Lesotho

I wish to extend my delegation’s sincere congratulations to you, Sir, on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its fifty-first session. It is with great pleasure that I assure you of Lesotho’s support and cooperation as you conduct the deliberations of this body. Let me also take this opportunity to pay special tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Diogo Freitas do Amaral, for the skilful manner in which he guided the work of the historic session of the General Assembly last year. My delegation truly appreciates his leadership and his tireless dedication to the heavy responsibilities entrusted to him during the past year. I also take this opportunity to express our satisfaction with the sterling work that the Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, has been doing under the very difficult conditions of reduced financial resources. Were it not for his tenacity, our Organization would not have been able to hold together as it has done. The celebration of the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations last year provided an opportunity for reflection about the global mission of our Organization. We retraced our past and took stock of the failures and notable successes that the United Nations had engraved in the historic record of half a century of its existence. We also looked ahead with renewed determination, resolved to create for mankind a future that would be brighter than the past, amidst the euphoria of hope and expectation in the new international order that is still emerging from the ashes of the cold war. Even as we did so, we were aware how great the potential was for a relapse to the pitfalls of past years and for the re-emergence of complacencies that could render our new hopes and expectations vain and futile. A deliberate effort is required on the part of the international community to build on the past experiences of our Organization and to identify and reinforce the positive trends that the end of the cold war era has yielded. The first half-century was characterized by cold-war conflicts, the struggle against colonialism, the constant threat of a nuclear holocaust and the fight against apartheid. All these are either behind us or considerably abated. Our attention must remain focused on how we can give the twenty-first century a United Nations equipped to serve as an effective instrument in the evolving global environment for the attainment of the noble goals enshrined in its Charter. A universal consensus for the reform and revitalization of the United Nations was highlighted in the solemn Declaration that was adopted in this very Hall a year ago by, inter alia, 128 world Heads of State and Government. The momentum for the realization of that aspiration and for the implementation of the commitments that were made by the world community should not be lost. The actions and the path that we have to take are known to all of us. We would like to see a more democratized United Nations, whose credibility and legitimacy are enhanced by the representativeness of its structures. We have identified the need for measures to ensure greater consultation between the Security Council and the General Assembly, particularly on crisis situations, and the need to restore the role and authority of the General Assembly in the decision-making processes of our Organization, without compromising the speed with which the Security Council may take its decisions. We have cautioned against regional selectivity in the attention paid by our Organization to international crisis situations and have advocated a demonstration of good faith and the upholding of the principle of the sanctity of human life in the enforcement of United Nations resolutions. We have also stood in favour of exploring a new, balanced formula for equitable burden-sharing, as well as for a renewed commitment on the part of all Member States to fulfil their financial obligations to the United Nations in full and on time, just as we have joined in the call to effect economies and improve efficiency through the transformation of the management techniques within the United Nations system. 14 The events and experiences we have witnessed since the last session of the Assembly once again present us with mixed signals. On the one hand, we have seen a steady expansion of the frontiers of peace, tolerance and democracy, while, on the other, some problems that are rooted in the past not only have persisted but have been compounded by new challenges arising from the evolving international environment. Thanks to the efforts of the international community, the carnage in the former Yugoslavia has been brought to an end. However, a conscious effort is still required to give permanence to the positive trends that are still evolving in Bosnia and to suppress the ever present risk that the peace dividends already gained can be reversed. In the Middle East uncertainty and the new obstacles that have emerged in the path of a negotiated peace have thrown new doubts over the prospects for an early restoration to the Palestinian people of their inalienable right to self-determination and statehood. We appeal to both Israel and the Palestinian Authority to adhere in good faith to the provisions of the peace agreements they have concluded and to implement them within the agreed time- frame, pursuant to the Declaration of Principles they signed in Washington in 1993. The prerequisite for peace remains the withdrawal of Israel and the cessation of the establishment of new Israeli settlements in the occupied Arab and Palestinian territories, in compliance with the resolutions of the United Nations. In Western Sahara recent developments have demonstrated that peace in that area remains elusive. How long will the will of the Saharan people for self- determination and independence be frustrated? The withdrawal of the United Nations Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara in May of this year due to the lack of cooperation by the parties raises a real prospect for a resumption of violence. The international community must act now to reverse the tragic trends and to persuade the parties to cooperate in the implementation of the United Nations plan for the independence of Western Sahara. In Burundi, Liberia and Somalia the situation regrettably continues to defy the efforts of the international community to restore peace and stability. We appeal to the international community to support the current initiatives spearheaded by the Organization of African Unity and the neighbouring countries of Burundi aimed at protecting democracy in that country. Lesotho shares Africa’s deep disappointment at the demonstrable lack of interest on the part of the international community in extending the necessary material support to the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) countries that are engaged in the regional peacekeeping effort in Liberia. This, regrettably, calls into question the world’s commitment to the universality of the sanctity of human life. Despite the remaining hotbeds of instability, fortunately all is not doom and gloom in Africa, even in the area of conflict resolution. The major strides that have been made in southern Africa to free the subregion of conflicts is a source of great satisfaction. If the momentum for peace is kept in Angola, there is no doubt that a subregion long associated with conflicts will have established durable peace and stability. The implementation of the Lusaka Protocol — particularly the establishment of a unified army and the formation of the Government of National Unity — are within reach, and with more concerted action by the international community should soon be attained. Throughout southern Africa, political stability, peace, democracy and human rights continue to be deepened. Multiparty general elections are being held, and other political and constitutional reforms are being put in place to ensure transparency and predictability, especially in the electoral systems. The establishment by the Southern African Development Community of the Organ on Politics, Defence and Security reaffirms the region’s resolve to consolidate the gains that have been bequeathed by the demise of apartheid and to face head-on the challenges of peace and democracy. These measures have contributed to the strong performance registered by the national economies of southern Africa in 1995, as well as to the improvement in the overall investment climate of the region. We hope that the international community will continue to assist southern Africa in its reconstruction efforts, particularly by encouraging the flow of private investment as a contribution to the regional efforts for the economic recovery of the subcontinent. The past 12 months have presented the world with great opportunities for the attainment of durable peace. Yet, I regret to say, we have sometimes failed to take advantage of them. A scourge that has stalked humankind 15 for the past 50 years has been the growth in the arsenal of armaments, especially nuclear ones. Last year, in a historic achievement, the nations of the world agreed to extend indefinitely the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. In doing so they undertook to achieve a comprehensive test-ban treaty by September of this year. It is with unbounded joy that we are able to stand here today and say that that goal has been attained. To be sure, it was not attained with ease, but the fact that it was achieved is a source of great encouragement that humankind is slowly but surely moving towards the total elimination of nuclear weapons. Although Lesotho shares the view that the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT) that was adopted here in New York last month is not perfect, we regard it as a giant step forward that will serve to put the nuclear-weapon States on notice that the rest of the international community is serious about its aspiration to a nuclear-free world. In spite of the fact that the cold war has ended and that the START Treaties have been concluded, tens of thousands of nuclear weapons are still deployed by nuclear States, and there is a very real possibility that many more States could develop such weapons. Worldwide opposition to weapons of mass destruction has resulted in Conventions banning biological and chemical weapons, but as yet there are no concrete proposals to negotiate a similar convention to outlaw nuclear weapons. The fact that nuclear weapons are not prohibited by convention weakens the willingness of many non-nuclear States to abide by the Biological Weapons Convention and the Chemical Weapons Convention. These States perceive an imbalance in the retention of certain types of weapons of mass destruction by some States, mostly States of the North, while other weapons of mass destruction, often held by States of the South — are banned. Lesotho believes that the proliferation of nuclear- weapons technology and the manufacture of nuclear weapons constitute a very serious problem which the international community cannot and must not ignore. The fact that only a handful of people have been brought to justice for the millions of crimes against humanity and the serious violations of humanitarian law committed since the end of the Second World War has not altered the international community’s view that perpetrators of international crimes should be tried and punished for their acts. More recently, the growing global outrage against international crimes has been demonstrated by the creation of the two ad hoc International Tribunals for the prosecution of crimes in the former Yugoslavia and in Rwanda. These Tribunals were established by the Security Council to have jurisdiction over the most heinous crimes in the world: genocide, other crimes against humanity and serious violations of humanitarian law. It is therefore a matter of concern that since their inception both Tribunals have been plagued by inadequate and short-term financing and have not received adequate budgets from this Assembly. It is also a matter of concern that very few Member States have enacted legislation permitting effective cooperation with the Tribunals. The international community must send a clear message to those who commit genocide and other crimes against humanity that they cannot escape to fully account for their actions before international law. We can do this by providing the much-needed support and resources to enable the ad hoc International Tribunals to bring to justice those who are responsible for atrocities both in Bosnia and in Rwanda. Although Lesotho has not yet promulgated implementation legislation for the Tribunals, it remains committed to fully cooperating with the two Tribunals in accordance with the provisions of Security Council resolutions. We hope that the international community can build on the experiences and the already noteworthy success achieved by these Tribunals to pursue the project of the establishment of a permanent international criminal court. While we recognize the important work of the Preparatory Committee on the Establishment of an International Criminal Court, we are of the view that the General Assembly should enhance the Preparatory Committee’s work by mandating it to begin serious negotiations of a consolidated draft treaty based on the International Law Commission’s 1994 draft statute. The present momentum for the establishment of a permanent international criminal tribunal should not be lost, but should be matched by commensurate political will to ensure that the work is completed in time for a conference in 1998. Development and the promotion of international cooperation as enshrined in the Charter, will continue to be the principal objectives of the United Nations. The recently concluded mid-term review of the United Nations New Agenda for the Development of Africa in the 1990s 16 has shown that many of the social and economic problems which led to the adoption of the Agenda in 1991 still exist and that poverty and unemployment in Africa are expected to increase substantially. Furthermore, the estimated resource mobilization levels in the Agenda are still far from being attained. Consequently, the mid-term review recommended that African Governments should continue to promote, inter alia, economic reforms, respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, good governance and administrative reform. For their part, international partners should seek to mobilize substantial new resources from all sources — public and private — and from traditional and new sources, to find a solution to Africa’s external debt problem and to enhance Africa’s recovery through trade facilitation and improved market access. The United Nations System-wide Special Initiative for Africa, which was launched by the Secretary-General in March this year, promises to break new ground by assuring the cooperation of the whole system, including the Bretton Woods institutions, in tackling the intractable problem of accelerating the development of the African continent. While this expression of interest in our continent is appreciated, we must also stress that the implementation of the several initiatives currently on the table must be carried out in very close consultation with the African countries themselves, to avoid the duplication of efforts. The Organization of African Unity’s Cairo Plan of Action is relevant in this regard. As we engage in this introspection one year after our historic Declaration on the Occasion of the Fiftieth Anniversary of the United Nations, it is pertinent to inquire to what extent we are all fulfilling our commitment undertaken during the various global conferences, all of which — except the Vienna World Conference on Human Rights — have a development dimension. Perhaps the one that towers above all others in its significance for alleviating the plight of citizens of least developed countries, such as mine, is last year’s Copenhagen World Summit for Social Development. In Lesotho there is a serious effort to attain the target of devoting 20 per cent of our budget to the health and education sectors, but we have not witnessed a corresponding commitment on the part of our development partners, as was agreed at Copenhagen. The Commission for Social Development has been given the primary responsibility for the follow-up and review of the implementation of the Copenhagen Declaration and Programme of Action. Commitment 2 of the Declaration and chapter II of the Programme of Action both deal with the goal of poverty eradication. In this connection, 1997 is a crucial year, being the first year of the United Nations Decade for the Eradication of Poverty. By its resolution 50/161, the General Assembly decided to hold a special session in the year 2000 for an overall review and appraisal and of the implementation of the World Summit for Social Development and to consider further actions and initiatives. We support the view that, to enable this to happen, the Commission should meet annually, that the length of its sessions should be extended and that its membership should be increased. Measures to ensure that women have the same degree of access as men to economic resources and opportunities are of equal importance for the attainment of economic progress. Poverty can be eradicated only through the empowerment of the poor. United Nations efforts should therefore be coordinated in such a manner that all its activities for poverty eradication fully take into account the gender perspective. The ratification of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women was supposed to be followed by the revision of all laws that act as an impediment to the social and economic advancement of women. In Lesotho this goal, although not yet reached, is still being actively pursued. Lesotho has joined the other countries of southern Africa in signing two Protocols to the Southern African Development Community (SADC) Treaty recently, one of which deals with politics, defence and security and the other with cooperation in combating transboundary crime, especially trafficking in narcotics and money-laundering. A central element of the Protocol establishing an Organ on Politics, Defence and Security is the commitment to work for the protection and promotion of human rights in the region. Our endeavours in this regard are intended to reinforce the United Nations own programmes. The increase in crime, particularly transnational crime, has a considerable effect on the economies of 17 many countries. New worldwide strategies are therefore urgently needed for combating this malaise. However, developing countries cannot bear the economic burden of combating transnational crime by themselves. Technical cooperation and assistance activities to develop the criminal-justice capacities of developing countries should therefore be accorded a high priority. The activities of the Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice Division — particularly its training courses, seminars and workshops for criminal-justice personnel — are to be commended. Let me conclude by observing that together we have the capacity to make the United Nations of the next century a veritable instrument for meeting mankind’s aspirations for a better world in all respects. In our interdependent world, the United Nations has to become an efficient working forum for searching for universal consensus, a conscious regulator of the integration processes and a vehicle for establishing a stable world order. We have deep confidence in the potential of the joint efforts of the entire international community in its capability to enter the twenty-first century in an atmosphere of peace, development and joint creative work, and to provide comprehensive security for all, as is called for by the priority interests of humankind.