Mr. President, may I add my most sincere congratulations to those of the many eminent persons who have spoken before me on your well-deserved election to the high office of President of this fifteenth regular session of the General Assembly. Your election is a proof of the high esteem in which we all hold you for your ability, your impartiality and your devotion to the cause of the United Nations.
119. On behalf of my country and my Government, I should like to give a warm welcome to the representatives of the newly independent States admitted to the United Nations at this Assembly. This has been a matter of special rejoicing for us in Venezuela, since we deeply cherish the ideals of independence, freedom and sovereignty which have brought your peoples into the community of sovereign States, masters of their own destiny.
120. At the opening of the fifteenth regular session of the General Assembly, we stand at a decisive moment in the history of mankind. A single false move could lead to chaos and the destruction of our civilization. We have lost the optimism with which the last Assembly began its work. Unfortunate circumstances and events during the year have replaced hope and confidence with anxiety and fear. Instead of drawing closer together, the two main Powers, in whose hands the future of mankind may lie, have moved alarmingly far from one another, and the so-called cold war is in one of its most dangerous periods. In Europe, Asia, Africa and even America, bitter conflicts are being constantly aggravated by ideological influences and struggles which all have their roots in the cold war.
121. We are in a dangerous situation and, if disaster is to be avoided, all States, great and small, which would suffer the appalling consequences of a continuation of this state of affairs to an equal degree, must unite their efforts to reach an agreement, to remove the fear of a holocaust and to restore peace and tranquillity to the hearts of men.
122. In the world in which we live, with the means of total destruction available to man, such agreement is no longer an ideal, but an essential, condition of survival. No one in his right mind can now imagine for a moment that war could solve any of the burning problems of our time. Negotiation is therefore the only possible way, and the body best fitted to create the necessary atmosphere and conditions for negotiation is the United Nations. Here the voice of all the world's peoples can be heard and all the weight of world public opinion can make itself felt.
123. It is therefore in everyone's interest constantly to strengthen this Organization and to bring their problems to it for discussion and for the elaboration of solutions, which, being based on the principles of the Charter and worked out in this world gathering, will inevitably reflect the judgement of world public opinion and satisfy the common interests of all nations.
124. In the fifteen years of the existence of the United Nations, its various organs have dealt with crucial problems by relying on the moral authority of their recommendations and, when necessary, by sending emergency forces. United Nations intervention has often stopped the spread of a conflict which might otherwise have led to a world conflagration.
125. Apart from this political action, the economic and social action of the United Nations and its work for the cause of independence of peoples are other examples of the benefits which all mankind has derived from this Organization.
126. When we, the peoples of America, remember the long and bloody wars before we achieved our Independence, and when we see how the peoples of other continents are now gradually reaching self-government under the protection of the United Nations, we understand more clearly than ever how vitally important is the existence of this world Organization in the march of peoples towards the highest possible standard of living.
127. I should therefore like to express once again my country's agreement with, and support of, the United Nations cause, and our endorsement of the Secretary-General's leadership in the discharge of his duties,
128. The matters to which I have just referred and the considerable increase in the number of Member States, bring us to the question of a possible revision of the Charter, affecting the composition of the main organs of the United Nations. My delegation believes that any revision should include an increase in the number of members of the Security Council and of the Economic and Social Council, so that the composition of these Councils may be more representative of the total membership of the United Nations.
129. We should also be in favour of abolishing the veto in the Security Council, so that this Council may be more effective and the rights of Member States more fairly represented.
130. As regards the Secretary-General, although we respect the opinion of the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Soviet Union, we think that that office should remain vested in one person. To replace the Secretary-General by a tripartite administrative body made up of one representative of countries in the Western bloc, one representative of countries in the socialist bloc and one representative of the countries considered neutral would, in our opinion, have the disadvantage that the division of the world into hostile blocs of nations would thereby be written into the very Charter of the United Nations. This would be against the spirit of the Charter, which was designed to bring the individual nations of the world together without any distinction regarding their political or social systems. If such a tripartite body were set up to replace the Secretary-General, the highest administrative office of the United Nations would lose all of Its flexibility and efficacy.
131. The Secretary-General is only the agent of the General Assembly and the Security Council, which are the sole political bodies qualified to determine the course of action of the United Nations.
132. This Assembly will have to discuss many questions, but there is no doubt that the most far-reaching, the most important and the most urgent is that of disarmament. For many years this problem has received the attention of all statesmen, but it is still very far from solution. Now, unfortunately, we are witnessing an uncontrolled arms race and the growing production and stockpiling of weapons which could destroy all life on our planet in a few seconds.
133. We were deeply concerned at the failure of the negotiations of the Ten-Nation Disarmament Committee at Geneva and the consequent deadlock on the disarmament problem. The great Powers are caught in a vicious circle, calling one another's proposals "disarmament without control" or "control without disarmament", both of which would be unacceptable.
134. It is therefore necessary that this Assembly's discussions should lead to the breaking of this vicious circle, so that the great Powers may resume the negotiations which are an essential condition of any solution of the problem.
135. I shall not go into details of the proposals sponsored by the United States and other Western Powers and by the countries of the socialist bloc, but I should like to make clear the position of my Government and country on the disarmament problem.
136. Firstly, we think that this problem cannot be solved without an agreement between the great Powers, and we therefore appeal to them, thereby voicing the anxiety and concern of the entire Venezuelan people, to reach such agreement.
137. We also think that disarmament negotiations should be kept within the framework of the United Nations, in the sense that that Organization should always be kept informed, through the Disarmament Commission, of the course of the negotiations, and that it should also be able to make any recommendations or suggestions which it may think necessary or useful. In other words, we think that the ultimate responsibility for disarmament, and the power of final decision in the matter, should remain with the United Nations.
138. Lastly, it is my Government's opinion that disarmament cannot be achieved without the necessary measures of international control. Otherwise the danger of war might become greater instead of smaller, for it would then be possible for any party to violate the terms of the agreement and so to upset the balance of forces.
139. We believe that disarmament can only be achieved in stages and progressively, and by the concurrent application of disarmament measures and of the corresponding measures of international control. This, of course, is a pragmatic approach, since the ideal would obviously be total disarmament, under effective international control, carried out by a single step and in a very short time.
140. One of the aspects of disarmament which is of deep concern not only to the Venezuelan people but also the other peoples of the world is the testing of nuclear weapons. Each of these tests is not only a further step in the arms race but also a real and immediate danger to mankind, for it increases radioactivity and therefore endangers the health and development of present and future generations.
141. The conclusions [A/4119] of the United Nations Scientific Committee on the Effects of Atomic Radiation, are perfectly clear on the subject. My country is therefore strongly against the resumption of such tests, quite apart from any other problem connected with disarmament. For the reasons I have given, this aspect of disarmament deserves special consideration and cannot be subordinated to other aspects of the general problem.
142. Another question connected with the disarmament problem is that of the use of outer space. We must prevent the arms race from spreading to those areas. We therefore thought that the President of the United States made some very wise suggestions when he dealt with the matter in this Assembly [868th meeting]. In 1958, when the problem first came up for discussion by the United Nations, Venezuela put its view in these words: "We stand at the threshold of a new era from which we can obtain either great benefits or dire evil for humanity. It will all depend on how we enter this new field. If we are able to leave aside the mistrust and rivalries that have so far obtained in other fields, then the conquest of outer space will redound to the great benefit of all. But if we transplant into this new field all the seeds of hatred and mistrust which unfortunately have been prevalent in the field of international relations, then the conquest of space will be but another scourge for humanity."
143. Nowhere is there such manifest and urgent need for united, dynamic and imaginative action, based on historic and social realities, as in the economic field. Here the wide gaps in international society are more glaring than anywhere else. We live in an age of contradictions where, paradoxically, abundance and misery stand side by side and extraordinary technical and scientific development coexists with the hunger of multitudes.
144. Who could deny that there is a close relation between under-development and the political and social crises which affect large parts of the planet? To face economic problems resolutely is, in a way, to prevent the ills of society. This is why we believe that the world Organization has a high responsibility in this field.
145. We are bound to recognize that, in the fifteen years of the life of the United Nations, apart from some praiseworthy efforts, little has been done in the economic field. The problems of instability, both of markets and of the prices of raw materials, have not yet been solved; and only a few hesitant steps have been taken towards financing development.
146. We think that this situation cannot and must not continue. The Secretary-General himself says in his Annual Report on the Work of the Organization [A/4390] that fluctuations in the prices of primary commodities have continued to present a major problem, particularly to the under-developed countries. In spite of many intergovernmental studies and fairly exhaustive analyses, both by the United Nations and by other bodies, the problem still exists and seriously affects the economy of developing countries.
147. We believe that more intensive practical efforts should be made to reach agreements on commodities, so as to bring order and stability into international trade, to guarantee to consumers a normal flow, at reasonable prices, of the raw materials needed for industry, and at the same time to assure the producing countries of a regular revenue, without sudden and unexpected fluctuations.
148. Nor should we abandon the basic principle that there must be a fair and balanced relation between the prices of commodities and those of manufactured products. We understand that it is theoretically and practically difficult to determine such a relationship, but there can be no doubt that the effort must be made, since the almost constant deterioration in the terms of trade which afflicts the under-developed countries every year is seriously damaging their chances of progress.
149. A policy of stable and reasonable prices and a market free from abrupt fluctuations are certainly necessary for all commodities. And when it comes to commodities which constitute non-renewable resources, such a policy is absolutely essential.
150. Non-renewable resources, by their very nature, are depleted at the rate at which their exploitation is intensified. If the economies of the countries which possess them are not to become seriously unbalanced, it is urgently necessary that equivalent resources be found to make up for the gradual diminution in a country's wealth brought about by such intensive exploitation.
151. It is therefore necessary that the prices obtained should be related to the intrinsic value of the commodity exploited, and that the exploitation should be rational and consistent with the real needs of the international market. We believe such a policy should be laid down in appropriate agreements.
152. For our part, as an iron producing and oil producing country, we are ready to take part in such agreements. As far as oil is concerned, we are happy to point out here that the first steps have already been taken, by the main oil-exporting countries of the Middle East and Venezuela, to ensure that trade in this commodity is carried out in conditions which safeguard the reasonable interests of producing countries, consumer countries and investors. To this end, an Agreement was signed at Baghdad on 14 September 1960, between representatives of Saudi Arabia, Iran, Iraq, Kuwait and Venezuela. The text of this agreement recognizes that any fluctuations in oil prices must affect the carrying out of the development programmes of producing States as well as the economies of consuming nations; it was therefore decided, among other things, that member states of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), set up under the agreement, should study and work out a system to ensure stable oil prices, taking into due account the interests of both the producing and the consuming nations. One of the means used will be the rational regulation of production, which will be combined with the essential policy of conserving this invaluable natural resource in order to prevent an unnecessary and anarchical price war. The producing countries are also firmly resolved to provide an efficient, economic and regular supply of this source of energy to the consuming nations.
153. We think that the application of the agreement will lead to three advantages: it will ensure that the producing countries receive a stable revenue, without violent fluctuations; a non-renewable resource will be exploited rationally, to prevent the depletion of a source of energy which is part of the heritage of mankind; and lastly, the consuming nations will have a regular and economic supply, at stable prices, of a commodity which is essential for their industry.
154. We wish to place it explicitly on record that any country with substantial oil exports can become a member of the new organization, provided that it fulfils the conditions laid down in the Baghdad Agreement.
155. The grave tensions of international political life are generally held responsible for the lack of wider co-operation between the great Powers in developing the less advanced areas of the globe. It is reasonable to ask ourselves, however, whether many of these tensions would not vanish if a bold plan of economic and social development were carried out under the auspices of this world Organization.
156. It has been calculated that the great Powers spend $100,000 million a year on armaments. Is it not conceivable that, if part of these vast resources were invested in the creation of better economic and social conditions throughout the world, there might be considerably less need for such armaments?
157. We think that international economic assistance should be given mainly through the United Nations and the regional agencies established in. accordance with the Charter. In this connexion, we are in favour of the proposals submitted to the General Assembly to the effect that the economic, social and educational co-operation needed for the proper development of the African continent should be channelled through this world Organization.
158. The economic development of under-developed areas calls for a co-ordinated effort to make full use of technical knowledge and resources. Our Organization is well endowed with technical knowledge. The studies and analyses made by the competent organs of the United Nations deserve our warmest support. In particular, I should like to mention the valuable co-operation of the Economic Commission for Latin America.
159. The Technical Assistance programmes are also very important to development, and the same may be said of the work of the United Nations Special Fund. I am happy to announce that my country is ready to increase its contribution to this Fund.
160. However, the work which these organs are doing is not enough. The United Nations must have available wider resources if it is to contribute effectively to the progress of under-developed areas. This is why we still support the idea of setting up a United Nations capital development fund.
161. In the Latin American region, certain particularly significant events have taken place during the past two years in the economic and social fields as a result of Operation Pan America, which was first proposed by the President of Brazil. The most recent such development took place in Bogotá. at the beginning of September. New measures were adopted on that occasion to strengthen the co-operation of the American Republics in the matter of social improvement and economic development, recognizing that the preservation and strengthening of free and democratic institutions in the American Republics requires the acceleration of social and economic progress. Under Operation Pan America, and through a concerted effort, the American countries will undertake measures for the improvement of housing and community facilities, educational systems and training facilities, programmes designed to assist the small farmer, public health etc. At this meeting it was also decided that a Fund for Social Development should be set up, to be administered mainly through the existing mechanism of the Inter-American Development Bank. The purpose of this Fund will be to support the efforts of the Latin American countries to employ efficiently their own resources with a view to achieving greater social progress and more balanced economic growth.
162. In the promotion of economic development, foreign capital is often essential. The nature of the contribution which this capital can make will vary according to the particular conditions of each country. In some there will be a clear need for public capital, while others can help their economies by absorbing capital from private sources; and most countries may well find it best to have capital from both those sources.
163. It is the firm policy of the Venezuelan Government to accept the co-operation of foreign investors, since the domestic capital alone is not enough to ensure the full use of all the sources of our country's wealth for the benefit of our people. Under the existing policy, the Government endeavours to direct foreign private investment towards those fields which have not yet been developed by our nationals, either because of the great capital needed or because of particular technical circumstances. We think it especially desirable to have foreign capital and national capital invested in common ventures.
164. We think a healthy flow of foreign investment can prove beneficial to many under-developed countries. We believe that such capital investment should have as its aim not only to earn reasonable returns, but also to contribute to the development of the existing potential of the under-developed countries; the legitimate interests of the investors can thus be reconciled with those of the nation which opens its doors to their investments.
165. Economic development is not an end in itself. It is only an instrument for the attainment of human well-being, for helping man to achieve everything of which he is capable. We therefore reject any idea which suggests dehumanizing development or depriving man of his essential qualities, ideals or rights for the sake of a purely material increase in goods and services. One of the fundamental values which my country is not ready to sacrifice is freedom.
166. Ever since the middle of the nineteenth century, as a result of historical circumstances well known to this Assembly, the idea has spread over a large part of the world that freedom and economic wellbeing for all cannot be smoothly combined. We, however, do not think there is any such incompatibility between economic development and freedom.
167. A vast four-year plan is now being carried out in Venezuela, in order progressively to develop the main sources of production and, in particular, to industrialize the country. To carry out this plan, we rely not only on the encouragement given by our own Government, but also on the wide co-operation of private enterprise.
168. My Government has also paid particular attention to plans for agrarian reform. On 5 March 1960, the Venezuelan Agrarian Reform Act came into force. It is designed to transform the agrarian structure of the country and to give the rural population a part in its economic, social and political development, by replacing the latifundia system with a fair system of land ownership, tenure and use. This Act was inspired by a spirit of justice and fairness, and it takes into account the interests of the whole nation.
169. The vast transformation of Venezuelan rural life which that Act implies will be accomplished without violating the legitimate rights of third parties. Nor have we forgotten that agrarian reform means much more than merely a redistribution of land; it also means credit and economic assistance to farmers, rural schools, rural electrification, rural road systems, promotion of agricultural co-operatives and the modernization of agriculture. In the next four years, Venezuela intends to invest 2.5 million million bolivares, that is, about $800 million in this vast agrarian reform. We believe that this relatively substantial investment is fully justified from the social and economic point of view. Large masses of Venezuelan peasants will for the first time enjoy the advantages of civilized living and the introduction of mechanization and a rationalization of the land tenure system will greatly stimulate agricultural production.
170. Agrarian reform in Venezuela, founded on the principle that the land should be placed at the service of society and worked out by a unified and balanced regime, enjoys the support of all sectors of the country and may be regarded as one of the most genuine manifestations of the spirit of unity and social justice which reigns in Venezuela today.
171. The next few years will be the years of the orderly development of Venezuela's economic resources. That development, together with the extensive programmes being carried out in other fields — in particular in education, health and housing — and the political harmony prevailing in the country, will help to strengthen the position of Venezuela in the community of nations and to demonstrate clearly, as other States in the same geographical region and throughout the world have done, that progress and freedom, far from conflicting, can give each other strength.
172. In our philosophy of life, we regard individual freedom as the foundation of political democracy and respect for fundamental human rights as the necessary condition of society both nationally and internationally.
173. Many of the questions before this Assembly have to do with the colonial problem. We should congratulate ourselves on the fact that, since the establishment of the United Nations, there has been much progress in that respect and every day we have witnessed the emergence of new independent States. The work of the United Nations in protecting peoples which have not yet attained their Independence and in applying the provisions of the Charter designed to promote the progressive development of Non-Self-Governing and Trust Territories towards full self-government has effectively contributed to the gradual eradication of the colonial system.
174. Unfortunately, there are still cases in which the struggle for independence is a cruel one, and I should like to state here that the people of Venezuela unequivocally support those peoples who are being forced to fight for that sacred cause.
175. In the young nations of America like ours, the principle of self-determination of peoples is one of the most deeply rooted. We cherish it as a precious bequest of our liberators and, in proclaiming it, the people of Venezuela pay tribute to the illustrious name of Simon Bolívar.
176. It is our fervent desire that problems like that of Algeria will soon be settled by peaceful negotiations; and we still hope that can happen, for we cannot forget the generosity of France and its dominant role in history as the champion of freedom and protector of the oppressed.
177. The problem of the Congo is another of the burning questions on the current political scene. In that connexion, my delegation wishes to confirm the principle by which it was guided when it supported the resolution recently adopted by the General Assembly at its fourth emergency special session [1474 (ES-IV)]. We believe that for a prompt solution of the Congo conflict it is essential that all States, without exception, should refrain from any direct or indirect intervention in that conflict and, consequently, without prejudice to the sovereign rights of the Republic of the Congo, should send no arms or other war material, military personnel or other military aid, directly or indirectly, while the United Nations is temporarily providing military assistance to the country, except at the request of the United Nations made through the Secretary-General. At the same time, the United Nations should continue to help the Republic of the Congo to organize its public administration and its essential services, as well as its economy and social institutions. We feel that only in that way can the unity, territorial integrity and political independence of the Congo be maintained and world peace preserved.
178. This year, as it did last year, Venezuela has, together with many other States, co-sponsored the inclusion in this Assembly's agenda of the question of race conflict resulting from the policies of "apartheid” of the Government of the Union of South Africa. This is a situation which, instead of improving, has unfortunately deteriorated to a great extent as a result of the events occurring during the past year. The United Nations must take vigorous steps to prevent the continuance of a situation which is flagrant violation not only of the principles of the United Nations Charter, but of the very concept of equality among men created by God in his own image. Moreover, in the second half of the twentieth century, laws which discriminate among men solely on the grounds of the colour of their skin are an absolute anachronism.
179. The concept of equality of all men, without distinction as to race, language, sex or religion is also one of the most deep-rooted among our people, and that is why we are actively co-operating in the United Nations, to secure the universal application of this principle which is so closely allied to that of human dignity.
180. I should not like to conclude without a reference to the importance of regional organizations and, in particular, so far as the American continent is concerned, of the Organization of American States, in implementing the principles of the United Nations Charter.
181. The action of that regional body this year has been extremely significant, and the sixth and seventh meetings of Foreign Ministers of the American States held in San José, Costa Rica, have reaffirmed the basic principles of our American system, so ably defined by the Foreign Minister of Brazil in his speech before this Assembly [868th meeting in these words: "... The regime accepted by the American peoples as compatible with their traditions and collective aspirations is that régime characterized by the free expression of thought, by free elections, by the separation of powers, by the limitations upon the terms of elective office, and by respect for civil liberties and human rights."
182. Such is the regime in power today in Venezuela, and in order to defend it against the attacks of another régime which constitutes an anachronism in the community of free nations of America and is antagonistic to the principles governing it, Venezuela was forced to appeal to the Organization of American States, where justice was rendered it and sanctions were taken against the guilty party. If democracy is to be saved in America, the decision of Costa Rica must be faithfully carried out. Dark forces and powerful economic and financial interests are none the less continuing to work behind the scenes, to frustrate the effective implementation of that decision.
183. Venezuela therefore wishes to denounce this threat in this world forum; it menaces not only the stability of democracy in my country, but the confidence of all the peoples of America in the effectiveness of the Organization of American States and in the sincerity of the Member States which have publicly subscribed to its principles
184. In concluding this statement, I should like to express the most sincere hopes of my Government and of the Venezuelan people that out of the work of this fifteenth regular session of the General Assembly, whose prestige has been enhanced by the presence of such eminent statesmen, there will come the promise of a better world in which fear of a war of annihilation will give way to genuinely sincere coexistence between nations and to peace with justice for all peoples on earth.