"When during the course of this year the big Powers were to meet in Paris last May to discuss major issues that affect world peace, the small Powers, though not parties to the conference, were hopeful that steps would be taken to remove certain obstacles that have for a long time been hindrances to world peace. At that time the proposed Summit Conference did not achieve the hopes of the world. Today, when the United Nations is holding its fifteenth annual session, many Heads of State are participating in its deliberations as heads of their respective delegations. We therefore hope that out of this session will result decisions that will remove the issues that have so far divided the nations. The presence of so many Heads of State at this opening session shows the great role the Organization is playing with regard to world peace. "We had repeatedly stated that meetings among leaders are of great importance for the good relations among nations. We therefore hope that the Heads of State now in New York will avail themselves of the opportunity to discuss and exchange views on issues of mutual interest to them and to the world in general, "Today, when the Organization opens its fifteenth session, the most pressing issue of the moment for us Africans is the Congo situation. It is our Sincere hope that the Assembly will give priority to this important matter and reach a decision whereby the independence, integrity and security of the Congo is safeguarded as well as the civil strife stopped. "Ethiopia, being a faithful member of the League of Nations and a founding Member of the United Nations Organization, has always been a loyal supporter of the basic principles inscribed in the Charter. In the future too she will continue to support these same principles and be guided by them in her relationship with other States. "On the occasion of the opening of the fifteenth session of the General Assembly of the Organization, we send our greetings and extend our best wishes to those assembled that they may succeed in their endeavours for the cause of world peace.
The presence at this fifteenth session of the General Assembly of so many Heads of State and Prime Ministers eloquently demonstrates the exceptional importance of the phase through which the United Nations is now passing.
20. Unquestionably the whole world, like the United Nations, is at a crucial turning point in contemporary history. Our meeting here in fact follows closely upon the failure of the Paris Summit Conference, the recent collapse of the efforts pursued over many years to solve the disarmament problem, and the outbreak of disorders in the centre of the great continent of Africa, where nothing less than the very future of the United Nations is at stake.
21. On the other hand, we are meeting at a moment which may subsequently prove to be the most important and symbolic of our age, when no less than fifteen African countries — with others to follow — have finally attained independence and become Members of the United Nations. I think one might even say that the ceremony at which they were admitted here ten days ago marked the beginning of the end of centuries of exploitation and imperialism on the African continent. Thus, after fifteen years of growth, the United Nations can be said to face the severest tests of its existence as a consequence of the crucial problems I have just mentioned.
22. In this respect, there would seem to be a parallel with pre-war events. It was precisely because of problems in Africa and the resultant struggle waged in defence of the same principles and ideals as the African countries are today endeavouring to champion, that the predecessor of the United Nations, the League of Nations, also in the fifteenth year of its existence, was faced with its greatest crisis. Now the United Nations has in its turn reached the crossroads of history. The war is already half a generation behind us. In fact, only a handful of the original signatories of the United Nations Charter, of whom I am proud to be one, are present at this Assembly. Nevertheless, despite the parallel with the situation which prevailed fifteen years after the First World War and the close similarity of the problems and principles involved in Africa, there are good grounds even at this critical time for remaining optimistic.
23. In a world of crises and disorders, the United Nations has assumed a significance and an importance without parallel in history. It seems to be the only safeguard today, not only for small States which, like Ethiopia, have long striven to provide it with the necessary means of assuring peace and collective security, but also for the great Powers, which desire peace but have no other means of attaining it.
24. Obviously, in these circumstances, the problems with which the Organization is called upon to deal often seem beyond the means at its disposal. Its success in meeting the problems which have marked the course of its existence and the wisdom and devotion of its permanent staff, from the Secretary-General to the humblest official, seem to me to merit our warmest commendation.
25. Nevertheless, as the presence in this Assembly of so many world figures indicates, the United Nations is called upon to deal with problems of the greatest importance to world peace and universal in their effect. How can the Organization hope to find equitable, enduring and universal solutions if it is not itself universal? It is obvious, moreover, that this lack of universality weakens the Organization’s claim to speak for mankind and to represent the conscience of the world. Speaking from a more practical standpoint, however, there is a further consideration which compels us to give serious thought to this matter. How can we, as Members of the United Nations, expect non-member countries to agree willingly to collaborate with us and with the Organization in the great international task of establishing mutual understanding between nations, if they are not admitted to membership?
26. Those are the considerations which will guide my delegation in any future discussions on this subject in the Committees and in the General Assembly.
27. Despite the existence of all these urgent and important problems, the progress achieved in fifteen years of struggle for the independence of African countries and peoples inspires us with optimism and offers an encouraging prospect.
28. For centuries Ethiopia remained the symbol of African independence and, almost alone in Africa, waged the struggle for the principle of independence and territorial integrity. As early as 1896 my country, through the courage of its leaders and patriots alone, beat back the forces of colonialism, while the outside world, already prepared to accept the extinction of Ethiopia, was suddenly made to recognize in Africa the irresistible force of the concepts of freedom and the inviolability of national territory. That day, sixty-four years ago, sounded a warning to colonialism for the first time in Africa, indeed anywhere in the world. In the same way, from 1906 onwards, when imperialist interests sought to divide my country among themselves, Ethiopia was able to hold its own in spite of everything and without material assistance from outside, while everywhere in Africa imperialism was already rampant. Finally in 1935, still alone and bombarded with counsels of appeasement, Ethiopia, under the leadership of my august sovereign Emperor Haile Selassie, unarmed and deprived of all outside assistance, did not hesitate to oppose vastly superior mechanized forces, thereby striking a blow also for the existence of all small countries, both in Africa and elsewhere, that cherish freedom and justice. It was for precisely this purpose that His Imperial Majesty made his solemn appeal at Geneva in 1936 stating that those who wanted peace at any price without justice would have neither peace nor justice; this was also a warning to other countries, that they might not suffer the fate of Ethiopia. If Ethiopia had abandoned the struggle when it was itself abandoned by the predecessor of the United Nations, present history would Tie entirely different.
29. Immediately after the end of the war, Ethiopia was obliged to resume the struggle against colonialism within the United Nations, where non-African interests opposed African solutions for those colonies which had been detached from the metropolitan countries as a result of the war. The present favourable climate did not yet prevail in the Organization at that time. Bitter struggles had still to be fought before the principles of independence, unity and territorial integrity came to be accepted by all the States Members of the United Nations.
30. Since then, the liberation movement was given strength by the admission to the Organization of Ethiopia's great friend and neighbour, the Republic of the Sudan, and gained further impetus with the admission of the Kingdom of Morocco and the Republics of Tunisia, Ghana and Guinea. If we have just witnessed the admission of no less than fifteen other African countries, to which must now be added Nigeria, due to become independent tomorrow, it is because of this now irresistible movement for the independence, territorial integrity and unity of African countries. It is also due to the determination and devotion of the peoples of those countries, of their leaders and of their friends in other African States Members of the Organization. If, however, these countries have been able to take their places here without bloodshed, it must be acknowledged that this has been due in part also to the moderation and foresight of France, which recognized in time the irresistible force of the concepts of freedom and unity.
31. However, a great deal still remains to be done before the complete liberation of Africa becomes an accomplished fact. No less than 45 million Africans are still subject to colonial rule, which in some regions has lasted more than 400 years. It is where due recognition is not given to the irresistible force of the liberation movement that the legitimate aspirations of the African peoples will result in the sacrifice of human lives,
32. The gallant Algerian people must therefore be certain that nothing will oppose the attainment of their just aspirations, otherwise the bloodshed in Algeria, which the world so deeply deplores, will continue and perhaps even spread throughout the entire continent. There must be no delay in finding a just solution, according those aspirations full recognition. It was with that end in view that the first resolution adopted by the Second Conference of Independent African States, held in June 1960 at Addis Ababa, declared that "the right of the Algerian people to self-determination and independence is a basis on which a final settlement could be achieved", and that "the conditions for the exercise of the Algerian people's right to self-determination must be made the subject of negotiation between the two parties concerned, namely France and the provisional government of the Algerian Republic".
33. It was also with this object in view that the same Conference appealed to all Governments of independent African States to canvass support by every means throughout the world for the cause of Algerian freedom. We believe that the liberal ideas and traditions which inspired France's policy towards the countries of the French Community should also prevail in the case of the noble Algerian people.
34. Unfortunately, however, all attempts at negotiation have failed, and it therefore seems necessary that a popular referendum, with all the requisite safeguards to ensure impartiality, should be carried out with all speed.
35. In the same way, the disorders which have occurred in Rhodesia and Nyasaland since the last session of the General Assembly have inevitably added to the tribulations of the African peoples. The selfish interests of the past must no longer prevent the peoples of those territories from realizing their aspirations. As the same Conference declared, the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland designed to uphold foreign and not African interests, must be dissolved, all political prisoners released and the people accorded at last freedom of expression and the right to vote.
36. That, however, is by no means the whole story of repression in Africa. The authorities of the Union of South Africa recently inscribed one of the blackest pages in modern history, plumbing new depths of infamy in the massacres provoked by racial hatred. Racial discrimination is particularly humiliating for African States, first, because, in its most virulent form, it is directed against persons of African origin and, (Secondly, because the most flagrant example of racial discrimination in the world today is to be found on the African continent. We appreciate the difficulties that are being encountered in certain countries in abolishing racial discrimination and ensuring effective application of the principle of the equality of all men. We congratulate the States which have made sincere efforts in that direction. It is an entirely different matter, however, when a State, and particularly one which has assumed the sacred obligations enshrined in the United Nations Charter, gives legal sanction to racial discrimination and builds an entire political, social and economic edifice with the principle of racial discrimination as its very foundation. Every right-minded person is outraged by the present situation in South Africa. The practice of racial discrimination in South Africa not only violates and threatens to negate the decisions and recommendations in the matter adopted on numerous occasions by the United Nations, but is an insult to the world’s conscience. The United Nations cannot permit a Member State to continue to ignore its recommendations without damaging its moral authority and prestige.
37. It was to demonstrate the solidarity of the Ethiopian people with their brothers in South Africa that His Imperial Majesty granted financial assistance and scholarships to the children orphaned by the Sharpeville massacres.
38. Meanwhile, in South West Africa foreign and entirely selfish interests are seeking to suppress the rights and the very identity of that Territory, whose peaceable inhabitants are being subjected to an oppressive regime already condemned throughout the world. Appeals to reason and reminders of the Revisions of international agreements freely entered into and, indeed, sought by the Union of South Africa, have not made the slightest difference; they have not even given pause to a regime determined to suppress human rights throughout the southern regions of the continent.
39. That is why Ethiopia, supported by Liberia, took the initiative at the Second Conference of Independent African States of proposing that this question should be referred to the International Court of Justice, in accordance with the terms of the Mandate. The Liberian and Ethiopian Governments will accordingly submit this question to the Court in order to establish, before the world and before history, who is responsible. The Ethiopian delegation therefore welcomed the Report of the Committee on South West Africa, to the General Assembly at its fifteenth session, which says; "The Committee recognizes the importance of the constructive intention expressed at the Second Conference of Independent African States held in Addis Ababa, which is in conformity with General Assembly resolution 1361 (XIV) dealing with the legal action Open to Member States to institute judicial proceedings. The Committee wishes to commend this intention on the part of the Governments of Ethiopia and Liberia to the General Assembly as one of the practical approaches for the implementation of resolution 1361 (XIV)." [A/4464, para. 27.]
40. In recent months, the United Nations has engaged in certain activities which, if successful, may greatly enhance its prestige and authority, but which, if unsuccessful, could threaten its very existence. I refer, of course, to the United Nations action in the Congo.
41. Ethiopia's policy on the Congo is clear. My country joined the other States Members of the United Nations in welcoming the Republic of the Congo (Leopoldville) to the community of nations as an independent and unitary State. This is still our policy.
42. Soon after the beginning of the crisis, Ethiopia answered the Security Council's appeal for assistance, which was then thought to be most urgently needed, ft will certainly do so again in the future. The lessons of the past have too much meaning for us, and, at this point in history, our memories are too fresh for us to abandon the cause of collective security which His Imperial Majesty pleaded so eloquently before the League of Nations in 1936.
43. This principle, which has been upheld several times since then, is fundamental to the very existence of the United Nations, and Ethiopia will always be faithful to it. The Ethiopian soldiers under the United Nations flag are today the comrades-in-arms of other Member States in defence of this principle, and Ethiopia is ready to work tirelessly to ensure that it is respected.
44. The United Nations success in transporting in such a short time no less than 16,000 soldiers, mostly Africans, is certainly one of the most brilliant achievements in its history and provides encouraging evidence of its ability to face any problems which may arise in the future. The Security Council resolutions had clearly laid down the principles to be followed. The situation on the spot is confused and shifting, and the fact that this may have sometimes led to misdirection or errors of execution should occasion no surprise, since there is often a divergence between instructions or orders and the way in which the executive body carries them out on the spot. We should rather be surprised that it has been possible to avoid the outbreak of a conflict extending far beyond the frontiers of the Congo, and even beyond the coasts of Africa. The obvious lesson of this experience is that, in this age; of cold war, the only hope is in our Organization, without which there would be nothing but chaos and destruction.
45. Many speakers here have said that this crisis is a danger to world peace. However, if there had been no foreign interference, clearly world peace would not be at stake. The presence of fraternal African contingents did nothing to bring about the crisis; quite the contrary. In keeping with the principles which have always guided African countries and peoples, the latter gave their assistance to strengthen the Central Government and the territorial unity of the Congo. Moreover, the African and Asian countries, meeting at the fourth emergency special session of the General Assembly, were alone able to point the way to a solution.
46. The Ethiopian delegation, which was one of the sponsors of the resolution [1474 (ES-IV)] unanimously adopted by the Assembly on 20 September 1960, considers that this resolution laid the foundations of a programme which could lead to a settlement of the problem. It says, inter alia; "The General Assembly, "Considering that, with a view to preserving the unity, territorial integrity and political independence of the Congo, to protecting and advancing the welfare of its people, and to safeguarding international peace, it is essential for the United Nations to continue to assist the Central Government of the Congo, "Requests the Secretary-General to continue to take vigorous action in accordance with the terms of the aforesaid resolutions and to assist the Central Government of the Congo in the restoration and maintenance of law and order throughout the territory of the Republic of the Congo and to safeguard its unity, territorial integrity and political independence in the interests of international peace and security," We still hope, therefore, that this basic programme of work and this reaffirmation of the principle of national territorial integrity will bring peace back to the Congo, and that the brave Congolese people, united around a stable and independent Central Government, will then be able freely to follow the path of progress.
47. The events in the Congo have made clear the importance of consulting the independent African countries before giving any assistance or taking any international action in regions where foreign interests are trying to retain their hold. Otherwise the dangers of foreign interference might well jeopardize the application of the principle of independence.
48. The African countries have already established a tradition of consultation on all African affairs. This is clear from the many conferences between African States, of which the last two were held in June and August 1960, at Addis Ababa and Leopoldville respectively; there will be another at Tunis in 1962. This system is now so highly developed that, in my delegation's view, the United Nations should set up a permanent headquarters in Africa, on the lines of the Organization of American States, in place of the "informal machinery" which exists here at the United Nations. Moreover, the representatives of African peoples in the Assembly, forming today the largest group in the Organization, should give a powerful impetus to movements for peace within it.
49. The liberation of all African countries and peoples — and there is still a long way to go — will contribute greatly to the maintenance of world peace. Left to themselves, these countries, as brothers, seek only mutual support for the national and territorial unity and integrity of all, as demonstrated by the national contingents that Ethiopia and other African States have sent to maintain the integrity of the Government and territory of the Congo. It should be remembered that the African countries recently admitted to the Organization have all inherited territories defined during the colonial era. This has not prevented them from respecting the unity, the territorial integrity and the rights of their brothers and neighbours. "Whatever their views on these subjects, they have respected these high principles, just as the countries of Latin America have generally respected the principle of uti possidetis.
50. Since the African Member States now make up the largest group within the United Nations, it is essential that this continent's representation in the Security Council, the Trusteeship Council and the Economic and Social Council should immediately he changed to take into account this fundamental expansion. It is unthinkable that Africa, which has the largest number of Members in the whole Organization, should have the smallest representation in each of these organs.
51. If the liberation of the whole continent of Africa is an essential condition for the establishment of peace in this region, it is also the prerequisite for economic and social progress. This is clear from the events in the Congo. Before the independence movement gathered strength, the three African countries which were then independent had to make their way surrounded by colonial systems and subject to the threats and restrictions imposed by neighbouring colonial interests. Undoubtedly, however, as Marshal Tito, President of Yugoslavia, told the Assembly the other day; "It cannot, however, possibly be a mere coincidence that, as a rule, the countries that had until recently not been free are also the least developed ones" [868th meeting, para. 114].
52. The liberation of the African peoples is therefore the justification and the proper occasion for financial and technical assistance to the African countries. It is certainly not the fault of the African peoples if the Governments which oppressed them for centuries have deprived them of the benefits of education and technical progress. In the interests of peace, they must now be given the means to make up for lost time.
53. The problem, moreover, is so vast and so urgent that much wider assistance to African countries must be considered. Up to now, the assistance given by the Organization has proved to be inadequate and the aid programmes too varied and disparate. A special fund for Africa should be set up. In agreement with the Economic Commission for Africa, which has its permanent headquarters at Addis Ababa, the programme should be reorganized and consolidated to fill the needs of the African peoples. My delegation hopes that the General Assembly at its fifteenth session will be able to mate progress in these important fields.
54. I come now to the important question of disarmament. My delegation believes that appreciable progress has been made in the past year with the introduction of the Soviet and United States plans. Ethiopia, like many States represented here, considers that both the Soviet and American plans were serious and praiseworthy attempts to reconcile complete disarmament with effective control. The unexpected failure of the Geneva Conference was deplorable, especially as considerable progress seemed to have been made towards a solution of the essential question of control. Since charges of spying and of violations of national territory have been exchanged, it is more important than ever to set up an impartial and international control system.
55. The small nations, for which the question of disarmament is just as vital as it is for the great Powers, but which are not able to accumulate atomic weapons — and have no interest in doing so — would seem, as several speakers have already pointed out, to be well qualified to deal with the question of control. After so many years' work and so many failures, the appalling alternative which hangs over our discussions will not allow us to remain passive. It is of the highest importance that the Assembly should mate some progress on the problem of disarmament in this year of crisis.
56. The decisions we take here, and their implications, concern us all, however we may vote on these vital questions. None of us can escape, whatever the population or the size of our countries. Nuclear fallout makes no distinction between belligerents and neutrals or between the innocent and the guilty. Modern war is a problem for all of us: it is the enemy of all mankind, since everywhere, whatever their moral or physical condition, all men must inevitably fall victim to nuclear weapons.
57. I think that I am right in saying that the question of disarmament has been on the General Assembly’s agenda every year. I do not think that many of you would deny that, both in the short and in the long run, it is as important as any problem which the United Nations has discussed. It is regrettable that, in spite of the efforts of the countries most directly concerned, the results have been so small. But perhaps we should be glad that Some progress, however slight, has been made.
58. My delegation does not think that the United Nations has satisfactorily discharged its responsibilities towards mankind in the matter of disarmament. Whenever this problem has been discussed, the Organization has unfortunately become a forum for debate and propaganda. The time when we could allow such a situation to continue has passed. The United Nations has been able in the past to take strong and effective action in other matters, which were just as vital to the fundamental right of mankind to continue to exist. As the Ethiopian representative pointed out in the First Committee [955th meeting] at the thirteenth session of the General Assembly, if in an earlier era, when the emerging international society had few ways of dealing with the dangers which threatened mankind, the world was able to agree on the prohibition of poison gas and other means of mass destruction, why then today, in the United Nations which has already proved itself many times, could we not follow the examples of the St. Petersburg (1868) and Geneva declarations, and of our own Organization’s declarations on human rights and on genocide and adopt a declaration forbidding the use of nuclear and thermo-nuclear weapons pending that settlement of the disarmament question which seems never to be forthcoming? The Ethiopian delegation considers that the time has come to face this vital question bravely and honestly.
59. In my opening remarks, I said that, in spite of the atmosphere of crisis in which this fifteenth session has opened, there were reasons for optimism.
60. It is right that the United Nations should once again have assumed a supremely responsible role in the disarmament question, and that it should have placed on its agenda many questions which the General Assembly has hitherto never discussed. It is encouraging to see the forces of international peace and harmony strengthened by the admission of many new African States to the United Nations. It is also encouraging that so many Heads of State, Prime Ministers and Ministers for Foreign Affairs have been able to attend this fifteenth session.
61. On behalf of the Ethiopian delegation, may I express my belief that this fifteenth session of the General Assembly will go down in history as having marked in the life of the United Nations the great turning point on the difficult road to peace and harmony among the nations.