Mr. President, on behalf of the Yugoslav delegation and in my own name, I wish to congratulate you on your election to the high and responsible function of President of this important session of the General Assembly.
90. May I be allowed to express my gratification at having the opportunity to attend the fifteenth session of the General Assembly here at United Nations Headquarters. The peoples and the Government of Yugoslavia have always attached an exceptional significance to the United Nations as the broadest and most important international organization, whose basic objectives, particularly the maintenance of peace and security in the world, embody the fundamental aspirations and needs of the international community.
91. I also wish to express, on behalf of the Yugoslav delegation and in my own name, our satisfaction that the fifteenth session of the General Assembly is being attended by a large number of representatives of new Members of the United Nations, particularly of the African countries that have only recently attained their independence. This increase in membership is of particular significance as it has, in a positive sense, made the structure of United Nations membership more complete; the basic aspirations of the new Members of our Organization are undoubtedly directed towards the consolidation of the independence they have achieved, towards a more rapid internal development, towards a status of equality in the community of nations, and towards a contribution of their own to the preservation of peace and to the stabilization of the world situation,, Such aspirations are fully in accord with the spirit and letter of the Charter of the United Nations.
92. We hope that the United Nations will achieve real and complete universality in the near future through the attainment of independence by all the peoples now under colonial rule, as well as through the recognition of the right of the People’s Republic of China to be represented in the United Nations.
93. The fifteenth session of the General Assembly acquires special significance for more than one reason: above all because this Assembly is confronted with highly important and difficult tasks, and because it is taking place in an international atmosphere which causes grave concern, in an atmosphere marked by a revival of the “cold war”and by complete uncertainty as to where all this may lead in the future. In our opinion, the world has perhaps never at any time since the end of the war gone through such a period of uncertainty as it is going through today. It is for this very reason that we should all see to it that the activities of our Organization and the manner in which they are carried out should always be in keeping with the spirit and the principles of the Charter and the fundamental rights and sovereignty of each Member State and of non-members as well. Otherwise, such activities would not serve their purpose and might well impair considerably the standing of the United Nations and the trust place I in the Organization.
94. There is little difficulty, we believe, in tracing the causes of the present situation, a situation which, unless the utmost efforts are made within this international Organization and already at the present session, might lead the world into a new catastrophe greater than any it has known in the past.
95. Fifteen years have elapsed since the end of the Second World War; and no solutions have as yet been found to any of the major issues it left in its wake. I Shall not attempt to describe here the course of events, but shall merely say what has already been said so many times, that the main reason why none of the major international questions has been solved is to be sought precisely in the fact that a wrong course was embarked upon from the very outset, a course which consisted in seeking to settle outstanding international issues from positions of strength, and one which is still persistently favoured by certain influential circles.
96. What results has such a course brought to the world? It has led to a growing accumulation of new problems which are straining more and more an already tense international atmosphere.
97. The world had placed considerable expectations in the Summit Conference in Paris, and the failure of that Conference caused profound disappointment, particularly in view of what had preceded its failure and had been one of the main causes of that failure. This has confirmed the conviction of peace-loving peoples that the fate of the world should not be left to the decisions of only a few States, no matter how big, but as the issues involved are of interest to all, they should be decided jointly by countries large and small, and primarily through the United Nations and under its auspices, because it was precisely for this purpose that the international Organization was established. That is why we attach such importance to this fifteenth session of the General Assembly,
98. Of course, we have not come here to pour more oil upon the fire or to side with any of the extreme attitudes that may reflect present tense international relations. We have come with a desire, above all, to contribute as much as possible to the easing of world tensions and to express our belief that the eleventh hour has struck to embark upon a new constructive course in international relations, upon a course of peaceful solutions of outstanding issues, a course of consolidation and of international co-operation based upon equality, as well as upon peaceful, active coexistence.
99. We do not delude ourselves that any final solution can be found here and now in the United Nations to the major issues that constitute a permanent threat to world peace. It would, however, we feel, be a major success if the view prevailed at this session that everything should be done to prevent a further deterioration of the international situation and an aggravation of the cold war atmosphere, that it is essential to secure such a composition and such activities of the United Nations bodies as to ensure the performance of their functions in the most effective manner under the control of the Organization. This has prompted us to work actively in favour of the idea that Heads of States and of Governments should attend this session personally in order not only to consolidate but to enhance still further the prestige attained by the United Nations.
100. The responsibility of us all is far greater than could have been visualized fifteen years ago when the United Nations came into being. In the course of these fifteen years we have, on the one hand, witnessed the unprecedentedly rapid and successful advance in the field of natural sciences and technology, and, on the other, the increasingly vigorous, broad and active appearance on the stage of world history of the most numerous part of mankind that had hitherto been prevented from participating, on a footing of equality, in the shaping of its own destiny. However highly we may evaluate the positive contributions of the United Nations so far, we should not be blind to the fact that, under the stress of the political conflicts and dissensions of the post-war period, which were reflected within the Organization, the latter has not been able to keep wholly abreast of the march of contemporary history.
101. There is a growing disparity between the brilliant successes achieved in the endeavour to harness the laws of nature to the service of man and the deplorable conditions in which the majority of mankind lives, a mankind which still has to struggle for the elementary right to an existence worthy of man. Not only those peoples that still have to fight for their independence, often at the cost of heavy sacrifices in human lives, but also those who have already acceded to statehood still find themselves in practice in a position of inequality as against the highly developed countries.
102. The hopes of a more substantial and lasting easing of international tensions, that were aroused a year ago, unfortunately, have failed to materialize,
103. In contrast to last year's session, which took place in the atmosphere of Camp David, an atmosphere of East-West negotiations, this year we are meeting in the shadow of the failure of the Summit Conference, of the breaking-off of the Geneva disarmament talks, and of the continual postponements in achieving the essential agreement on the banning of nuclear and thermo-nuclear weapons tests; in short, the tendency to increase tensions in East-West relations is growing and there is a revival of the cold war. These dangerous trends in the development of East-West relations are, on their part, creating an atmosphere of increasing mutual distrust.
104, These alarming trends have now also found expression in the recent demand to equip the Bundeswehr with nuclear weapons, a demand which reveals the full gravity of the present international Situation and would, if granted, diminish to a decisive degree the prospects of peace in Europe and in the world.
105. Although our people have, in the recent past, suffered severely at the hands of German militarism and fascism, we harbour no feelings of hatred towards the German people. We are, however, deeply concerned by the revival of militarism in the Federal Republic of Germany. I feel I have, in this connexion, to draw your particular attention to the mounting influence of military circles and to the revival of tendencies in West Germany that ominously recall the past. Such tendencies can, however, only do harm to the genuine interests of the German people and increase tension and uncertainty in the world. On the other hand, those who foster or facilitate such tendencies for the purpose of advancing their narrowly conceived interests assume a heavy responsibility.
106. In this same period, owing to the policies pursued toward dependent and newly independent countries by the colonial Powers, as well as by other Powers that support this policy for various reasons, the war in Algeria continues endlessly and conflicts and crises arise, as in the case of the Congo, of Cuba, Laos and West Irian, and seriously imperil world peace.
107. As Members of the United Nations, we cannot reconcile ourselves to such a state of affairs. Regardless of frequently differing views on this or that specific problem, or of a different appraisal of various situations and events, we can, all of us together, or at least a great majority of us, direct our efforts more energetically and more effectively towards a solution of the fundamental questions of our time.
108. In the first place, we should not allow mistrust and tension to render impossible a constructive solution of the major issues upon which world peace depends. Foremost among these issues is the problem of disarmament, which has, in our era of technological progress, assumed an exceptionally serious significance.
109. However, amidst the conditions of a revival of the cold war, it is not the arms race alone which impedes the settlement of other fundamental issues. The unsolved problems of the colonial world and the problem of the attainment of genuine independence and economic progress by new and under-developed States also hamper the creation of the necessary international atmosphere for the initiation of disarmament and for co-operation in the spirit of peaceful coexistence.
110. The level of development reached by mankind and the crucial problems that have accompanied it increase our responsibility, but, at the same time, they augment our capabilities of impelling the course of history in a positive direction. It has been said frequently that the eyes of the world are turned towards this Assembly hall. Yet we must not forget that outside this hall there are hundreds of millions of people willing to support any constructive action on our part and, through the power of their will and of their numbers, to make it into a new step forward towards peace and a better life for all nations, for the people of ail continents.
111. Although the disarmament problem is the greatest among all the problems awaiting solution, I should nevertheless like first to turn my attention to the most acute colonial problem. This is particularly justified in view of the powerful upsurge of national liberation movements in Africa and elsewhere, and, more especially, of recent events in the Congo, which do not concern that country alone, but also Africa as a whole and the further development of independent African peoples.
112. The process of the national, economic, political and cultural emancipation of former colonies is a historical necessity. The liquidation of the obsolete economic, social and national relationships that constitute the essence of colonialism in its various forms makes it possible for numerous new States to emerge as constructive members of, and active factors in, the international community. These processes should not, therefore, be impeded; they should, rather, be approached in a constructive manner and the emergence of newly independent nations should be encouraged, since the ending of various forms of colonial relationships in the modern world is part of the efforts of the whole of mankind to achieve universal peace and progress.
113. Unfortunately, these processes are still meeting with a lack of understanding and with resistance. Many colonial Powers and highly developed countries are unwilling to reconcile themselves to the ineluctable historical trends in Africa and in other underdeveloped areas. They seek to block these processes in various larger or smaller areas, on the strength of their acquired positions and of their material and other advantages, or to alter their course by various political, economic and military means. Such efforts, doomed as they are by history, and futile in the final analysis, give rise to or aggravate conflicts and crises, such as the persistent continuation of the war in Algeria, the events in South Africa, the recent developments in the Congo, and, in a different context, the tension in Laos, or the situation relating to Cuba, where the people, under the leadership of their revolutionary Government, won their freedom of which they had been deprived for so long, and are now exerting efforts to strengthen their independence on the basis of full equality. All these conflicts shake an already unstable world peace, the more so as they show an almost unavoidable tendency to become entangled with East-West antagonisms. These cold war conflicts also threaten on their part to spread to areas which had been or still are under colonial domination, and to transform the newly Independent countries into new hotbeds of strife and war dangers.
114. As an excuse for such outside interference, the alleged incapacity and immaturity of the newly liberated countries and their lack of economic development have been invoked, particularly of late. It cannot, however, possibly be a mere coincidence that, as a rule, the countries that had until recently not been free are also the least developed ones. Although it is a fact that the newly liberated countries encounter numerous difficulties in their development, it is also a fact that these difficulties stem primarily from a long period of colonial rule and that a continuation of colonial relationships could only multiply and increase them.
115. In this connexion, I feel I have to dwell in particular on the situation concerning the Republic of the Congo. The Congo has been the scene of the most typical manifestations of a negative colonial policy, of interference from without for the purpose of safeguarding the narrow interests of those forces and circles which cannot reconcile themselves to the loss of their privileged positions and interests.
116. The recognition of the independence of the Congo was construed by these circles merely as a façade behind which economic exploitation could be continued and other forms of dependence maintained. When this policy met with the resistance of the legitimate Government of the Republic of the Congo, these circles resorted to various forms of more or less open interference, to the organizing of rebellion, to the secession of individual provinces, to the subversion of the Government, and so forth. Belgium, which had ruled the country and which persistently opposed a withdrawal of its troops, undoubtedly bears a particular responsibility for the adverse developments in the Congo. Part of the responsibility is shared by those who have supported or permitted such a course.
117. The intervention of the United Nations for the preservation of peace was to have secured for the Congo development along such lines as would have safeguarded its independence, its sovereignty and territorial integrity, and would have been in harmony with the interests of the people of the Congo and the rights of the lawful Government. It is our profound belief, however, that the assistance of the United Nations has not proved to be sufficiently effective, primarily because there have been serious omissions and shortcomings in carrying out the resolutions of the Security Council.
118. The Government of the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia has repeatedly — including its request for the convening of the Security Council of 8 September 1960 — set forth its views on the problem as a whole and has striven for what it considered to be a correct solution. We hope that appropriate ways and means will be found, on the basis, among other things, of the resolution recently adopted by the General Assembly at Its emergency session [1474 (ES-IV)], to protect and promote the strivings of the people of the Congo to maintain the independence and unity of their country. At the same time, it is essential that measures of necessary economic and technical assistance to the Congo be continued. The Yugoslav delegation will, for its part, support all measures in keeping with these aims.
119. The problem of the war in Algeria has been before us for five years now, but no progress towards a satisfactory solution has so far been made. The- people of Algeria, who are continuing to make great sacrifices for the attainment of their freedom — thus placing all peoples fighting for peace, independence and equality in their debt — claim their natural and legitimate right to self-determination. This right was recognized by France, in principle, last year. Subsequent negotiations have unfortunately revealed that the French side has not drawn the practical conclusions deriving from the recognition of the right to self-determination. For this reason the conditions for negotiations were, naturally, unacceptable to the representatives of Algeria. In these circumstances, the Provisional Government of Algeria is seeking a way out of the situation by means of a referendum under United Nations supervision, and we, for our part, can only welcome and support this proposal.
120. However, the continuation of the war in Algeria also has other, broader implications. If no early democratic solution is found, this will implicitly amount to a legalization of force as a means for suppressing the legitimate aspirations of a people and thus, in fact, a legalizing of war in general.
121. A specific and extremely dangerous aspect of these profoundly anti-historical tendencies, which are still at work on the African Continent, is the ruthless policy of racial discrimination and oppression pursued by the Government of the Union of South Africa, a policy whose consequences have so tragically come to the fore this year. It is well-nigh incredible that it should be possible to conduct such a policy at the present time, in this latter half of the twentieth century, and in an area where liberation trends are go powerfully at work. This is certainly a problem to which the United Nations must devote even greater — and more effective-attention than it has done in the past.
122. If we probe more deeply into the problem of the liquidation of colonial relationships and analyse it in all its aspects, we shall easily come to the conclusion that the present tendency of the colonial Powers to preserve, at all costs, their economic and other positions, even after the attainment of independence, particularly by the African countries, is basically detrimental not only to the peoples which have achieved their independence, but also to the peoples of the colonial Powers themselves. Such a policy cannot, in the long run, yield any benefits. It can only lead to new conflicts and do harm to both sides. Only relations based on equality between the peoples which have attained their independence and the peoples of the colonial Powers can benefit both sides and can moreover — and this is their most important feature — make such a policy into a powerful element in the safeguarding of peace and the promotion of constructive international co-operation. The implementation of such an approach to the question of relations between the newly liberated peoples and the peoples of the colonial Powers would do away with the basic source of conflict and crisis, and remove the causes of antagonisms between countries in the backward and under-developed regions, on the one hand, and the highly developed parts of the world, on the other.
123. The role of the United Nations in all these developments is of the highest significance both in the political and in the economic spheres. The United Nations should act effectively to ensure that the processes of emancipation be speeded up and that they evolve with the least impediment possible; it should, at the same time, extend all-round and timely assistance to the countries which have set out along the road of independence so as to enable them to consolidate their independence and to give it the maximum substance. So far, the main concern of the United Nations in this respect has been to guide the trust territories, towards independence as rapidly as possible and to speed up the evolution of other dependent territories towards independence. Thirty-five territories have achieved their freedom since the establishment of the United Nations, while several territories will attain their independence in the very near future. Twenty-nine formerly dependent territories have been admitted to the United Nations during the period under review. Now, however, our Organization is faced with the tremendous task of providing this new freedom with full political and economic substance.
124. It is also quite obvious that the question of the final liquidation of colonial relationships is closely connected with the existence of the gap between the under-developed countries and the highly developed regions of the world, such as Europe and North America, and that it represents, moreover, one of the main causes of the continued existence and of the extension of this gap. It is from this and from backwardness in the most varied forms, it is from the economic weakness and dependence of certain countries and areas that conditions for interference from outside, for attempts to establish and redistribute "spheres of influence", necessarily arise. All this leads, as we are well aware, to political conflicts and hinders stabilization both in the political and the economic fields,
125. In view of the experience so far, and of the fact that the granting of assistance and support is sometimes linked to political and economic conditions, while the granting of assistance on an individual basis is viewed by other States with the utmost suspicion and raises political problems, it is clear that to channel such assistance primarily through the United Nations is the best and most appropriate course. However, in view of the fact that the material resources of the United Nations are extremely limited, owing to the reluctance and refusal of wealthy States to place substantial means at the disposal of the United Nations for this purpose, it is clear that the newly liberated and under-developed countries cannot, under such conditions, rely solely upon assistance from the United Nations. One has to recognize their right to receive assistance from wherever they can obtain it, provided no political, economic or other conditions are attached.
126. The measures undertaken by the United Nations so far in this respect have undoubtedly been useful, but have been out of all proportion to the actual needs. If assistance, through the United Nations were to continue on so limited a scale, at so slow a pace, and in the manner in which it has been given so far, its effect could hardly be expected to tally with the interests of the consolidation of the countries concerned and of world peace. We should then still be faced with the wholly unwarranted situation where the highly developed countries spend on armaments a sum equal to the total production of the underdeveloped countries, and where one tenth of the production of our planet is being thrown into funds earmarked for destruction and devastation instead of being directed towards the advancement and progress of mankind. One of the most urgent tasks of the present session of the General Assembly is, therefore, to hasten, extend and render more effective all forms of international assistance and of international financing of the development of under-developed countries, primarily through an increase of funds available to the United Nations for the purpose. This, in fact, means that our Organization should now undertake large-scale action for the purpose of providing broad and unselfish assistance to the newly independent countries of Africa, so as to enable them to consolidate their independence and advance vigorously along the path of economic, cultural and general progress.
127. The problem of the development of underdeveloped countries has assumed a particularly acute form in Africa, where political and colonial relations are most persistently maintained and where they are intertwined with the consequences of economic backwardness. The problems of Africa demand the greatest efforts on our part. We consider as fully justified the request that the United Nations take concerted action with a view to technical, financial and economic assistance to the African Continent. I am, therefore, in a position to state here that my country is ready to consider, together with other countries, the possibility of increasing assistance to the newly liberated African countries in the form of experts, materials and funds. My country is, at the same time, prepared to renounce a considerable part of the assistance which it has hitherto beep, receiving through the technical assistance programme of the United Nations in favour of the new African countries.
128. The concentration of our efforts towards the solution of the problems of Africa should not, however, mean that we intend to neglect the problems of Latin America and Asia, with which we have been confronted for a decade now, and are even today confronted. A solution to the problems of Latin America is to be sought, in our view, primarily through an accelerated industrialization. The new economic conditions prevailing in the world call for a diversification of national economies. The awareness of the inevitability of this process should impel us to support and not seek to slow it down or impede it as this would be bound to provoke resistance and lead to political tension and conflicts, as shown particularly by the example of Cuba. In any case, we cannot consider as normal a situation where the markets of many Latin American products are placed at the mercy of the so-called free play of world supply and demand. There is an obvious need for international action in this Sphere.
129. Neither have the economic problems of Asia lost any of their urgency. The progress achieved by many Asian countries in the field of industrialization provides the best answer to the assertion advanced as recently as ten years ago to the effect that the under-developed countries did not have the natural resources and manpower required for industrialization in the modern sense. The Asian countries are successfully mastering the organizational problems of industrialization. They are making tremendous progress in the training of domestic industrial personnel. However, their efforts are greatly hampered by the lack of financial resources.
130. The next important and urgent problem which I should like to examine is the question of disarmament.
131. The importance of disarmament, as one of the key problems of war and peace, is generally recognized. This awareness has not, however, in the attempts made hitherto to solve the problem, been translated into terms of essential practical measures. This has led to a situation where disarmament has assumed a specific role in international relations, a role whose significance is, it seems to me, even more crucial perhaps than has ever been the case before.
132. Therefore, we have to approach the solution of the problem of, disarmament with a sense of extreme urgency. It should constantly be borne in mind that, as time passes, the armaments race grows in intensity and that, as a result of this, each new measure of disarmament becomes more difficult and complicated. New and more dangerous types of weapons which are increasingly difficult to control appear every day; the circle of countries possessing such armaments is expanding. Therefore, it is erroneous to speak, with regard to disarmament, of the continuation of the arms race; actually, this race is constantly gaining in speed, scope and intensity.
133. There are many ways of illustrating the absurd proportions assumed by the ever more intense armaments race as well as the extent of its negative consequences for mankind, but it is not my Intention to do it here. The fact that the cost of a single B-70 super-bomber is equal to the total assistance extended through the United Nations for the development of under-developed countries in the course of one year points clearly to the urgent need of abandoning the course now being pursued.
134. As a concrete example of a measure which we favour and which is essential to all, I shall mention the unwarranted delay in the reaching of an agreement for which all the objective preconditions have matured and which is demanded by public opinion throughout the world. I am referring to the prohibition of nuclear weapons tests. We believe that there are no longer any real obstacles in this respect, provided the great Powers could reach a political understanding to conclude the negotiations, which have already lasted approximately two years, and come to an agreement, to which all countries should adhere.
135. That, and any other genuine progress in the field of disarmament, would have a favourable effect on international relations and would contribute considerably to their improvement. In the same way, any improvement in international relations, any progress in solving outstanding international issues — an aim towards which we should persistently strive — would have a favourable bearing on the solution of the disarmament problem. It follows, therefore, that the interdependence between the state of international relations and the situation in the field of disarmament is absolutely clear and direct. There is obviously no need to try to find out where to start, as it is obvious that the greatest efforts should be exerted in both directions.
136. It would be a mistake to believe that, in the unfolding of the process of international disarmament, everything would remain as it was before — the cold war, the war preparations and the rest. The vicious circle would be broken and international relations would enter a new era. In fact, disarmament, if viewed in a sufficiently broad prospective, is a specific form of changing the world in a positive sense, as well as of relations therein. An ability to grasp this is, therefore, also required, as well as a readiness to place international relations upon a new basis.
137. That means that it is necessary, in order to make progress, to change certain established concepts and approaches, to abandon certain aims which obviously cannot be attained without war, to turn for the solution of international questions towards genuine peaceful coexistence among countries with different social systems.
138. The present so-called balance of armaments has reached so high and dangerous a level of military techniques and equipment that it is losing its "raison d’être to an increasing degree every day. This balance does not ensure security, as the protagonists of a certain policy want to make us believe. On the contrary, it is being transformed into a state of complete insecurity and presents a permanent mortal danger for mankind.
139. In order to create conditions in which the efforts for the attainment of disarmament might prove successful, it is obviously essential — as I have already said — to create a minimum of favourable atmosphere and an indispensable degree of mutual confidence. Unfortunately, an opposite course has too often been followed in the past.
140. For instance, it cannot be assumed that it is possible, at one and the same time, successfully to negotiate and to violate the sovereignty and national frontiers of the negotiating partners regardless of the motives invoked for justifying such harmful practices.
141. Similarly, as an expression of the negative -views of those who are unable — even in the present condition marked by the existence of missiles and nuclear weapons — to renounce the potential use of force and war as a means of solving international disputes, we also come across various theories on the possibility, or even harmlessness, of local wars. These theories are put forward despite a number of extremely eloquent experiences derived in this respect from the post-war period, although precisely the opposite should have become clear to everybody, namely, that any local war inevitably tends, under present world conditions, to turn into a general war. The trend towards so-called tactical nuclear weapons is bound to have the same effect.
142. What is the only lasting positive alternative to the present negative developments in this sphere? We are firmly convinced that the realization of general and complete disarmament alone provides such an alternative. Tills is precisely the reason why the Yugoslav Government has — in addition to the support given to other comprehensive measures leading towards general and complete disarmament- welcomed the proposal set forth in the statement made by Mr. Khrushchev, Premier of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, to the General Assembly of the United Nations on 18 September 1959 [799th meeting], as well as later Soviet proposals indicating a broad and direct approach to actual disarmament measures.
143. We are firmly convinced that general and complete disarmament is not an unrealistic aim, but rather the only possible and lasting solution. It is sufficiently well known, I believe, that the Yugoslav Government has always worked comprehensively and actively in the United Nations and elsewhere towards a solution of the problem of disarmament.
144. The problems of balance and control have often up to now been placed in the forefront of negotiations. Provided there is a readiness and a sincere willingness to advance towards genuine disarmament, these problems should not, we feel, be allowed to become intractable and to constitute an obstacle to an agreement because, intrinsically, they are not and should not constitute such an obstacle. The question of balance should, of course, be taken into account in the concrete process of disarmament, as it would be unrealistic to expect any country to accept a proposal which might, at a given moment, or in a given period, place it in a position of obvious inferiority. It would be, however, extremely harmful to seek to establish an abstract and absolute balance in advance, as no such balance exists in the process of armament either.
145. The same applies to the control of disarmament. It is not possible to question, nor does anyone actually question, the need for adequate, strict control as a function of disarmament. On the other hand, to insist upon the introduction of far-reaching measures of control before undertaking measures of actual disarmament is only another way, of opposing disarmament. Satisfactory compromises regarding the problem of control are possible, if control is viewed within the context of solving the problem of disarmament and of the achievement of certain practical measures within a given process.
146. While giving its support to general and complete disarmament, and thus to the proposals made to this effect, the Yugoslav Government would be prepared to accept certain measures as part of the process leading to general and complete disarmament; such measures would, by their very nature, stimulate both further agreements and the solution of the problems of disarmament in its entirety. What we have in mind here are genuine measures of a radical nature, with a visible and direct material and political effect, measures apt to contribute towards advancing the technological process essential to disarmament (what I have in mind is the development and application of control etc.). The discontinuance of nuclear tests provides the best example of such a measure. Similar useful measures could, in the light of the above conditions, be the following: the reduction of military expenditure and the utilization of the savings effected in this way, or of part of these savings, for assistance to under-developed countries; the transfer of fissionable materials for peaceful uses, as well as disengagement in Central Europe. Taken together, these measures should provide a pattern of advance at the beginning and within the framework of essential progress towards general disarmament. The best thing would be, of course, to achieve the most substantial results as soon as possible; it seems to me, however, that the steps I have outlined are significant enough to lead rapidly to major results.
147. The fifteenth session of the General Assembly is undoubtedly called upon, even more so than has been the case in the past, to help establish an appropriate procedure and machinery for disarmament negotiations. A more appropriate procedure than the one applied so far would certainly make it possible for developments in the field of disarmament finally to take a more favourable turn. The forms used in the past have obviously not proved very fortunate. The frameworks which have been laid down were either too narrow and one-sided, or too broad and rigid, for the conduct of practical negotiations.
148. It is a fact that the great Powers have a particular responsibility with regard to the question of disarmament, and thus also specific obligations towards the world. For this reason we have, for a number of years — through the establishment of the five-Power Sub-Committee and later through the setting up of the Ten-Nation Committee on Disarmament-entrusted the great Powers With the task of finding a basis for agreement on disarmament and of evolving methods for the realization of such an agreement. It is well known that no result have been achieved; the negotiations were interrupted and the problem of disarmament has again been placed before the United Nations at the initiative of the great Powers themselves.
149. It would therefore be necessary, for the purpose of conducting disarmament negotiations, to find a solution along the lines of a negotiating body which would be more effective and which would be constituted on a broader basis than the Ten-Nation Committee on Disarmament. The composition of the negotiating body should be such as to reflect more adequately the political structure of the present-day world and the principle of geographical representation. This would also ensure a more stable equilibrium in the negotiating body which might help to avoid the difficulties soon encountered by the Ten-Nation Committee based on the, concept of mechanical equilibrium between the representatives of the two military alignments. On the other hand, the negotiating body should evidently be better suited to the performance of the operative tasks of negotiating than has been the case with the United Nations Disarmament Commission, which — I wish to lay particular emphasis on this — has a positive place and, perhaps, a lasting importance as an expression of the common interest and responsibilities of the entire membership of the United Nations in regard to the disarmament problem. An appropriate and acceptable machinery could perhaps be found within the general framework of the Commission.
150. Efforts should be made in that respect to make proper use of the time and work of the present session of the Assembly in order to reach at least a basic agreement on the renewal of the negotiations on disarmament. The whole world expects this of us. The Yugoslav delegation will, for its part, participate with the greatest interest, in the course of this session, in the consideration of various aspects of the disarmament problem as well as in the possible study of new proposals striving, as it has done in the past, to appraise objectively and to support all the elements that can bring us closer to a solution.
151. If the modern world is to cope successfully with the problems I have just mentioned as well as with all the other problems upon which peace and the future of mankind depend, it is indispensable that all peoples, without exception, should accept the principles of coexistence and, what is more, apply them in their mutual relations everywhere and on every occasion.
152. In our opinion, the essence of peaceful and active coexistence should contain important elements that are not yet generally accepted in international relations, a fact which poisons in various ways and to a growing extent the relations between peoples and States in the world. The first fundamental principle of coexistence, as we understand it, is that different social systems must not be a reason for war conflicts or stand in the way of peaceful cooperation amongst States and peoples. The second fundamental principle of peaceful coexistence is that various controversial issues should be settled in a peaceful way, and that force and war should be eliminated from the practice of international relations. The third fundamental principle is the observance of the obligation of non-interference in the internal affairs of other peoples and States and the right of every people to organize its own internal development and its own life,
153. Peaceful and active coexistence is now gaining momentum in the world in the technical, cultural and even, to a certain extent, in the political field with regard to relations among States with different Social systems. Why should artificial obstacles be placed in the way of this, the only correct process of development in the world? Why should misinformation, falsehood and even hatred among peoples be disseminated through the Press, in speeches and in other ways? Why should antiquated, obsolete methods and procedures persistently be used in the modern world where they are not only anachronistic but also pose a constant threat to the peace and progress of mankind? These are precisely the elements that impede the proper development of international relations and co-operation.
154. It is, of course, completely illusory to expect that peace will prevail among nations, that they will be able to face the future without fear, if this world of ours continues to be a world where there is no equality between big and small States and nations, where those that have more consider it to their advantage that others have been left behind, or where it is believed that the aims race and the continuation of the cold war are the best means of national policy, and that the policy of force and strength is the surest way towards the fulfilment of their aspirations, whether justified or unjustified, and to solve outstanding problems.
155. Coexistence among nations therefore imposes itself not only as a practical necessity but also as an imperative in the present conditions. There is no alternative to this except to live in an almost constant State of "cold war”, or to walk along the verge of war", and finally to have a real war, which would mean complete destruction and this we must all discard.
156. It is for this reason that it is no longer sufficient to define war as a "continuation of policy by other means”. The orientation towards war for the solving of international disputes has become a component of a policy which is no longer capable of convincing otherwise than by threats or use of force. The fundamental principles of coexistence are really a living and creative interpretation of the spirit and principles of the Charter of our Organization. By acceding to membership, we pledge ourselves to observe and apply these principles, and thus also to pursue an international policy fully in harmony with the concepts and practice of coexistence among nations, regardless of their racial, ideological or other differences. That is why it is completely incompatible with the principles of coexistence, and consequently with the principles of the United Nations Charter, not merely to preach and apply a policy of force and of the right of the stronger, but also to preach and apply racial discrimination, to interfere in the internal affairs of others under ideological and political pretexts, to exert economic pressure and discrimination of the stronger against the weaker, to apply any method of moral and political pressure.
157. On the other hand, no less erroneous is the notion that coexistence should mean the preservation of existing relations, as in areas under colonial rule, for instance, and in other regions where the stronger and the more developed have built up privileged positions in weaker and under-developed countries. Such a notion is in flagrant contradiction to the spirit and significance of coexistence, which cannot serve to halt historical processes in international life. On the contrary, it stimulates and facilitates these processes without endangering world peace, but rather making it more stable. Because our views on the concept of coexistence are such that we cannot accept the view that in the present world coexistence should be confined to ensuring the coexisting of the existing groupings. Of course, coexistence between them should also be sought in order to replace present tensions and mistrust, not with the intention of stopping at such coexistence, but rather of making it a starting-point towards more active relations and more fruitful and broader co-operation among all States and nations including those that today hold antagonistic positions. Bearing all this in mind, we consider that the true observance of the principles of coexistence is proved and tested only through actual practice, that is, above all through the extent to which a given policy and given political concepts and actions contribute to the strengthening of peace.
158. The country on behalf of which I am speaking here today, the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia, has, ever since its birth, sought to establish relations with countries from various parts of the world on such a basis. Owing to this, we believe that our country has contributed not only to its own national interests and aspirations, but also to the general cause of the world. As a fully independent country, it acts in the conviction that it follows a course which, in the present world, leads most surely to peace and to active international co-operation. Pursuing such a course, my country has established fruitful relations with all the nations that were ready to co-operate on the basis of mutual respect, equality and noninterference. On the other hand, Yugoslavia has met along this road a number of countries and peoples from all continents which, guided by the same aspirations, constituted a beneficial force for peace in the days of the cold war. In the present changed international conditions these countries and peoples have proved to be the most consistent protagonists of efforts for the realization of coexistence in the world, for peace based on progress and equal rights. These independent countries have therefore turned, in the first place, towards our Organization, seeing in it and its Charter a powerful instrument for the realization of their own aspirations as well as the general strivings of mankind. It is up to us to prove at the present session of the Assembly, by the decisions which we are going to take, more than we have done before, that their trust in our Organization has been justified.
159. I believe that the Assembly should, at its present session, adopt certain general directives, perhaps in the form of a declaration relating to the efforts and rules of conduct which are essential in order to eliminate international tension, to promote peaceful and good-neighbourly relations among States and to develop international co-operation in all spheres.
160. All of us here, representatives of countries large and small alike, are faced with the momentous and unique task of making it possible, through our common efforts, for the peoples and nations of the world to advance towards a more radiant future.
161. I have set forth our views concerning certain international problems that we consider to be of the greatest importance and urgency today. In defining our attitudes on various questions, we always endeavour to be guided by certain principles which constitute the foundation of our entire foreign policy; these principles, as I have already said, are merely a concretization of the principles embodied in the Charter of the United Nations.
162. May I, in conclusion, summarize our views.
163. We believe and maintain that there is no other alternative to active, peaceful coexistence in the world of today and tomorrow. By this we mean the possibility and necessity of developing lasting cooperation among countries with different social and political systems.
164. With regard to the crucial question of disarmament, we are faced by a seemingly insoluble contradiction. On the one hand, war is becoming ever more absurd owing to the appalling destructive capabilities of contemporary weapons. On the other hand, the piling-up of ever more destructive weapons itself leads to war. It is evident that only the prevention of the further accumulation of weapons, that is, disarmament, can provide a solution. In this sense we insist that disarmament talks should be renewed as soon as possible within an adequate framework. If no agreement on general disarmament can be reached at the present moment, we should be ready to engage in a partial agreement. Once the idea of a partial agreement is accepted, we must be ready to face the fact that such an agreement will fall short of perfection. The risks involved are obviously incomparably smaller than those contained in the present completely uncontrolled armaments race.
165. This point of view of ours also determines our attitude toward certain tendencies which may lead to a general division of the world and which evidently constitute one of the basic negative facts and elements of contemporary international life and one of the main causes of the so-called cold war. Therefore, any extension and aggravation of this struggle necessarily leads to the intensification of the cold war, to propaganda moves, to extreme and exclusive attitudes, and to the alignment of all countries according to these attitudes — thus further deforming and straining international relations, intensifying and aggravating existing disputes, provoking new conflicts and rendering agreement more difficult;
166. We have always endeavoured, especially intense situations, to take a stand on various proposals and initiatives not according to the side from which they come, but in terms of their significance for the strengthening of peace. We have thus given full support to the Soviet proposal on general and complete disarmament, and do so today. We shall continue to act in this way in the future and lend our support to any initiative, regardless of where it comes from, which, in our opinion, contributes to the strengthening of peace.
167. It follows from all that I have said, that we do not see a way out of the very dangerous situation in which the world finds itself in alignment with one Side or the other, still less in an aggravation of the Struggle between them. We believe that a way out can be found in a gradual overcoming of the obstacles that this struggle brings in its wake and in the gradual superseding and eliminating of the existing military alliances. It is evident, for example, that coexistence in the atmosphere of the arms race can in no way provide a basis for a lasting and stable peace. On the contrary, peace can be ensured and strengthened only through the development of broad co-operation on all questions of general interest and through a resolute struggle for disarmament and for the abolition of unequal relations.
168. Finally, we believe and maintain that war is no longer inevitable, or rather that there exist real prospects for its permanent elimination as an instrument of policy and a means of settling international disputes. Our conviction is based on an estimate that those forces in the world which incline towards war for the attainment of their objectives, and which are accordingly preparing for war, can be isolated and rendered harmless by the consistent policy of peace. In other words, we believe that the overwhelming majority of mankind is opposed to war, that the material and social and political conditions for the maintenance of peace are maturing increasingly, and that the forces in the world which are against war are today sufficiently strong and capable of preventing its outbreak.
169. Those are the basic principles by which Yugoslav foreign policy is guided. I think that the explanation I have given will contribute towards a better understanding of both these principles and of our entire foreign policy. I am convinced that within this framework it will be clear why and in what sense we are attaching particular importance to the contribution that the so-called non-committed countries can make towards the betterment of international relations as well as to the great role that the United Nations can and should play in this respect.