It gives the Yemeni delegation great pleasure to extend its congratulations to Mr. Boland on his election as President of the General Assembly during this session. We are confident that with the help of God, with the wisdom, tact and wide experience for which the President is known, and with the sincere co-operation of delegations, we shall deal successfully with the serious international problems at issue.
88, The participation of a large number of Heads of States, Prime Ministers and Foreign Ministers, and the admission of sixteen new Members to our Organization, coupled with the complex international problems which face us, indeed render this session one of historic significance.
89, To have had the privilege of receiving sixteen new Members into the United Nations is a source of joy to us, the Arab nations, in particular, in view of the strong cultural and religious ties which unite us with these new countries. One of these States is Cyprus, a Mediterranean country, bound by a strong tie to the Arab countries since the twelfth century — a relation which continues today. The Arab countries have always viewed with great concern the glorious struggle of Cyprus for the attainment of independence, and they have supported this independence with all the power at their command.
90, As to the fifteen African States, they are linked with the Arab nations and with Arab civilization by a strong bond that goes back to the twelfth century when Arab civilization and the Islamic religion spread to them from North Africa, and to Somalia from the Arabian Peninsula. In the name of the Government of Yemen, I salute these new States and welcome them. We have high hopes that in the not too distant future we shall receive in this hall delegations from Algeria, Palestine, Oman, Kuwait, and the other African nations which have not as yet rid themselves of the colonial yoke.
91. This is a particularly historic session in view of the important international problems which now face us in an atmosphere overwhelmed by the cold war, by conflict and by hate. In sharp contrast to this session, the last was convened in an atmosphere characterized by understanding and hope — a hope emanating from the Geneva Conference, from the Foreign Ministers’ Conference, and from a good start towards the solution of the question of disarmament by the creation of the Ten-Nation Committee on Disarmament. Hopes were also high for arriving at a solution of the question of Algeria, at a time when France had finally conceded to the Algerians their right to self-determination, and had expressed its willingness to negotiate on this basis. Indeed, the last session commenced with a gleam of hope breaking through thick clouds and throwing light upon the international scene. Soon after, however, these hopes faded, one after another. The Ten-Nation Commission disintegrated, the Summit Conference in Paris failed, and the problem of the Congo (Leopoldville) assumed more complex proportions.
92. In the Middle East the international situation is regrettably discouraging. The Algerian war is in its sixth year. The hopes that were created by the possibility of arriving at an agreement based on self-determination have vanished. None of the hopes expressed repeatedly by the Assembly has materialized. Blood is still being shed in the cause of fundamental human rights. Palestine still labours under the yoke of Zionist colonialism and the refugees are still dispersed, subsisting in indescribable conditions of destitution. The question of the usurped southern part of Yemen continues to pose a threat to the peace and stability of the area. War still rages in Oman. And above all, the two Power blocs are engaged in a life and death race for thermo-nuclear arms and the domination of space.
93. This is why the present session of the Assembly is of great seriousness. The question arises here, is it possible for us to meet these serious events and to prescribe suitable solutions for them, which would disperse the dark clouds encompassing the world and bring instead peace and security? We, the Yemeni delegation, entertain the firm conviction that, with sincerity and patience, this is possible. I shall venture now to show briefly how we feel that this might be accomplished.
94. As to disarmament, it behoves both parties to leave the door open for negotiation. In this atomic age we face either destruction or negotiations to achieve peace. And although we grant that complete disarmament is desirable, our initial aim should be modest, confining itself to partial disarmament, with a certain degree of control. But before we can achieve this aim we should, first of all, discard hate and distrust. This is a fundamental prerequisite for success.
95. In the Republic of the Congo (Leopoldville), the United Nations has made a good start. In less than six months many States have responded to its call and sent military contingents that have reached a figure of 18,000. Other countries have contributed by sending food, clothing and medical supplies. This would not have been possible if it were not for the energy and experience of the Secretary-General and his aides, for which they deserve our thanks. Through them the first objective sought by the United Nations in the Republic of the Congo, which was the withdrawal of the Belgian troops, has been achieved. All these troops have withdrawn with the exception of a number of civilian experts who remained at some western bases. We believe that these experts should withdraw as soon as possible and be replaced by experts from the Congo itself or from other African countries,
96. It is regrettable, however, that serious impediments have begun to appear in the way of continuing the United Nations operations in the Congo. A serious internal dispute has erupted and some provinces have started seceding under internal and external influences, encouraged by outside assistance. All this stands as an insurmountable barrier in the way of the independence and unity of the Congo and the performance by the United Nations of its task to achieve these aims. In the opinion of the Yemeni delegation there is no hope of achieving stability in the Congo as long as foreign hands continue to operate in the dark, spreading seeds of enmity and discord. We appeal to all countries to refrain from fomenting insurrection or from extending military assistance. The task of enforcing the observance of these restrictions is the foremost duty of the United Nations in the Congo. We appeal also to the Congolese people to consolidate their ranks and to forget their hatreds. The path ahead is long and rocky.
97. We also call upon the African countries to use their good offices with all parties in the Congo with a view to achieving stable conditions there. We call upon them to observe strict neutrality between the parties to the dispute. Last, but not least, the forces and representatives of the United Nations in the Congo should be careful to pursue a course of absolute neutrality between various communities and parties.
98. Next the question arises, are we able to meet the challenge offered by events in the Middle East? It is regrettable that the Middle East is still pervaded by serious problems. Through the ashes we see sparks of a fire on the verge of igniting.
99. The Palestine question, which is the main cause of the lack of stability and peace in this area, is still outstanding. We find Israel stubbornly refusing for the last twelve years to implement the resolutions of the United Nations pertaining to the Palestine question. The problem of the Palestine refugees is still unsolved, and the people of Palestine and still living under destitute and humiliating conditions.
100. There is the problem of the southern part of Yemen, a problem which is of great concern to my country for it is not an insignificant matter that this part of Yemen should continue to labour under colonial domination. These southern regions of Yemen have recently been christened a federation. But they are part and parcel of the territory of Yemen, as is borne out by history and by continued relations be- them and the mother-Yemen. The situation has led to continual aggression against the borders of our country and, in turn, has caused grievous loss in life and property. Despite all this, my Government continues to entertain the hope that this problem may be solved through amicable negotiations with a view to preventing bloodshed and preserving peace and stability.
101. In Oman a war continues to rage with great intensity. The leaders of Oman suffer from extreme restrictions and the people face immediate danger. Their houses have been damaged and their properties have been violated and robbed. The question of Oman was brought before the Security Council in 1957 without avail. In view of the extreme tension which prevails in that area, the Arab countries, members of the League of Arab States, decided to request that this question should be placed in the Assembly's agenda again during the present session [see A/4521], We maintain that military operations at present being undertaken in Oman not only constitute a danger to the peace of the Middle East but are also a flagrant violation of the Charter of the United Nations and the principles of international law.
102. Not far from Oman stands the Buraimi Oasis, which is part of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, The problem of Buraimi is closely related to that of Oman, The Secretary-General of the United Nations did well when he despatched a representative to investigate conditions in this oasis and to contact both parties to the dispute. It is hoped that this representative will submit his report within the coming few months. And while we wish him success in this mission, we hope that the representative of the Secretary-General will also investigate the question of Oman, because, as has already been indicated, it lies adjacent to the Buraimi Oasis and is closely related thereto. We hope that these efforts will culminate in an amicable solution to these two problems.
103. There is also a new serious problem which has been added to other Arab problems. It is the question of Mauritania, upon which Prance seeks to bestow independence with the purpose of separating it from Moroccan territory, of which Mauritania is an integral part, as is borne out by various international treaties concluded in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. France recognized the fact that Mauritania belonged to Morocco before it imposed the protectorate regime upon Moroccan territory in 1912.
104. Since Morocco achieved independence, one of its foremost concerns has been to consolidate its Sovereignty over all its territory and to recover this region. It was agreed upon with France that Morocco would reserve its right to negotiate this question of its borders. It is also an established fact that the rulers of Morocco, from time immemorial, have appointed governors to this region and collected taxes from it. In addition to all these factors, the inhabitants of the region themselves insist on their return to Morocco, their homeland.
105. Finally, how are we to face during this session the question of the Algerian war? For the past six years the Algerian war has been raging. Blood is being shed from both sides and losses are being sustained in both life and properly. Hundreds of refugees, including women and children, have fled to surrounding countries. In this war torture, imprisonment and bloodshed take place in violation of the rules of war and, in particular, of article 3 of the Geneva Convention relative to the treatment of prisoners of war of 12 August 1949, The crimes committed have been established beyond any doubt by a report made by the International Committee of the Red Cross, This human problem warrants the special attention of the present session of the General Assembly.
106. There was a ray of hope for the solution of the Algerian crisis when the French declared their willingness to arrive at a solution on the basis of-self-determination. The Algerian Government accepted this offer and declared its willingness to send a delegation for this purpose, led by Ferhat Abbas, the Head of the Provisional Government of the Algerian Republic. It was deemed advisable to send representatives in order to undertake procedural arrangements for negotiation. Soon after that it became clear to those representatives that the projected negotiations would not be conducted in a free atmosphere. They found that the Algerian negotiators, for as long as they were in France for the purposes of negotiation, would have to submit to some kind of restrictions similar to those imposed upon prisoners of war. The Algerians could not accept such treatment, for negotiations with such a start do not inspire any hope of success.
107. The Algerians were careful to reveal to the world the essence of the reasons for their refusal to negotiate, pointing out the bad intentions of the French. Yet they left the door open for future negotiations. Finally, the Algerians proposed that a plebiscite be taken in Algeria under the auspices of the United Nations for determining the future of the country.
108. During each of the last three sessions of the General Assembly, France faced us with a new trick. At one time she faced the United Nations with a law relating to an Algerian plebiscite, on another with the offer of a "Brave Man’s Peace", and finally, last year, France came forward with the offer of self-determination. On each of these three occasions United Nations resolutions relating to Algeria were formulated in a moderate tone, in response to the wishes of some Member States that the door be left open between both parties. Last year, the trick of "self-determination" was so strong and influential that it led to the defeat of the special draft resolution [A/L.276] submitted on Algeria, which did not muster two-thirds of the votes.
109. One wonders, therefore, whether, at the start of this session. We shall be faced with a new trick. These comic absurdities and manoeuvres should be promptly brought to an end. We should agree upon a resolution on Algeria which would place matters in their proper perspective, without ambiguity or suspicion. The time has come when the United Nations should assume its responsibility in this serious matter.
110. I have surveyed briefly the problems which cloud the international atmosphere. We bear a serious responsibility and we face a duty which we ought to discharge. Shall we be able during this session to face these serious problems? Shall we be able to face the problems of the arms race, the Congo (Leopoldville), the Algerian war, Palestine and other important questions? Will the United Nations fulfil its great duty to take effective steps towards settling the Algerian question which has been left unsolved for a good many years? The Algerians are asking for nothing but their legitimate right of self-determination and to enjoy the freedom which all of us here enjoy.
111. I believe that we can do so, if we realize the serious dangers which these outstanding problems raise for the human race in general in this atomic age, if we put aside competition and disagreement, and if we debate with wisdom and under the influence of good guidance rather than in a spirit of conflict and indifference. Yes, if we do that, we shall be able to face successfully the international problems brought before us. This is the only way to ensure a peaceful life for our children and grandchildren on this earth. Let us devote our endeavours to this noble aim, so that peace may dawn and the human race may live under stable and secure conditions.