Mr. President: Allow me to congratulate you most warmly on your well-deserved election as President of the General Assembly. We are sure that your abilities and vast experience in United Nations affairs will help to ensure that our debates achieve fruitful results and are not wasted in pretty phrases and good intentions. It will be your lot, Mr. President, to direct a General Assembly which must respond, without vagueness or hesitation, to the grave exigencies of the present time.
112. We hope that, at this eighteenth session, the General Assembly will make a more decided effort than on previous occasions to assess the international situation, to point, forthrightly but dispassionately, to its positive and negative elements, and to arrive at conclusions which will strengthen the policy of the United Nations on behalf of peace and the development of nations. My delegation wishes to stress the need
for our labours to be inspired by a more active spirit, one more conducive to harmony, for there has been a rekindling in the minds of the peoples of that flame of hope which was almost extinguished by the cold war, the fear of thermo-nuclear annihilation, the piling-up of armaments and the harmful psychological factors of suspicion and provocation between nations.
113. The treaty on the suspension of nuclear tests has demonstrated to the world the value of negotiations pursued with sufficient patience and goodwill. We may still be capable of inventing machinery that will be able to solve our problems one after the other and establish conditions which will definitively relieve international tension. The step that has been taken is only the beginning of a vaster process which must culminate in reconciliation among the nations, disarmament and the conclusion of agreements which will prevent States plunging into war or living with weapons at the ready like warriors on guard.
114. If we do not take full advantage of this first opportunity which presents itself after years of anxiety, we shall slide back into confusion, discouragement and inertia.
115. World public opinion is weary of being constantly subjected to the pressure of terror. It is time to put an end to the long period of torture through which we have lived. The common man wishes to live tranquilly, in a stable international environment of understanding and tolerance. He does not want to open his newspaper each morning and read of nothing but dangers, obstacles, acts of violence or mutual accusations. No one will be convinced now by rhetoric about peace or the excited proclamation of ideals of justice and universal harmony, unless effective steps are taken to see that the fiendish perfecting of death-dealing instruments is replaced by the perfecting of machinery for international co-operation and assistance. The improvement of methods of mass destruction is not the best way of creating confidence among the peoples; nor is the accumulation by both sides of similar weapons of destruction the best means of ensuring the security of rival States, for in any future conflagration the victors would share the same ghastly fate as the vanquished. Has the time not come to call for common sense, in view of the saturation point that has been reached in weapons of war and the fatigue produced by continuing political hostility?
116. Here in this Assembly States governed by different political and economic systems sit side by side. We may prefer some of those systems and not agree with others, but this Organization was established in order to emphasize what can unite us and what can help us to create the common good, not to lay stress on what separates us. We are ready to promote dialogues and understanding between all countries. Chile has no wish to fan the flames or to encourage fatal disputes between States. The aim of our Organization is to establish rules of international law which will determine the obligations of States in accordance with the provisions of the United Nations Charter. If we can rise above enmities and vested interests, we may be able to find a way out of our present vulnerable situation, while we map out a course that can free the future of mankind from the threats now casting their shadow over it.
117. The division of the world into powerful rival blocs, constant recriminations between States, the assertion that might is right, and of a world balance of power based on might, provocation, hatred, invective and propaganda, have poisoned this age of ours which was so promising. On the one hand we pride ourselves on the progress we have made and the fact that we have crossed the threshold of the atomic era; yet, on the other, we persist in keeping the world on the brink of the abyss. So absurd a paradox would be worthy of clinical study, if it did not pose a constant threat to mankind. We had already resigned ourselves to the belief that war and destruction were the only alternative, that it was merely a question of time, only the sudden flaring up of a dispute, or a miscalculation being needed to signal the apocalypse. We had already resigned ourselves to the principle of inevitability and fatality, as though mankind having gained power had lost the ability to influence the course of events. Man cannot be the plaything of events, he must be the master of his fate. It is not simply a question of the human species' instinct for self-preservation, but of ridding ourselves of this virtual moral dementia which renders ineffective the best efforts of our generation, alternately galvanized into action and cast into despair.
118. The Chilean delegation has listened with deep attention to the statements of the representatives of the two great Powers which have accumulated the greatest might in history and in our time exert the greatest influence on the destiny of mankind: the Soviet Union and the United States of America.
119. Any aggravation of their hostility towards each other might plunge the world into catastrophe. Any attempt by them at conciliation such as we are now witnessing, opens up prospects for the realization of vast undertakings of peaceful co-operation.
120. President Kennedy's statement outlined a vast plan marked by idealism, intelligence and boldness. In Mr. Gromyko's speech, we found positive elements, proposals and goodwill that must not be underestimated. Both were honest enough not to ignore the serious problems that have dragged on for so many years. Yet their statements were hopeful and have been welcomed as such by world opinion. Let us hope that the new spirit which could be discerned in the speeches of both statesmen will be translated into action, particularly with respect to the problems of disarmament and national development.
121. Chile is a small developing country, profoundly peace-loving, firmly resolved to maintain its democratic institutions, and determined to improve the standard of living of its people. We wish to fulfil our destiny as best we can, beset though we may be by the savagery of nature and difficulties of every kind. Like so many other countries that live in conditions similar to ours, we hope that we may be allowed to work in peace and aspire to a life offering greater opportunities. We cannot shut ourselves entirely off, however, or develop self-sufficiently. We realize that we are part of a world that is drawn closer together every day and that our future depends to a great extent on the future of other nations. We in Latin America are engaged in a process of economic and social, cultural, and political integration. We emerged from the colonial era to live through times of great difficulty. The awakening of the Latin American masses is now an irreversible process. It is as though a flood-gate had been opened. We do not want the cataract to waste itself in turmoil; we want the energy of our impatient masses to be directed into creative channels.
122. It is our firm belief that the small countries will have to play a more effective and important part in the United Nations. To do so we must mobilize all our moral force and work together increasingly. In particular we must make the great Powers realize their responsibility. Why are they called upon to play a leading part in the cause of peace and progress, not only on behalf of their own peoples but of all the peoples of the world?
123. Let us tell them, frankly and unambiguously, While the small, weak countries are still grappling with backwardness and poverty, the great Powers of our time have, by their own efforts it is true, attained unprecedented destructive power; they have obtained all the benefits of industrialization, science and technology; they have accumulated vast wealth, to which we have contributed; they have imposed their influence on world trade and reached a degree of well-being and prosperity which makes them truly privileged. One of the most outstanding characteristics of our time is the marked and increasing imbalance between rich countries and poor countries. One third of mankind lives in comfort while the other two thirds must struggle merely to survive.
124. This disequilibrium is aggravated by the armaments race on which are spent increasingly enormous sums which could, if a spirit of universal brotherhood really were to prevail, in a few years banish the spectre of hunger and want from the under-developed countries.
125. The superiority of the great Powers, whose advancement we admire, has been distorted into the threat of their self-destruction, and also into lack of effective co-operation to raise the level of living in the many under-privileged nations. Nevertheless, history will some day relate that the fate of the great Powers was closely linked with the advancement of the weaker countries. At this point in history, we small nations need the great; but the great also have need of the small. That simple truth does not yet seem to have become entirely clear.
126. In the face of a policy of narrow national interests, shaped by each nation's eagerness to safeguard its own security by accumulating arms, equipment and nuclear bombs, any solemn appeal for real peace sounds like the expression of a utopian dream. But the international community can hardly be expected to develop if the desire for peace is not expressed in definite action. It is therefore natural for a country like Chile to denounce the present disastrous division of the world, to reaffirm its pacifist views and its intention to take part in any international discussions, to participate in any effort at international conciliation, to promote negotiations on disarmament, and to halt ambitions towards domination and temptations to aggression.
127. Chile was one of the five signatories of the Declaration on the Denuclearization of Latin America [A/5415]; it was one of the first countries to sign the nuclear test ban treaty; and our President, Mr. Alessandri, some years ago made a fervent appeal for limitation of armaments to the Latin American countries. Chile's international policy is not an expression of the views of one group alone but of the whole nation, uncoloured by partisanship. The search for more effective methods for the maintenance of peace and the halting of the deadly arms race is of the deepest concern to the people and Government of Chile, and we shall continue to pursue it resolutely. Our own Intelligence shows us the complexity of the problem, but we are also convinced that we must take positive action to give full effect to the principles of the Charter.
128. The suspension, even if it is only a partial suspension, of nuclear tests will not only benefit the health of millions of human beings and preserve life on our planet in face of the terrible danger of radio-active contamination, but will also induce a feeling of relief in all men, because although each atomic test explosion was a success in so far as it increased destructive power, humanity saw in the terrible mushroom clouds rising to the heavens a portent of its possible future, a holocaust of civilization and of every form of life. Chile has always been against such man-made hells. Now, from this rostrum, we feel that we must express our concern that some States have refused or hesitated to sign the treaty. We must express our fear lest some Power, believing itself to be backward in thermo-nuclear techniques, should decide to carry out further tests. An agreement of this type is only valid if universal. Consequently we think this Assembly should make a friendly appeal to all nations to respond to the moral imperative arising from the treaty. Our delegation also declares that the partial suspension of nuclear tests should be followed first by total suspension, then by prohibition of all such tests, and finally by the destruction of nuclear missiles. Suspension means the possibility of beginning again. A problem of such transcendent importance calls for a radical solution.
129. The international order of our times requires a peace which is something more than a temporary and precarious truce. Peace must be a doctrine, a climate, a system, in which all nations of the world without exception shall renounce the instruments of war and devote themselves to achieving prosperity for all the inhabitants of the globe. Armed peace is a contradiction and a sham. In fact, it is treason to ourselves; but it is above all a crime against the future of millions of human victims of hunger, disease, oppression and misery. We must place the United Nations at the service of peace, and peace at the service of the nations, before we can attain any tangible objectives, which means better conditions of material and spiritual living. For this, peace must be a reality and not a figment. The inexorable pressure of the destitute masses of the world demands the establishment of a rational peace: that is to say, planned coexistence and co-operation between nations, using the inexhaustible means and resources with which modern civilization can transform a sick and bewildered world into a healthy and happy one.
130. To the man in the street, humanity presents this picture. The banquet of life is enjoyed by a few; millions and millions of human beings are looking on through the windows, hungry-eyed and scowling. The discontent of the many increases in proportion to the indifference of the few. Threats to peace are inherent in the multiplication of weapons and in political rivalries; but they also arise from the misery of the under-developed peoples.
131. In the dialectic of armed peace we are accustomed to fatalistic reasoning. "We cannot cooperate any further" we are told, "If we do not achieve disarmament; and we cannot achieve disarmament if we cannot secure adequate guarantees of our security". The small and weak countries must do all they can to break this vicious circle into which the world has fallen.
132. As in other years, but with greater zeal on account of the pass to which we have come, the General Assembly must give serious consideration to the economic and social conditions of the developing countries, which have recently grown much worse despite international aid.
133. The recent World Food Congress has revealed hair-raising pictures of poverty in many areas of the world, poverty growing worse through population growth. Why did we establish the United Nations? We did not certainly establish it for the academic unbosoming of our anxieties, but to provide the necessary equipment to enable us to distribute the benefits of progress equally.
134. Most of the developing countries live by exporting basic commodities whose value sometimes falls, whose prices fluctuate sharply, or which are difficult to sell owing to restrictions or lack of markets. Hence the importance which my Government attaches to the Conference on Trade and Development, in which we look forward to participating with enthusiasm. We sincerely hope it will produce definite results in the removal of obstacles to international trade, to the end that prices of raw materials may be stabilized and new and modern trade machinery set up, to the benefit both of the super-developed Powers and of the developing countries.
135. Chile, like other countries, has for long been working hard to ensure that its institutional and democratic progress keeps pace with an economic and social progress which will give the masses freedom, justice and dignity of citizenship, while at the same time satisfying their natural needs. Our effort is hard, because we have many limitations, and the speed with which we fulfil the just demands of our people does not depend altogether upon ourselves. We have achieved much, but many stages will have to be passed over before Chileans can obtain the benefits which will bring some relief into their daily life. We are putting into effect a ten-year development plan and carrying out basic reforms, but we must obtain financial assistance on a larger scale.
136. Mankind is faced with a dilemma which grows daily more pressing: either the level of living of the peoples in the under-developed regions must be raised by a broader and more effective system of international aid, or those famished and poverty-stricken peoples will sink for ever into moral frustration and despair. No one wants this to happen, and it should cause the deepest concern precisely to those in whose power it is to provide more assistance.
137. My delegation wishes to establish clearly that economic and social progress is not enough unless it is accompanied by enjoyment of the fundamental freedoms and by respect for human rights, both collectively among nations and personally among individuals. At the collective level, we should like to say here once again that we are strongly anti-colonialist. In accordance with our principle we have been actively working throughout this year on the committee on decolonization. The colonialist systems are in their death agonies, but unfortunately colonialism is not yet dead. All that we ask is that the passage from colonization to emancipation shall be achieved under the best possible conditions, without bloodshed, violence or destruction and with the co-operation of the administering Power. We also want to be sure that independence is no illusion; we do not want to see economic colonialism persisting under the cloak of political independence.
138. We have always been in favour of the self-determination of peoples, and we have with deep conviction defended also the principle of non-intervention. Relations among nations should be based on mutual respect, and each nation should support others in achieving full enjoyment of their sovereign rights, even if their political and social ideas differ. Any interference with one country by another country, either open or surreptitious, through authority, intimidation or infiltration, shakes the legal and political foundations of the international community, may lead to serious conflict, and may generate undying resentment in the nation whose sovereignty has been infringed.
139. In defending the right of peoples to self-determination, we are also defending equal rights for all human beings and seeking to remove the stigma of inferiority which, despite their political and social conquests, still clings to women. We must add that we fully accept the development which has taken place in the classic content of human rights. Or rather, we believe that the enjoyment of rights signifies that all men and women are free to express their opinions and their beliefs, to be members of associations, and to elect their representatives; but that at the same time it signifies that all men and women must enjoy equal opportunities to preserve their health, to be decently housed, and to bring up their children. We trust that the General Assembly will crown the work of many years by adopting the draft Covenants on Human Rights.
140. We are opposed to discrimination in all its forms, and we have enthusiastically participated in the preparation of the draft Declaration on the elimination of racial discrimination, which the Assembly will surely adopt. Discriminatory practices such as apartheid, or the perpetuation of privileges for racial minorities set over large majorities of indigenous inhabitants, are the legacy of old slave regimes, abuses of power and infringements of human dignity. They are also reasons why peoples remain under-developed, and they create danger-spots for international peace and security.
141. We shall energetically defend any measure or proposal designed to oblige States to promote freedom of worship, to put an end to religious persecution, and to secure respect for the right of every human being to hold a belief in conformity with the dictates of his inalienable conscience.
142. During the year we have witnessed new and marvellous evidence of man's inventive genius and his audacity in exploring outer space and in probing the atom and the living cell. Long and short-term scientific research has made it possible to ensure that man’s power over matter and over the world shall increase. But all this irradiating Promethean fire conquered by contemporary man has still to be applied not only to the control of matter but also to the conquest of spiritual and social good. Of what use are scientific advances, wonderful machines, new sources of power, technical perfection, if we find that we cannot free man from fear, oppression, hunger and injustice? Or what use to boast of the degree of civilization we have attained if we do not give well-being and happiness before all to the dispossessed, if we do not abolish castes and privileges, if we cannot prevent men from being turned into robots, if we are incapable of achieving stable peace and international co-operation in order to present succeeding generations with a more humane world?
143. In. reaffirming our faith in a better future, we are expressing our most absolute faith in the United Nations, now strengthened by the presence of so many new States. The United Nations must be the basic instrument of the dominion of reason and moral law over uncontrolled passion. We warmly congratulate Secretary-General U Thant on his faith and energy, and on his successes in the settlement of various international disputes.
144. Here at this rostrum the representatives of governments express their views on the present situation in the world. But we must not forget that in this hall our own voices are accompanied by the faint echo of our peoples, expressing mingled anxiety and hope. Millions and millions of human beings, whom we must not defraud and who need our help quickly, have their eyes upon us. This burdens us with a heavy responsibility, and it is our duty to make our debates harmonious and produce energetic and constructive resolutions. Would that we could lose sight of national frontiers and vested interests, and think only of the international community.' We shall only succeed if we are resolutely determined to take a great step forward and ensure that peace shall not be precarious but lasting and fruitful, and that a social justice which will bring prosperity and dignity to all our neighbours shall be established in this divided and troubled world.