When I first
addressed the Assembly from this rostrum, in 2003, I
stressed the need for urgent and relentless action to
fight the scourge of hunger and poverty in the world.
This is what we are doing in Brazil: we have combined
economic stability with social inclusion policies; the
standard of living of Brazilians has improved;
employment and income have grown; the purchasing
power of the minimum wage has increased. Our
resources are scarce, but even so we have achieved
surprising results.
The family stipend at the core of our zero-hunger
programme assures a basic income to over 11 million
Brazilian families. Well-fed people can enhance their
dignity, their health and their learning capacity. Putting
resources into social programmes is not expenditure; it
is investment.
If we in Brazil have done so much with so little,
imagine what could have been done on a global scale if
the fight against hunger and poverty had been a real
priority for the international community. Where there is
hunger, there is no hope; there is only desolation and
pain. Hunger nurtures violence and fanaticism. A world
where people starve will never be safe.
The sheer size of the task will not daunt us,
especially if we are not alone. All here know that some
840 million human beings — nearly one out of seven
on the planet — do not have enough to eat.
An additional $50 billion each year are needed to
reach the Millennium Development Goals on time. The
international community can afford it. On the positive
side, think, just for instance, of the hundreds of billions
of dollars invested to move forward with the full
integration of Eastern European countries into the
European Union. Then, on the other hand, think of the
cost of wars and other conflicts. Everyone here is
aware that the second Gulf war has probably cost
hundreds of billions of dollars to date. With much less
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we could change the sad reality of a large portion of
the world’s population. We could alleviate the plight of
those people and lift them out of destitution. We could
save millions of lives.
However strong they are today, rich countries
should have no illusions: nobody is safe in a world of
injustice. War will never bring security; it can only
generate horrors, bitterness, intolerance and
fundamentalism and create damage associated with
hegemonism. The poor must be given reasons to live,
not to kill or die. Humanity’s greatness lies not in
bellicosity, but in humanism, and there can be no true
humanism without respect for the other.
There are, in fact, those who are different from
us, but who are no less dignified, no less precious and
no less entitled to the right to happiness, because we
are all creatures of the same creator.
There can be security only in a world where all
have the right to economic and social development.
The true path to peace is shared development. If we do
not want war to go global, justice must go global.
That is why, with the serene conviction of a man
who has dedicated his life to fighting peacefully for the
rights of working people, I say to the Assembly: the
search for a new, fairer and more democratic world
order is not only in the interests of poor or emerging
nations; it is also — and perhaps to an even greater
extent — in the interests of rich countries, so long as
they have eyes to see and ears to hear, so long as they
do not make the mistake of ignoring the haunting cry
of the excluded.
We have seen some progress in the past few
years. At the Summit of World Leaders in 2004, we
launched the Action against Hunger and Poverty
initiative. Together, we were able to achieve strong
international engagement around that issue. Our
collective efforts have begun to bear fruit. We are
establishing innovative mechanisms, such as a
solidarity levy on international air tickets.
Hunger and disease walk hand in hand.
Therefore, we have joined with other Governments in
establishing an International Drug Purchase Facility to
combat AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria. That initiative
will provide new sources of funding and facilitate
access to medication at lower costs. We cannot shirk
our responsibilities in this area.
That is why I salute the leaders of vision who are
engaged in this war: the war against the debasement of
human beings and against hopelessness. That is the
only war in which final victory will mean a triumph for
all of humanity.
The fight against hunger and poverty is based on
the creation of a world order that gives priority to
social and economic development. There will be
permanent solutions to destitution only when poorer
countries can make progress through their own efforts.
Once international trade is free and fair, it will be
a valuable tool for wealth creation, income distribution
and job creation. It is essential that we break the bonds
of protectionism. Subsidies granted by richer countries,
particularly in the area of agriculture, are oppressive
shackles that limit progress and doom poor countries to
backwardness. Time and again, I must repeat that,
while trade-distorting support in developed countries
amount to the outrageous sum of $1 billion a day, 900
million people get by on less than $1 a day in poor and
developing countries. That situation is politically and
morally untenable.
The only thing worse than inaction stemming
from ignorance is neglect born of accommodation. The
old geography of international trade must be
profoundly reshaped. Brazil, together with its partners
in the Group of Twenty (G-20), is engaged in that task.
The creation of the G-20 has changed the dynamics of
negotiations at the World Trade Organization (WTO):
until recently, developing countries played only
peripheral roles in the most important negotiations.
Eliminating the barriers that prevent poor
countries from developing is an ethical duty of the
international community. It is also the best way to
ensure prosperity and security for all.
Today, for the first time in the history of the
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade/WTO system,
the word “development” appears in the title of a round
of trade negotiations. However, the Doha Development
Agenda, which will decide the future of the world trade
system, is now in crisis.
If they are successful, the WTO negotiations will
help to pull many people out of extreme poverty.
Farmers who cannot compete against multi-billion-
dollar subsidies will at last have a chance to prosper.
Poor African countries will finally be able to export
their products. If the round fails, however, the fallout
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will extend far beyond trade. The credibility of the
WTO system itself will be jeopardized, with negative
political and social repercussions. Scourges such as
organized crime, drug trafficking and terrorism will
find fertile ground in which to proliferate.
I have called on world leaders to shoulder their
responsibilities. The importance attached to this issue
at the most recent summit of the Group of Eight has
not yet produced practical results. Our generation has a
unique opportunity to show the world that selfish
interests will not prevail over the common good.
History will not forgive us if we miss that opportunity.
Fair trade, based on a solid consensus and on a
transparent WTO that is aware of the needs of
developing countries, is one of the pillars of the world
order that we uphold.
In the field of international peace and security,
another such pillar is the United Nations. Brazil is a
staunch supporter of international organizations as
forums for cooperation and dialogue. There is no more
effective way to bring States together, to keep the
peace, to protect human rights, to promote sustainable
development and to work out negotiated solutions to
common problems.
Conflicts such as that in the Middle East continue
to challenge the authority of the United Nations. The
recent crisis in Lebanon exposed the Organization to a
dangerous erosion of credibility. The effectiveness of
the United Nations is being seriously questioned.
Unable to act when it is needed, the Security Council is
accused of being lethargic.
World public opinion is impatient in the face of
such incomprehensible difficulties. The deaths of
innocent civilians — including women and children —
have shocked all of us. In Brazil, millions of Arabs and
Jews live together in harmony. Thus, Brazil’s interest
in the Middle East stems from a profound objective
social reality in our own country.
Apart from the countries directly involved,
Middle Eastern issues have always been addressed
exclusively by the major Powers. So far, they have
found no solution. Thus, we might ask: is it not time to
convene a broad-based conference under United
Nations auspices, with the participation of countries of
the region and others that could make a contribution on
the basis of their successful experiences in living
peacefully despite differences?
Brazil believes in dialogue. For that reason, we
held a summit of South American and Arab countries in
2005. We also have good relations with Israel, whose
birth as a State came about when a Brazilian, Oswaldo
Aranha, was the President of the General Assembly.
Conflicts among nations are not resolved only with
money and weapons; ideas, values and feelings also
have their place, particularly when they are based on
real-life experiences.
More than ever before, the authority of the United
Nations needs to be strengthened. We have already
made significant progress through the administrative
reform process and the establishment of both the
Human Rights Council and the Peacebuilding
Commission. But the task will remain irreparably
incomplete without changes in the Security Council,
the body responsible for overseeing issues related to
peace.
Together with the other members of the Group of
Four on Security Council reform, Brazil believes that
any expansion of the Council must envisage the
admission of developing countries as permanent
members. That would make the Council more
democratic, legitimate and representative. The great
majority of Member States agree with that view and
recognize the urgency of this matter.
We cannot deal with new problems using
outdated structures. Sooner or later, we must open the
way to democratizing international decision-making
bodies. As the Secretary-General has said, we travel
around the world preaching democracy to others; we
must now apply democracy to ourselves and show that
there is genuine representation in the political bodies
of the United Nations.
South America is a priority for Brazilian foreign
policy. Our region is our home. We are expanding the
Common Market of the South (MERCOSUR) and
strengthening the South American Community of
Nations. The future of Brazil is linked to that of its
neighbours. A strong and united South America will
contribute to the integration of Latin America and the
Caribbean.
We also feel connected to the African continent
by historical and cultural ties. As the country with the
second-largest black population in the world, we are
committed to sharing Africa’s challenges and its
destiny. But regional matters are only part of the global
problems we face.
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The fight against hunger and poverty, the
breakdown of the Doha round and the stalemate in the
Middle East are interconnected issues. The appropriate
handling of these matters requires trust in negotiated
solutions at the multilateral level.
This trust has now been shaken. This is extremely
serious. The world order that it is our task to build
must be based on justice and respect for international
law. That is the only way to achieve peace,
development and genuine democratic coexistence
within the community of nations.
There is no lack of resources. What is missing is
the political will to use them where they can make a
difference. They can then turn despair into joy and find
a reason to live.