Disarmament is today the question that stands out as the all-important problem in international politics. While fears of new weapons and new methods of warfare also loomed large during the period between the First and Second World Wars, the risk involved by leaving the armaments problem unsolved has never been greater than it is today. Stocks of nuclear arms are growing day by day; technological discoveries are forever increasing the potentialities of atomic weapons. The human imagination simply cannot visualize the total destruction that a nuclear war might cause. The physical consequences of such a war would be visited upon the human race for generations to come.
51. The long series of negotiations since the Second World War covering general disarmament, the ban on nuclear arms tests, the prevention of surprise attack, and the utilization of outer space have all had one thing in common — they failed to produce results.
52. Military balance of power is considered a strong peace-preserving factor, but this balance is always a precarious one, jeopardized by a continued armaments race. Each group is trying to meet the threat by staking enormous scientific and technical resources on staying in the lead in the production of new weapons and in inventing new methods of getting them to the target. The process of disarmament, too, involves a risk of upsetting the balance of power. Fears that an agreement on disarmament might shift the balance of power have until now outweighed the fears felt about continued rearmament. That is no doubt the main reason why it has not been possible so far to conclude an agreement.
53. It should be possible for military and scientific experts to work out proposals for a series of gradual, adequately controlled disarmament measures in such a way that the balance of power would at no point be shifted. Before an expert study of this nature could be initiated, a negotiated political agreement on the terms of reference of the experts must be reached. These negotiations could be the responsibility of a body which this General Assembly could set up in order to resume discussions where they were broken off in the Ten-Nation Committee on Disarmament.
54. Whether this latter new disarmament committee should be slightly smaller or slightly larger than the Ten-Nation Committee is not, in the opinion of the Danish Government, of great importance. What really matters is that the committee should be able to work efficiently; therefore its composition must be restricted, It must be able to make a realistic approach to the problems before it; therefore it must comprise the major military Powers of the world. And thirdly, it might well be useful if some mediating element could be introduced through the participation of countries outside the major groupings of Powers. The introduction of such an element might well bring new impetus to the negotiations.
55. The proposals for general and complete disarmament presented a few days ago by the Chairman of the Ministers of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics [A/4505] should, of course, together with other previous proposals on the same pattern, be included in the working material of this Committee.
56. At the same time work on more limited disarmament projects should be energetically continued. One of the projects that would seem to be within the most immediate reach is an agreement on a ban on nuclear tests. The negotiating Powers in Geneva appear to have a common interest in putting an end to nuclear tests — an interest of such importance to them that a unanimously adopted text of an agreement may not be a long way off. We must urge the negotiating parties to arrive at such an agreement. While it is true that agreement on stopping nuclear tests would certainly not solve all the problems, it would mark a considerable step forward. The successful implementation of such an agreement would give us practical experiences, of value for negotiations in other sectors of the disarmament problem. The fact that neither the Soviet Union nor the United States or the United Kingdom have made nuclear tests for almost two years gives us reason to believe that our hopes in this respect are based on reality. Agreement among some powers should, of course, be extended to cover all Powers.
57. Another possibility of limited disarmament measures is the idea of a controlled termination of the production of fissionable material for military purposes as it was presented by the President of the United States [868th meeting].
58. There is one more field in which discussions on partial disarmament may be both realistic and useful. I am thinking of the possibility of establishing an international inspection and armaments control. Mutual agreements of this kind need not be accompanied at once by agreements on disarmament measures. The inspection would have a value of its own in giving us an idea of the operation and effectiveness of an inspection and control machinery. It would contribute to the development of means of control and thus pave the way for more extensive arrangements in the future. In a historical perspective, such-inspection arrangements may be seen as gradual steps towards that open world which the Danish scientist, Mr. Niels Bohr, advocated in 1950 in his open letter to the United Nations. Mr. Bohr made the point that complete and mutual openness about all scientific and technological discoveries bearing upon the military strength of nations is a prerequisite for peace. This openness must also be a necessary condition for the implementation of total disarmament. It is essential, therefore that this assumption should be put to a realistic test,
59. We heard last week the proposal of the President of the United States for an international armaments inspection machinery, under the auspices of the United Nations, to be called in by a country that wishes to make known to the world the non-aggressive nature of its defence measures. This proposal is an extremely interesting one and should, in our view, be given high priority in any disarmament discussions. Its importance lies not only in bringing the United Nations into the focus of inspection but also in the fact that it attempts to forestall the danger of wars caused by miscalculation.
60. The whole problem of international inspection has been given careful consideration by the Danish Government. In line with the ideas expressed a few days ago by the Prime Minister of Canada [871st meeting] we feel that as a fruitful supplement to the facultative inspection arrangement just mentioned both East and West could at once make available for free and reciprocal inspection definite sectors of their national territories of considerable and approximately equal geographic extent and strategic importance. Within the limited resources at our disposal we would like to offer a practical contribution in this field in order to set an example and at the same time to illustrate the direction in which our ideas are moving. As such a contribution my Government would be prepared to consider opening up, for inspection purposes the vast territory of Greenland as part of a mutually balanced inspection arrangement. We hope that this offer could be the first step towards the development of an international inspection arrangement and that other countries will approach this problem in the same spirit.
61. I now turn to the countries which are in the process of development. It has long been realized that, next to or, indeed, coequal with disarmament, the problems of the countries in process of development and the policies designed to help these countries to achieve a healthy economic growth, are the most important for the safeguarding of peace and for the harmonious political future of the world. The events in the Congo and elsewhere in Africa, this summer have brought this viewpoint into very sharp focus.
62. We agree with the Secretary-General that although the impact of economic activities is undramatic these activities are of decisive long-term significance for the welfare of the international community and, therefore, that the work of the United Nations in the long run is likely to be judged by its contribution towards building the kind of world community in which crises will no longer be inevitable. As a natural consequence of this conviction, Denmark has participated from the very beginning in United Nations programmes assisting the less developed countries.
63. Although, Denmark is the greatest contributor, per caput, to the United Nations Expanded Programme of Technical Assistance, we intend to increase our contributions still further. We are especially gratified to learn from representatives of the developing countries that the courses and seminars organized in Denmark under United Nations auspices have assisted them in moulding their economic policies. Denmark continues to stand ready upon request to supply technicians and experts in fields where our knowledge and experience might be considered of value.
64. In addition to the United Nations technical assistance programme my Government has felt the need for and has strongly supported another United Nations organ, the Special Fund, rendering assistance in the pre-investment field. At the moment we are also considering an increase in our contribution to this important United Nations endeavour, and we trust that the two programmes will reach their annual goal of $100 million in the coming year.
65. The necessary following up of technical assistance and pre-investment work is actual capital investment, the greater part of which must naturally be provided by the less developed countries themselves through their own savings. In order to offer incentives for foreign private investments, the under-developed countries can probably do more to improve the climate for increased import of private capital. Foreign assistance is also received from Governments on a bilateral, regional or multilateral basis. The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, the International Finance Corporation and the International Development Association are most important sources of multilateral capital assistance, but the less developed countries voice with increasing vigour the need for wider multilateral assistance to be rendered through a United Nations development fund capable of capital investments, principally in infrastructure. Whether it will prove necessary for this purpose to establish a new organ or whether the Special Fund will be able to undertake added responsibilities cannot be determined at this stage. However that may be, the less developed countries may count on Denmark's active co-operation if and when it proves feasible to establish a United Nations capital development fund. Until then we shall support, as I indicated during the Economic and Social Council the suggestion voiced there by the representatives of the Netherlands and New Zealand that the possibility of establishing closer links between the United Nations and the International Development Association should be more fully explored.
66. That during their first sensitive years of independence the new Member countries are in need of assistance in the field of public administration is self-evident. It is, therefore, encouraging to see that, in the opinion of the receiving Governments, the programme for rendering assistance by providing operational and executive personnel, has proved its value. Accordingly we firmly support the Economic and Social Council's recent decision [resolution 790 (XXX)] to establish this programme on a permanent basis and recommend that it be increased proportionally to the requests received, especially from the newly independent countries of Africa.
67. It also goes without saying that Denmark supports the Secretary-General's proposal to meet the Congo emergency needs and that consequently the Danish Government is prepared to ask the appropriating authorities of the Parliament for an appropriate contribution to the United Nations Fund for the Congo.
68. As a country which in no small part owes its comparatively high standard of living to its educational institutions, we should like to voice our support for any United Nations effort to help African countries to implement their plans for educational facilities. Consequently we appreciate the initiative President Eisenhower has taken in proposing the establishment of institutions appropriately located and specifically dedicated to training the young men and women of Africa who are now called upon to assume the heavy and complex duties of building their new independent nations.
69. With great interest we have listened to proposals made by President Eisenhower [868th meeting] and the Prime Minister of Canada [871st meeting] with regard to the promising "Food for peace" programme, including proposals to establish a food bank under the auspices of the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations. Needless to say, my delegation will study, with the greatest of interest and sympathy, detailed proposals instrumental in implementing a programme designed to assist millions of people suffering from hunger and malnutrition.
70. However willing the United Nations is to render emergency help to the weaker members of its community, we must never forget the overriding importance of our task of assisting the new nations in their efforts to help themselves. This assistance can only be given by helping the developing countries to carry out a diversification of their production structure and by securing for them a fair share of world trade, thus enabling them to sell their exportable products at reasonable and stable prices. Unfortunately the countries in process of development do not generally meet with the necessary understanding in this respect.
71. It is of great importance that the industrialized countries avoid excessive agricultural protectionism and also that sufficient support be given to the endeavour to maintain reasonable and stable prices of primary products, which is the object of the various international commodity agreements concluded under the auspices of the United Nations.
72. The attempt to stabilize raw material prices should, however, be seen also in relation to the interest of the developing nations in furthering the industrialization process in their respective economies.
73. Denmark, together with other countries, particularly Brazil, India and Yugoslavia, has been instrumental in establishing a new United Nations organ, namely, the Committee for Industrial Development which we trust will begin its work in 1961, assisting the industrial advancement of the less developed countries. This twenty-four-member group will provide needed advice on production and management techniques, fiscal policies, economic programming, distribution and marketing, essential to formulate constructive policies of industrialization in the new member countries.
74. In times of economic progress like that which the industrial countries are experiencing at present, it should be comparatively easy for the individual countries to contribute to the establishment of a better international division of labour by liberalizing trade and payments and by abolishing or reducing the protection of their manufacturing industries, farming, shipping and aviation. While some progress has been made, it is disheartening to observe that, through excessive protectionist measures, certain countries maintain shipping and aviation on an artificial level, which will not be able to survive if exposed to the full impact of normal competition. Such actions set a bad example to other countries and encourage them to apply similar measures.
75. I now turn to Africa. The great developments on that continent present us with a number of specific problems, but above all they bring new elements into the international situation. The African continent has emerged on the world scene, and African solidarity, as expressed here by the leaders of a growing number of free and independent nations, is here to stay. The African States have much to contribute to the United Nations, just as the United Nations has much to contribute to them.
76. As far as the Congo problem is concerned, the Danish Government welcomes the manner in which the General Assembly at its recent emergency special session endorsed, and the Secretary-General carried out, the policy for that country agreed upon by the Security Council. We should congratulate ourselves on United Nations activities in this field, as carried out by the Secretary-General with impartiality and loyalty to the principles of the Charter.
77. We hope that, with the help and co-operation of their African sister States, the people of the. Congo may soon find unity and a national leadership prepared to co-operate loyally with the international efforts which serve the sole aim of assisting them.
78. While speaking about Africa, I must say a few words about the policy pursued by the Government of the Union of South Africa, not only in her own territory but also — to our even greater regret — within the mandate territory of South West Africa, There is virtually agreement within the United Nations on these questions, but so far the Government of the Union of South Africa has chosen to disregard the resolutions of the Assembly. I hope that the Government of South Africa will pay regard to world opinion. In doing so it would, no doubt, also pay regard to world peace. The resolutions of the United Nations in this matter — as well as in other African problems — express a deep but sober concern for the future course of events in case present policies remain unchanged. Recent developments bear witness to this view.
79. I now turn to the new Members and the organization of the United Nations. I wish to take this opportunity to extend to the fourteen new countries just elected members of our Organization a cordial welcome on behalf of the Danish Government. This applies to the thirteen independent African States as well as to Cyprus. The admission of these new Member States is an enrichment of our Organization. There is, as I see it, a valuable interplay between the United Nations and its individual Members. The very fact that we are Members of the United Nations, bound by the obligations of the Charter, influences and broadens our views and policies in the direction of justice, reasonableness, good will and understanding of problems in other parts of the world.
80. On the other hand, the more countries that adopt the principles of the United Nations, the better are our chances for reaching a balanced world opinion. Our new fellow Members have a very important role to play here.
81. It is the well known policy of the Danish Government that all independent States should be admitted to membership in the United Nations. This is, of course, also the basic point of view underlying our attitude to the question of Chinese representation in the United Nations. Sooner or later the Chinese people will be represented in this Organization.by the Government which actually exercises the authority. This solution is also supported by the fact that no disarmament agreement could in the long run be truly effective without Chinese participation.
82. The fact that the number of Member States has almost doubled since the machinery of the United Nations was created must inevitably accentuate the problem of the efficiency of that machinery. During several previous sessions we have discussed the question of extending the number of seats in such bodies as the Security Council and the Economic and Social Council, but so far without result. This is a problem which should have the special interest of the new Member States, since under present arrangements it is clear that their parts of the world are not properly represented in these bodies. We are here faced with an urgent problem to which the Assembly will have to give its attention.
83. This may not be the right occasion to make more specific proposals, but I should like to mention that a workable solution may be found in combining the increase in the number of seats with a review of present terms of mandate and principles of representation, What I have in mind in the latter respect is some system which, to a higher degree than the present one, would guarantee a regional group of a certain size representation by the candidate of their choice.
84. It is only natural that a machinery so complex as the United Nations should be subject to review from time to time. Indeed, there has for some years already been a pressure towards such a review, although, owing to the attitude of certain Member nations, no progress has been made so far. I am sure that we are all prepared to discuss proposals for making the Organization still better and more efficient; this is a goal towards which we must always be pressing forward. Fundamental, however is the will to unite our efforts under the principles of the Charter. Do we want an organization of nations truly united towards the common goal, or do we wish to split up the great family of nations into groupings of interests vigorously opposed to each other, ideologically as well as politically? Surely, only in unity of purpose and with an efficient organization suited to meet ever-changing situations can we contribute to the maintenance of world peace in freedom and justice.
First, I should like to thank the President for his kind words of welcome to the Queen and me.
4. It is a great pleasure for me to have the privilege of addressing today this, the most comprehensive international body of the world — embodying, as it does, not only the governmental authority of ninety-nine Member States but also the wisdom and experience of a large number of outstanding individuals.
5. Denmark, my country, is proud to be one of these Member States and to have been so since the foundation of the United Nations. At the same time we have seen with satisfaction the increase in membership since then, just as we are looking forward to still more States taking their seats in this Assembly in the years to come. It is our basic view that all territories that can make a justified claim to being independent and sovereign States, and are prepared to live up to the Charter, should be Members of this Organization. It is indeed inherent in the idea of the United Nations that representation and membership should be universal.
6. If we read through once again the Preamble of the Charter of the United Nations — and all of us should from time to time do that — four main goals strike the eye as pre-eminent for the efforts of this Organization: peace, human rights, international law and social progress. Let no one initiate a debate on which of these goals should take precedence; they are all interdependent. Without law there can be no peace; without peace there can be no human rights, and poverty and need by themselves present the best climate for international conflict.
7. I know well enough how many questions you will have to deal with during this fifteenth session of the General Assembly, how long and detailed an agenda you have before you. Nevertheless, there are two problems which may be said to express more than any others the whole idea, the whole striving, of the United Nations. I am thinking of disarmament and of the assistance to be given to countries and territories which are in a state of development.
8. I shall not go into the intricacies of the disarmament question. I only want to remind you that the truly explosive developments in nuclear warfare — and also, let us not forget, in chemical and bacteriological warfare — have taken us into a wholly new situation. Today war would be a process of mutual suicide with no chance of victory for any country. Only by keeping that in mind can the disarmament problem be solved. It is our earnest hope that this problem may be dealt with in a positive and constructive spirit, that selfish national interests may be put aside in favour of a comprehensive outlook upon the interests of the world as a whole. Such risks as are inevitably connected with the realization of every disarmament proposal are small compared to the risks involved in a continued absence of any agreement. If the cause of disarmament be given a chance, then we shall be victorious in the battle for peace.
9. As to assistance to countries and territories under development, I think we are all aware that it is in the best interest of mankind as a whole that those who have should help those who have not. We must strive to bridge the gap as regards social and economic standards which exists today, in order to establish good and stable conditions in the world, and so to build a firm basis for peaceful co-operation among nations. At the same time we must cope with, and master, the problem of refugees, which is still a blot on mankind and an outrage of all human feelings. Every cent given in this, spirit and for these purposes is bringing us forward towards that state of world-wide freedom from need in which the best qualities of humanity can thrive.
10. Through our annual contribution to the United Nations programme for technical assistance to developing countries, and in many other ways, we in Denmark try to play our part in this great task. The formidable need which exists already will be further increased by the creation of new independent States. The Danish people is acutely aware of this problem, and we shall certainly do our best to increase our contributions. At the same time, we should all devote our ingenuity towards finding methods which are best suited to coping effectively and speedily with the most, urgent problems, facing countries in the process of economic development. We know many of these problems from our own country, and we are doing our best to solve them there. I am thinking of the population of Greenland, where nearly 30,000 people are living in an immense area and under conditions as hard for human habitation as can be found anywhere in the world. It is my pride to know — as I learned once again during my recent visit to Greenland — that the people of Greenland, in spite of their geographical isolation, feel themselves members, of the Danish family. That is one example of how solutions to social and humanitarian problems inside and outside the framework of the United Nations can be inspired by the high principles and ideals which are upheld and propagated by that Organization. It is perhaps the greatest of all the tasks of the United Nations to uphold and to apply unrelentingly to all problems and situations those same high ideals and principles.
11. I wish to conclude by paying my sincere tribute to the way in which this work is carried out here in this Assembly as well as in all other United Nations bodies. I address this tribute to you, Mr. President, and also to you, Mr. Secretary-General, in deep appreciation of your relentless efforts to implement the principles of the Charter.