harmonious rhythm of man's life on earth, thus compelling him to come back down and listen to us. If our symphony is not to become a dreadfully stormy, tormented and ragged cacophony, it cannot be otherwise.
104. The time has come, therefore, to listen a little more, indeed a great deal more to us —the peoples of the under-developed world. The peoples of the underdeveloped world constitute the overwhelming majority of mankind. Nothing decided or done without them will ever rest on a solid foundation. Any action taken or continued without or against their advice will inevitably lead to a catastrophe, which it would be so easy to prevent here and now. Hence, not only must we be listened to attentively but our views should be sought in all matters, we should be given our proper part to play.
105. In this Organization where equality and non-discrimination are professed, the representation of the countries of Africa in various organs is notoriously inadequate. Several speakers have already said so. It must be said again, and it must be pointed out that this is not a mere question of condescension, expediency or bargaining. It is a question of justice, balance and harmony. Let us, therefore, stop subordinating Africa's presence in United Nations bodies to any consideration other than justice. At this stage my delegation does not wish to submit any specific proposal. It asks only one thing: that a wide exchange of views should be initiated with a view to reaching a solution satisfactory to all.
106. The justice, balance and harmony which I mentioned in speaking of the representation of our countries in United Nations bodies are, when transposed to the world scene, the very conditions for the survival of our world. Restoration of balance and harmony to the world means a more just distribution of material benefits among all peoples. The bilateral or multilateral aid granted to developing countries should be regarded simply as justice to be rendered, reparation to be made, a pressing duty of solidarity to be performed. Here, too, the African countries would like to be intimately associated at all stages and at all levels with what is being done. In any event, this aid, from whatever source it comes, must be greatly increased.
107. We cannot feel satisfied when peoples, even if they eat their fill, lack that essential food of the spirit —freedom. We must remember that man does not live by bread alone. To men who have nothing to eat and who do not enjoy freedom either, the fate reserved for them by other men is indeed cruel. In Africa advancing decolonization is coming up against bloody barricades put up by Portugal and South Africa. Portugal, we are told, plans to conduct a referendum in the countries over which it exercises dominion. But this referendum has already been held. The peoples of these countries have said yes to freedom and dignity. Their leaders have not considered the cost. They have gone underground and are suffering martyrdom. Portugal thus has people —in the person of those leaders— who are all ready to begin the dialogue. Obviously the African countries will never deny the virtues of negotiation and dialogue, and we can only encourage the parties to resort to them. In fact, we, the countries of the Charter of Addis Ababa, are all parties to the case. The matter concerns us in the highest degree, if only because countries adjacent to theatres of operations receive stray bullets, whether intentionally or not. Moreover, we have a sacred duty of solidarity towards our brothers in the struggle, on pain of being considered accomplices, as one of the preceding speakers said. We therefore hope that a happy conclusion may be reached without too much delay so that no other action will be necessary,
108. The attitude of the South African Government remains strangely mummified, defying time, the lessons of history and general disapproval. We must look squarely at our contradictions and our breaches of trust. By subscribing to the United Nations Charter, South Africa assumed an obligation to respect the equality of men and human dignity. Yet it is openly —and with arrogant satisfaction— pursuing the frightful policy of apartheid, doing injury to the persons and human dignity of millions and millions of Africans. Almost all the countries represented here condemn the policy of apartheid; but at the same time a certain number of them give their support to South Africa when it comes to inducing South Africa to recognize its error.
109. My proposal, in the African, spirit of dialogue and of pacific settlement by every means, would be that the General Assembly should ask the Powers friendly to South Africa to confer directly with that country in an attempt at persuasion and to report to us at this very session. If the method of amicable persuasion failed, one last role would remain for the Powers friendly to South Africa, one which only they can play: they would have to bring decisive pressure to bear on the South African Government —decisive yet friendly, since ultimately it would be in the enlightened self-interest of the South African Government and in the interest of world peace. What a bitter disappointment it would be if we were to be told that nothing can be done to change the course of events! We would then leave the door open to a catastrophe, the nature of which we would have determined ourselves by our guilty acquiescence.
110. Apartheid, racial discrimination and lingering colonialism are so many dreadful cancers, which I speak of with repugnance. But having said what I felt it was my right, indeed my duty, to say, I have pleasure now in concluding with a few last words, addressed to you, Mr. President, on the occasion of your brilliant election to the Presidency of this Assembly. Many splendid compliments have already been addressed to you, each more eloquent than the last, and you will hear more and better ones still. This, of course, intimidates me. Nevertheless, we wish to add our compliments because they are our own and because we know what feelings we put into them. I am, therefore, happy, Mr. President, to present them to you on behalf of my delegation.