I deem it a signal honour to represent my country and my king here in the United Nations as the Chairman of the Moroccan delegation and to take part in that capacity in the valuable work of this Assembly. This honour in fact entails a very heavy responsibility because no previous session of the United Nations General Assembly has had such distinguished participants or has been so important and so decisive for international relations and for the fixture of the world. My country will therefore do its utmost to adopt a mature, conscientious, sympathetic and understanding approach to the problems before us, problems which are crucial to world peace and to the lives of future generations.
130. The peoples of this planet, most of which are represented in this Assembly, are lightly concerned about the world situation. The precarious balance of forces in the world is obvious to careful observers and, in particular, to uncommitted countries like ourselves which are striving to remain uncommitted. As a result of the rapid changes in power relationships and alliances or, simply, in relations among peoples, the position of these countries is now different from what it was last year and seems likely to undergo further changes in the near future.
131. We are being deprived of all possibility of making long-term forecasts by the daily flood of rows, the diversity of interests, the achievement of political maturity by young peoples until recently in bondage and by the sometimes terrifying discoveries that are being made. The trend of world history is such that realistic and quick decisions are called for. The days of long reflection appear to be over; a capacity for constant adaptation is now required.
132. The accession to independence of numerous under-developed countries is unfortunately leading the great nations to compete not only for the friendship of these countries, but also for their support in conflicts which do not concern them in any way but which they are nevertheless very anxious to see resolved.
133. Irrespective of their past history or even of the purity of their intentions, these great nations do not adequately appreciate how strongly we feel that the financial and technical assistance granted to us — often in a grudging spirit — should involve no interference, no matter how slight, in our domestic affairs. I would go so far as to say that the larger the scale of the assistance, the greater the attention that should be paid to respect for the independence of the recipient.
134. The numerous instances of ill-considered interference, the attempt to force us to take sides — which, should we give in, would deprive the world of the goodwill it will need tomorrow to reconcile opposing views and to find the path of wisdom and agreement — these encroachments of a neo-colonialist nature entail a serious risk of local and of general conflicts. The fact that a state of paramount distrust prevails between two great Powers seems deplorable enough in itself, and we wish to make it absolutely clear, here and now, to anyone who might think of persuading us to take sides on the pretext of helping us better, that we are opposed to this idea. War takes lives twice over: first, as a result of the malnutrition caused by war preparations, and again after it has broken out.
135. Being the disillusioned witnesses of these futile and costly rivalries, the uncommitted countries and, particularly, the African peoples, are perseveringly seeking new forms of association and of organization that will enable them to tackle the immense problems set by their economic and social development.
136. What remedy do we have? Where can we, the small nations, find comfort if not within a great family, a world organization where representation and legitimacy of rights do not depend on power and, even less, on claims to greatness?
137. It is with a full awareness of its share of responsibility and in the firm resolve to co-operate in the common task that my country stands before the Assembly today. We remain more firmly attached than ever to the principles set forth in the United Nations Charter. But, at the same time, because we see in our Organization the best hope for the triumph of peace, we fervently wish to see its prestige and authority enhanced. If the United Nations is to be equal to the problems awaiting solution, it must not serve as a mere propaganda tool nor must it merely be a cheerless image of the divisions which afflict the world. We must not be content here in the United Nations simply to take note of the sterile conflict between ideologies; we must, on the contrary, strive to find positive solutions to the problems directly affecting the maintenance of peace.
138. Witnessing the stormy dialogue between East and West, and often buffeted by its gusts, the countries which, like Morocco, are trying to build their future on a basis of non-dependence, are painfully aware that efforts to bring about a relaxation of tension have failed. The channels through which the two worlds were beginning to discover and understand each other are now being closed, abuse is replacing argument, retaliatory measures succeed one another and on an ever-increasing scale.
139. Disarmament is at a standstill after the many meetings and conferences which kept the world in suspense and held out so many hopes that have since been dashed.
140. Lastly, aid to the under-developed countries — a field where the opposing forces now dividing our world might have found a basis for Co-operation — has in fact become the scene of additional rivalries. This is a tragic paradox which may have the gravest long-range consequences.
141. In these three fields of the relaxation of tension, disarmament and aid to the under-developed countries, it would be unrealistic for small countries to aspire to the role of arbiters at the political level. It is, however, their right and their imperative duty to call attention to the fact that failure to settle these problems creates an element of permanent instability in their own situation. This fact also gives them the right to try and contribute to a settlement by making practical proposals and by suggesting solutions or ways and means of achieving them.
142. Where the relaxation of tension is concerned, the new countries cannot hope contribute anything other than their goodwill, because relaxation of tension is a matter of the psychological climate and the nature of this climate depends exclusively on the committed countries. Thus, the only practical and positive contribution which the new countries can make lies in a refusal to take sides. We are now being viewed in the guise of potential customers, who can be won over by skilful bidding, and peaceful coexistence merely means imposing upon us the divisions existing among the great. We declare firmly, clearly and irrevocably that we refuse, here and now, to participate in any form whatsoever, either actively or passively, in the quarrels dividing the West from the socialist camp; to adapt a well-known phrase, such quarrels are part and parcel neither of our future programme nor of our past. So, if the committed countries become convinced that there is no hope of embroiling us in their disputes, the cold war will have been banished from one field and, perhaps, even the foundations of present international tension will have been weakened once and for all.
143. But our contribution — however limited — to the easing of international tension will not become significant unless, at the same time, the uncommitted countries bring all their efforts to bear on solving the problem of disarmament. Indeed, is there a single new country which has not felt it as an affront to its own poverty that such vast sums should be swallowed up by armaments, which are particularly costly in view of their rapid obsolescence? Besides constituting a permanent threat to life itself on our planet, the manufacture of these weapons ties up productive forces and thus jeopardizes the prospect of a better life for us all.
144. For our countries there is no problem more urgent or acute than that of disarmament. During the present session three positive contributions have been made to its solution. In his speech [868th meeting], Mr. Eisenhower described, with all his usual lucidity and sincerity, the main points, both procedural and substantive, on which the members of the Ten-Nation Committee on Disarmament were divided. Mr. Khrushchev, with no less objectivity and sincerity, suggested [see A/4509] that the representatives of five neutral countries should participate in the future work of the Disarmament Committee in order to exert a moderating influence and act as mediators. Lastly, Mr. Macmillan, in his speech [877th meeting] put forward the idea of convening a committee of experts which would make a start on the technical aspects of disarmament, removing them, at least initially, from the sphere of politics, and would prepare a clear definition of possible solutions.
145. These three contributions all point to the same need: the search for solutions, which has everything to gain from objectivity and nothing from polemics, must be undertaken in an atmosphere from which passion has been eliminated. Nothing fruitful or positive will be achieved so long as the membership of the disarmament committees consists of the committed Powers alone. If there is one fact that has been proved over and over again, it is that one cannot be both judge and litigant. The participation of neutrals is therefore essential, although both its scope and its limits must be clearly defined.
146. For our part, we think that the resumption of disarmament negotiations might proceed in two stages.
147. A sub-committee, consisting exclusively of the representatives of five neutral countries, might be convened in the first stage. The main task of this sub-committee, which would be assisted by experts, would be to clear the ground for discussion by determining one by one the points of agreement and of disagreement between the two proposed plans. While it is true that such inventories have already been drawn up on many occasions, they have, in the past, smacked rather of polemics, and the fact that this primarily served propaganda purposes deprived them of their value. That is why, in our view, the work should be done again, and why it can be done only by countries which are not parties to the debate.
148. In the second stage, the Committee on Disarmament, with a membership composed of the ten countries participating in its work and of the five neutral countries appointed to the sub-committee would be convened. It would work on the basis of documents drafted by the sub-committee of the neutral countries, whose function would be to render the discussion more effective by acting as arbiters and exercising their good offices. It might be suggested to that end that the chairmanship of the new committee should be held as of right by the representatives of the five uncommitted countries in turn.
149. The procedure I have just outlined seems to us to be most in keeping with the needs of the present time. Thus, we think it would have the effect of clarifying certain aspects of the problem of disarmament, of compelling the parties to indicate exactly where they stand, and of leading to a lasting solution as soon as possible, in conformity with the wishes of the whole world. Once freed from the nightmare of the arms race, the world community will be able to fulfil its obligations in tranquillity, looking forward to a stable future, a future no longer rendered precarious by fear and anxiety.
150. All the nations of the world could then once again devote themselves, first and foremost to building, teaching, feeding the hungry and providing aid, to the greater benefit of the peonies of the under-developed countries. Our dearest wish is, therefore, to see propaganda and demagogy brought to a speedy end and the foundations laid for genuine agreement and true understanding. The advanced countries, with their creative industrial skills and capacity for organization, would then be in a position to give a full measure of aid and assistance to the young countries.
151. Broadly speaking, international aid comes from three different sources: the Eastern countries, the Western countries and the international funds administered by the United Nations. This situation which encourages competition — with the unfortunate consequences which I have just tried to describe — must be brought to an end. The goal should be a single fund, into which all available resources would be channelled and which would be administered on an equitable basis under the auspices of the United Nations. Under such an arrangement, aid would cease to be governed by bilateral agreements, with their inevitable concomitants of compromising commitments and more or less covert coercion. Above all, such an arrangement would also make for an active, rather than a merely symbolic participation in the administration of aid funds by the requesting countries. Having thus been removed the sphere of politics, assistance to the underdeveloped countries would become an instrument of steady progress and not a means of political pressure and a source of ever-recurring dissension.
152. In the face of all the conflicts of which we are the witnesses — and in which we are also sometimes the unwilling participants — we must be guided in our attitude by calmness, reason and tolerance. The fundamental problem of the new countries — which is to ensure the speediest possible progress, in economic and human terms, of peoples suffering from ignorance and hunger — calls for a maximum effort on our part to eliminate the deficiencies which are impeding genuine co-operation among the peoples.
153. However, we should not confine ourselves to eliminating the remains of disputes, most of which belong to the past. Our countries, which were late in attaining their sovereignty in international affairs, and often did so at the cost of heroic efforts, must work for a better world. Those who have suffered are better equipped to suggest remedies and indicate new approaches. The international community is a human community and, therefore, it is the less fortunate who make history. Our efforts must therefore be directed towards strengthening the collective personality of the poor countries and defining the new ideals by which they are guided; our immediate task must be to help our brothers — who are still the victims of a past that is gone forever — to join our ranks.
154. Against a new political background, it should be possible for the collective philosophy of the new countries to be defined in a declaration inspired by the principles of the Bandung Conference of 1955. Thus it would be based on three essential principles: tolerance, mutual aid and universalism.
155. Tolerance consists, first, in admitting that there are several ways of leading peoples to self-fulfilment and that no nation can claim to hold the miraculous formula for real power and progress. Secondly, and above all, it consists in understanding the situation of others and viewing their problems objectively and unselfishly. It consists, finally, in supporting the peaceful solution of all disputes by means of negotiation and arbitration.
156. Mutual support is the key to the future of the under-developed countries, which must rely mainly on themselves. In view of the excessive fragmentation of modern Africa, there is little hope of raising the living standards of its peoples unless collaboration between States — initially at the regional and subsequently at the continental level — is gradually built up. International relations have not, alas, reached that Stage in moral conduct where each State may count upon the rightness of its cause in order to secure a hearing. Our countries, a prey to temptations, pressure and coercion, will find the strength and respect which is their due only by mutual assistance and support.
157. Universality: at a time when man is about to escape from the earth's pull, he remains weighed down by the quarrels of the past. However, the new devices which technology daily places in our hands, and the astonishing population increase throughout the world, compel us to seek world solutions for the only problem that counts: the improvement of the wellbeing of each individual. For that, reason, our countries will never cease to encourage the development of international organizations and institutions. It is in these broad discussions of practical and specific problems that men of all nations will be able to experience that psychological mutation, so necessary for our time, which leads from the limited concept of nationhood to the universal concept of man.
158. As we seek to apply these principles, the final struggles against colonialism and the existing threats to world peace, so challenging to mankind, cause us profound concern. This year our African brothers have taken their seats in this Assembly in great numbers. I extend the same fraternal greeting to Mali, Senegal, the Ivory Coast, the Niger, the Upper Volta, Dahomey, the Central African Republic, Gabon, the Congo (Brazzaville), Somalia, Madagascar, Cameroon, Togo and the Congo (Leopoldville). I also congratulate the Republic of Cyprus, whose courageous struggle held free men of the world spellbound; and I hope very soon to see here the delegation from the Congo (Leopoldville), I again deplore the absence, from among us, of fighting Algeria, whose courage and political maturity will, I am sure, soon bring independence as their reward, with the help of the freedom-loving countries and of the United Nations.
159. In this connexion I would like to say, in passing, that the attitude of France is, because of its inconsistency, quite incomprehensible to all sensible men. On the one hand, France can sponsor the admission to the United Nations of eleven countries which were still under its tutelage when the Algerian conflict broke out; on the other hand, it is conducting In Algeria the most pitiless war of repression. In thus briefly outlining the Algerian problem, I have merely said a few words on what appears to me, and to you, to be absurd in the French position. Other voices more authoritative than mine, including that of Mr. Nehru yesterday [882nd meeting] have described to you from this rostrum the horrors of the Algerian war and have demanded that the Assembly should intervene to put an end to it.
160. The constant danger which the Algerian war represents for the peace and security of the world, and the manner in which it imperils the delicate balance of our situation, are too evident for me to stress without appearing to insult the intelligence of each one of you. Other men, outside this Assembly, have continually — often at the risk of their lives — raised their voices and joined them with yours to demonstrate to the French authorities the representative nature of the National Liberation Front, its strength and its legality. "Not only in Tunis, Cairo, Moscow and New York, but even within the French Government, we now find men who quite reasonably point out that all the Moslem population is now solidly behind the FLN, that there is no longer any chance of finding or building up a third force, that independence is henceforth inevitable and that negotiations must therefore begin as soon as possible.”As you have guessed, these words are not mine. They are taken from the editorial which appeared on 29 September 1960 in a great French newspaper, L’Express, which I was reading this very morning. "Independence is henceforth inevitable.” Such is the conclusion of a Frenchman whose patriotism cannot be questioned and such is also, according to this same Frenchman, the conviction of responsible French Ministers who wish to be reasonable.
161. My country’s attitude to the Algerian problems is the same as that which we have always proclaimed ever since we were first admitted to the United Nations. Morocco — through the voice of its first representative, His Majesty King Mohammed V, my august father, speaking from this rostrum [725th meeting] — offered, at a time when that was still possible, its good offices in order to put an end to the shedding of innocent blood and to the criminal slaughter.
162. It would be a distortion of my meaning and of my position if I were to indulge in sterile charges against the country responsible. I should seem to be using the Assembly as a propaganda platform if I were to try to describe to you the grave incidents which have only recently occurred in my country, on the Algerian border, and of which peaceful and innocent citizens have been the victims. I know however that I can reach all representatives, and touch their hearts and consciences directly, when I say that the United Nations General Assembly — whatever the ideology of its Members, whatever their policies, and whatever the bloc to which they belong — cannot allow this war to continue without being guilty of criminal negligence.
163. No one, not even the most sceptical, can any longer doubt that the Provisional Government of the Algerian Republic is henceforth the only organization representative of the Algerian nation. To maintain the injustice that is being done to it, to allow the continuance of a war as atrocious as it is stupid, would be purely and simply to sanction the terrible threat of the maintenance of the cold war and, what is even more terrible, of war itself, with all its horrible train of crimes and murders.
164. I should like for a moment to explain the Algerian situation, with which some of you may be unfamiliar. When the President of the French Republic stated that Algeria had the right to self-determination, it was thought that cease-fire negotiations might open the door to negotiations from which peace would result. Our Algerian friends agreed to go to Melun for discussions, but they were told that they could discuss only a cease-fire and could not, at any time, take up the question of guarantees for self-determination.
165. What would have happened? On the one hand, a well-organized army with its cadres, with its logistic services, with all its administrative and military machinery and its regular supplies, was faced with an army that was disorganized, without continuous lines of supply and without proper cadres. Yet the idea was that the fighters of the Provisional Government of the Algerian Republic should lay down their arms; and if negotiations failed — take the struggle up again and fight just as effectively, just as smoothly, just as normally as a regular army. It is perhaps possible for a regular army to resume operations at the moment of its choice; but it was an extremely serious matter for the leaders of the National Liberation Front, from the standpoint of their political reputation, to take upon themselves the decision to stop fighting, without knowing whether they could ever resume their liberating struggle in the event of the negotiations failing. I can tell you personally that, if I myself had been one of the leaders of the Provisional Government of the Algerian Republic I should never have embarked upon a course liable to undermine their followers’ determination.
166. It is for this reason that the Algerian themselves — not because they are tired of, or exhausted by, the struggle, but simply because they are conscious of their human responsibilities, both towards their enemies who are daily falling dead before them, and towards their own sons, and because they want to avoid further bloodshed — today ask the United Nations for its arbitration and moral support, with a view to a referendum on their right to self-determination being held in Algeria under United Nations auspices.
167. What are the dangers to which the existing situation in Algeria might give rise if it continued? There would simply be the risk that the cold war might be introduced, and introduced for a long time, into that Africa which you wish to preserve.
168. I cannot speak of the cold war in Africa without thinking, -with emotion, of the drama in the Congo (Leopoldville). Poor Congo! On the morrow of its independence it is divided, amputated and unjustly censured, simply because the Katanga mines remain a tempting prize for economic imperialism.
169. The Congo said "no". The Congo said "no" through the mouths of its representatives; and, God be praised, it found in the United Nations the support which it needed. I am not here to, discuss or pass judgement on this support. Suffice it to say that my country was among the first participants in the assistance requested by the United Nations. If I may be allowed to express one regret, it is that the United Nations forces did not enter Katanga on the day decided upon by the Security Council.
170. Legitimacy and integrity — those are the two qualities with which the United Nations must invest the Congolese nation. Legitimacy of its Government of which there is only one. Integrity of its territory, of which we likewise, here, know only one.
171. But while putting forth all its genuine and praiseworthy efforts to reach a just settlement of the Congolese problem, can the United Nations not turn its gaze upon itself and not look into its own conscience, weighing the consequences of its attitude, and revise its position concerning the People’s Republic of China? Is it really fair that 600 million individuals, a third of the world’s population, should not be represented among us? Is it normal that Communist China should be excluded from our embassies, from our commercial treaties, from our industrialization plans, from the marketing of our products? Is it normal that this house in which we now are, and which ought to be the house of all nations, should be closed to Communist China?
172. I appeal to the United Nations, I appeal to all the countries here present, to be realistic, to face the problem squarely and to admit the People’s Republic of China among us, since for the United Nations General Assembly its participation in our activities would certainly be more valuable than its opposition.
173. Certain nations have seen fit to begin their apprenticeship in nuclear experiments, completely disregarding the risk of such action operating against the international relaxation of tension. Ignoring world opinion, and particularly the views of the peoples of Africa that are directly threatened, France has snapped its fingers at resolution 1379 (XIV), adopted last year by the General Assembly, requesting it to refrain from conducting nuclear tests in the Sahara. Shortly after the adoption of that resolution, it exploded its first bomb. Indeed, it appears that a second, an underground bomb, is to be exploded in November in the Sahara, 500 kilometres from one of our towns which is indisputably part of our territory . Previously, France was to explode this bomb in the depths of the sea, near the town of Calvi on the small island of Corsica. But all the mayors of that island paid a joint visit to the Prime Minister and pointed out the dangers to Corsica and its tourist trade which would ensue from such an explosion. What happened? It was felt, quite simply, that if Corsica could be spared nuclear explosions because it was part of France, then the Sahara could be used for such explosions because it was also part of France, in spite of the United Nations recommendations and the legitimate protests of the African peoples.
174. I should not like to review the many injustices that exist in the world without speaking of an injustice which affects my country and affects all the Arab States, for all these States are Arab and Moslem and are hence linked by ties of brotherhood. I refer to the tragedy of the Palestine refugees.
175. Not only as an Arab State closely linked to and at one with the Arab countries of the Middle East, but also as a country loving justice and profoundly attached to freedom, Morocco feels with special acuteness the misery and hardship of the million Palestinians who have been unjustly torn from their homes. This is one of the great tragedies of the century, one of the most monstrous errors that humanity has experienced. The United Nations cannot remain indifferent to this situation, or accept as a "fait accompli" the injustice committed by certain imperialist Powers for the purpose of parcelling up the Arab East, sowing division there, and creating in that area an atmosphere favourable to their schemings and a breeding-ground for permanent unrest.
176. I now come to a problem which my country has already brought before the Assembly. In order not to tax your patience, I shall leave it to our delegation to explain, at the right time and in the appropriate Committees, all the elements of the Moroccan case with regard to that integral part of our national territory — Mauritania — which is still under foreign domination.
177. I can simply assert that in no event could Morocco, a country devoted to justice and freedom which has given the best of itself in order to secure those two blessings, be accused of wishing to deny them to others; still less could it be charged with inviting the many friends that it has the honour to count among delegations here, to defend a cause which might be, or seem to it to be, unjust. I am sure that, when my country has given all the necessary explanations, we shall find in this Assembly many friendly voices which will be raised on our side.
178. Without believing that close unity in so vast a continent is possible for the time being, I feel that Africa is moving towards union step by step, and on this subject I shall have a few suggestions to make.
179. The formulae to be found must be as flexible as possible, must not do violence to the political feelings of any of us, and must, above all, allow for speedier and cheaper development through economy of means. Our manpower and capital needs are too well known to require repetition; they call for immediate and practical solutions. Mere common sense, which is borne out in this case by objective analysis, makes it necessary to seek these solutions collectively and with due regard to our geography. On the other hand, our young independent States require a few more years of effort at the national level in order to evolve and assert themselves.
180. This does not of course preclude regional alliances or agreements, which immediate economic cooperation will assist through better mutual understanding, even though circumstances may compel us to speed up developments along these lines to the end that peace may prevail on our frontiers. The great nations which are rich and developed would do better to help us along this difficult path without ulterior motives — leaving it to us to use in the best way possible whatever they give or lend us — rather than seek to bring to us their sterile and artificial divisions to which the world may well one day succumb.
181. Africa is keeping a close watch on world events, whose repercussions, whether direct or indirect, are often adverse for it; and it attaches profound importance to the economic and Social future of its populations. It is concerned over the frequent misuse of energy and capital due to unco-ordinated and even, sometimes, conflicting programmes. Africa believes that complete and rapid disarmament would relax tension and free resources sufficient to enable the means placed at the disposal of less developed countries to play, an important role in improving their domestic products and the standard of living of their inhabitants.
182. For, however spectacular they maybe, the sums devoted by the great nations to foreign aid during the last ten years represent only an infinitesimal part of their national income, by comparison with the part which they devote to military expenditure. Those great nations, therefore, contribute but little to the raising of the individual standards of living in our countries.
183. To men deprived of the basic necessities of life, for men whose annual resources rarely exceed $120 a year, what is an increase of 30 to 40 per cent in ten years? That improvement itself, in the African, South American or Asian countries, is in certain years completely offset by climatic accidents whose results cannot be counteracted because investments are inadequate, or by periodic world depressions resulting from the fragmentation of the modern economic world and the absence of international planning methods. The competition between the two economic systems does not, at least as yet, concern us. We are first concerned with constructing our economy and hence with establishing the very basis for such a choice; and we hope that the developed countries will adopt a line of conduct which allows us to receive aid or technical assistance from any source whatever, without discrimination.
184. Recent experience has shown that the political realignment of African countries is still fraught with difficulties. It would be wise to give national units and identities time to strengthen and consolidate before considering renunciations of sovereignty or authority which any genuine political union involves but which are inevitable in the twentieth-century world. We must bear in mind the diversity and extent of our African continent, most of whose new nations have been independent for less than ten years. Moreover, the policies pursued by nations in the conduct of their internal and external affairs offer an extensive enough choice of forms of agreement to enable progress to be kept proportionate to human capabilities.
185. On the other hand, as economic life imposes its own patterns and laws, the criterion of efficiency soon reveals errors of judgement, and there is only a very narrow choice of possible solutions if the rate of economic and social development is to be adjusted to the only means at our disposal. Thus, what seems premature from the political standpoint may objectively seem feasible, or even essential, economically. We Africans know full well that our forces and resources are limited. Only if those forces a d resources are combined can they be used economically, with the elimination of harmful rivalries and with the proper utilization of capital and manpower.
186. With the exception of Oceania, Africa is the most sparsely populated continent with approximately 270 million inhabitants, and a population density, also one of the lowest, of eight inhabitants per square kilometre. It has become a commonplace to refer to the great wealth of its power, mineral and plant resources at a time when — under the stimulus of international competition, scientific progress and above all, the advent of independence — research and geological and agricultural exploration reveal that wealth more clearly every day. Notwithstanding all this potential wealth, we, its few privileged possessors, live for the most part at a near-subsistence level of economy.
187. Africa still supplies the world with all kinds of products, although its agricultural yields are among the lowest in the world, and the only benefit it derives from the exploitation of its underground wealth is in the form of royalties, which are subject to monetary fluctuations. Its ores still nourish the major industrial countries, and the same will soon be true of its petroleum. Foodstuffs such as coffee, cocoa, ground-nuts and hard wheat, or industrial crops like cotton, are supplied to European or American populations and industries. Africa’s power resources are still, in many cases, harnessed only in so far as the concentration and initial processing of ores on the spot enables foreign enterprises to economize substantially on transport and manpower.
188. Some of us, whose independence is of longer standing, are already striving to establish independent economies by building up basic industries, organizing the processing of national products, and modernizing agriculture. Morocco is in that vanguard. In our efforts however, we are encountering many difficulties and I fear that the selfishly raised obstacles to that development may convince us, rather belatedly, that union makes for order and strength.
189. The difficulties which are delaying and sometimes jeopardizing our progress are common in varying degrees to all the African countries. They are: lack of trained personnel owing to a low literacy level, under-employment, inadequate agricultural production and a weakness in the sector of basic and capital goods industry, oft m coupled with over-emphasis on trade.
190. Our trade is still "unidirectional" — primary or partly processed products for Europe and the developed countries flow in one direction, in exchange for capital equipment and consumer goods flowing in the other. By contrast, inter-African trade is at present on a very small scale and is often confined to reexports, involving no processing. Why is this so? Principally because of the amount of capital required for the exploitation of our natural resources, and the smallness of our domestic market due to retarded social development, the main reasons for which I have just mentioned.
191. The industrially developed countries, on the other hand, are now making immense efforts to introduce automation into all production processes and public services and to achieve scientific progress, both on earth and beyond, the pace of which is constantly increasing, as if accelerated by its own impetus. And those same countries, unfortunately, without exception, are also making an ever more costly military effort. This vast industrial and intellectual transformation, coupled with inordinate military preparation, is absorbing the major part of their technical and financial resources, while the progress which it involves is constantly reducing the proportion represented by primary commodities in the value of the modern world’s products. This, for Africa, Asia and South America, means a reduced capacity for investment and less favourable terms of trade. That is convincingly demonstrated by the disparity, both in volume and from the standpoint of its conditions offered, between our needs and the financial arrangements proposed to us with a view to meeting them.
192. Recent price fluctuations and trade restrictions affecting primary commodities, which many of us export and which account for a substantial part of our revenue, have shown that we must seek more fundamental and enduring solutions in this field.
193. An estimate of per caput potential natural wealth would probably show our African continent to be one of the most richly endowed. Its countries must therefore strive, both by their own efforts through the mobilization of manpower and in equal partnership with others under freely concluded agreements, to develop their economic structures, modernize their agriculture, eliminate under-employment and advance their industrialization. Africa’s future thus depends in some measure on our ability to effect a certain degree of division of labour, according to the resources, finances and technical skills of each African nation. Africa can satisfy some of its own needs, without having to export raw materials and then re-import them as finished products, as in the case of foodstuffs, non-perishable consumer goods and light and medium machinery.
194. That possibility presupposes regional associations with a clearly defined and limited purpose- optimum rates of development and the most economic prices. These associations should be based on the purely objective considerations of geography, communications and mutually complementary resources. Such regional economic groups could then combine in a continental organization with a permanent secretariat. Consideration of such a project would, in my view, be most desirable. Morocco is willing to prepare, in collaboration with sister African nations, a plan to be submitted for discussion at a continental conference, which it would be glad to invite to Tangier in the spring of 1961. That conference would determine the form of regional and continental associations, the limits of their competence, the possibilities of specialization in joint planning and investment, and the organization of intra-African and foreign trade. Our conclusions would be of a practical nature, as practical measures are now imperative if we are to avoid unpleasant surprises in the future.
195. I have tried to show how our situation requires an initial effort by Africans themselves to tackle basic problems and to rationalize methods of development. I suggest that, within the framework of the proposed regional and continental associations, a specifically African fund be set up, with an initial capital- say of $10 million — subscribed by the independent African countries alone and administered by an African general assembly and governing council. The amounts subscribed would, being limited in quantity, simply cover establishment costs and the formation of an initial guarantee fund. The substantive resources of the fund would come from bond issues abroad, long-term national or international loans and collective guarantees. The operations of the fund would serve to effect unity between the lending countries, and the fact that those operations were specifically African would be a guarantee to the beneficiaries that their true needs would be met and their independence respected.
196. But, in addition to that aid in all its various forms, the industrially developed countries can collaborate in the day-to-day stabilization and improvement of the under-developed countries' financial resources. Since many of us are suppliers of primary commodities, agricultural or mineral, the consumer countries need only help us to organize the big markets in a more rational way.
197. All these are subjects which call for serious consideration and, I believe, action.
198. The big nations should understand that the problems of the rest of the world carry within them both the means of unity and the seeds of discord. The rest of the world must be given complete freedom in their search for the best solutions and must be admitted as full participants, to conferences concerned with peace, which is essential to their speedier progress.
199. The United Nations, its Secretary-General, its committees and councils and its General Assembly have recently proved their effectiveness. Let us beware of seeking, hastily or rashly, to introduce changes which might make these bodies biased and thus open to severe criticism, or ineffective — and recent events in the Congo have clearly shown that ineffectiveness can easily lead to conflict. The United Nations will, in fact, be what the quality of our debates and the sincerity of our intentions and aims make it. Any Member abandoning it would undoubtedly bring upon itself isolation and condemnation.
200. Let us therefore endeavour to give our discussions a practical character, by ensuring that every item on the agenda is brought to a concrete conclusion which can be translated immediately into action. I hope, accordingly, that the suggestions put forward by Morocco and the African countries will be studied and discussed forthwith in the appropriate bodies.
201. Assembled here for better and not for worse, to make peace and extend prosperity to all, we must present to the peoples which have entrusted us with this task, a genuine picture of creative unity and resolute action.