First of all, let me take this opportunity of extending the very warm felicitations of my delegation to the President on his election as President of the twelfth session of the General Assembly. My delegation, in common with other delegations, has no doubt that he is eminently suited to discharge with distinction the functions expected of this exalted post. I also do not wish to let this opportunity pass without expressing our esteem and respect to Prince Wan Waithayakon for the very able manner in which he conducted the affairs of the eleventh session of the General Assembly.
63. Let me also take this opportunity of welcoming the Federation of Malaya which was unanimously accepted as the eighty-second Member of the United Nations. Burma and Malaya, besides being neighbours, have shared common trials and tribulations generally associated with the historical phenomenon known as “colonialism" and Malaya's emergence from it is a source of unbounded gratification to my delegation. We are confident that the admission of the Federation of Malaya to this world organization will be a force for peace.
64. Turning to the business of the twelfth session of the General Assembly, my delegation shares the views of most Members that the question of disarmament should receive the prior attention of this session. This question assumes greater urgency with the very rapid strides made in the technical progress in the manufacture of weapons of mass destruction. In a world split sharply into two ideological camps the competition in the manufacture of armaments and keen rivalry for greater striking power are evil omens. The primary purpose of the United Nations is to promote the cause of peace and to secure an enduring peace.
65. Burma, like other countries, was attracted to the United Nations by the lofty idealism of the Charter. We subscribed wholeheartedly to the purposes and principles of the Charter, and looked forward to a new era of peace, progress and prosperity for mankind. It must be admitted that this cherished dream has not yet been realized. It would, of course, be a platitude to say that the United Nations has risen to our expectations. This world organization, since its inception, was caught up in the maelstrom of the "cold war", and it has never been permitted to function as its founders intended. But the very fact that it has been able to achieve considerably impressive results in the settlement of several outstanding problems and in pouring oil on troubled waters is a happy testimony to its utility as well as to its determination.
66. But war clouds are still hovering over us. A war-weary world, yearning for peace and a return to normality, dreaming a vision of the United Nations as a panacea for all the world's ills, is impatient of the strides so far made by the United Nations towards the establishment of a lasting peace. It was not sufficiently realized that the United Nations could only be as good or as bad as its Members made it, that it was not something apart from its collective membership.
67. My delegation feels that the main task of every Member State of the United Nations is to strengthen it and to make it the really effective Organization which was planned by its founders. The first step in the direction of strengthening the United Nations is to rid ourselves of fear and suspicion. My delegation feels that the atmosphere is too much contaminated with these twin evils. The world stands desperately in need of new ideas, new approaches and new ways of looking at things. It is time that fear and suspicion should give way to mutual trust and mutual understanding. A world living in the shadow of the hydrogen bomb must have no place for fear and suspicion. Mankind has reached one of the great cross-roads of its history. Atomic energy provides it with the alternatives of progress and prosperity such as man has never dreamed of in the past, or the end of civilization, perhaps even the end of the human race. My delegation has sufficient faith in the wisdom of man to believe that he will, make the right choice. To expedite this choice the first step to take is to dispel fear and suspicion.
68. At this stage my delegation will not venture any opinion on the respective proposals of the two opposing blocs regarding disarmament. Both points of view are understandable in the context of present-day developments and explicable only in terms of the psychology of the two contending blocs, not in terms of objective differences. But we feel rather strongly that the two viewpoints are capable of being reconciled, if only the two blocs decide to attempt necessary psychological adjustments. The present deadlock in disarmament talks is due primarily to the anomalies inherent in the attitude of both power blocs towards each other. Burma and, I am sure, other small countries which are not directly involved in armament or disarmament, will continue to hope that an agreed formula will be forthcoming — and very soon — from the parleys which are now in temporary recess. My delegation believes that no country wants war and that no country would like to spend astronomical sums for armaments. There is no doubt that all major countries genuinely desire to limit armaments to the barest minimum commensurate with the requirements of maintaining internal peace. But the chief obstacles to this measure are undoubtedly fear and suspicion. In the circumstances, my delegation wants to take this opportunity of imploring the major Powers concerned to rid themselves of these twin evils, to cultivate mutual understanding and mutual goodwill, so that the war-weary world, yearning for peace, will at long last realize its cherished dreams.
69. In presenting the views of my delegation before this world assembly, it will not doubt be relevant to reiterate our well-known policy of consistently throwing our weight on the side of peace and against the forces of war or tensions. My delegation will support any move, made at any time and from any quarter, which in our view is genuinely designed to prevent war and to promote the cause of peace. This stand has been made unmistakably clear by our Prime Minister at the historic Bandung Conference in April 1955. The decisions of the Bandung Conference have served and will continue to serve as our guiding principles in the formulation of our foreign policy and in our approach to world problems. It is the view of my delegation that strict adherence to the declaration on the promotion of world peace and co-operation as set out in the final communique of the Bandung Conference is the only sensible way to prevent a world catastrophe.
70. My delegation does not for a moment believe that any country, big or small, wants war. War as a means of settling international disputes is universally dismissed as completely outdated. War has been rendered obsolete by its own destructiveness. Mankind's only survival depends on his own ability to absorb this lesson. It is the greatest challenge facing man today. It is, in fact, more than a challenge; it is a desperate necessity. This conviction has compelled Burma to subscribe to the well-known principles of peaceful co-existence and friendship which serve as our guide in our relations with all countries. We firmly believe that only peaceful coexistence with, and friendship towards, all countries with different political, economic and social systems can ensure a sense of security and mutual confidence.
71. Burma is firmly and irrevocably committed to a system of parliamentary democracy. Burma believes in democratic ideals and in the dignity of man. Burma is thoroughly averse to the idea of dictatorship in any shape or form. The Burmese people is determined never to exchange its way of life for any other way of life. But this firm conviction and dedication do not preclude us from viewing the world around us with a proper perspective. We understand why some countries have chosen systems of governments very different from our own. It is, however, not our business to pass judgement on the internal affairs of other countries. The recognition of this basic fact enables us to subscribe to the principles of peaceful coexistence.
72. My delegation feels that any statement of policy at this juncture would not be complete without a reference to the situation in the Middle East which has of late focused world attention. This strategic area is at present the scene of hectic activities which, if not checked in time, are likely to develop into open hostilities between the two power blocs. The Middle East, fabulously endowed with the world's most coveted raw material — has unfortunately become "the bone of contention” between the East and the West. In their bid for exclusive friendship with the countries of the Middle East, the big Powers are openly heading towards a head-on clash. There are now indications of outside interference in the internal affairs of some countries in that area. It is indeed a sad spectacle that a very keen race is on between the big Powers for ascendency in that area. In the name of peace and decency, my delegation would earnestly appeal to the interested Powers to respect the national sovereignty of the countries in the Middle East, to canalize all their activities through the United Nations and cease all attempts to dominate, either diplomatically or militarily.
73. I make these observations on the developments in the Middle East with the full realization of the inevitable consequences that may result in the absence of any concrete steps towards the easing of tensions. The present competition for supremacy must give way to another kind of competition to raise the living standard of the people and to encourage peace and harmony in this turbulent area.
74. On the basis of what has been said, my delegation hopes that the twelfth session of the General Assembly will bend Its energies towards the easing of tensions and the promotion of the cause of peace.