The twelfth session of the General Assembly is opening in a calmer atmosphere and with more favourable prospects for world peace than those immediately preceding it. It will be possible to examine the items on the provisional agenda and deal with them in a manner that will satisfy the interests which prompted their inclusion, provided those interests are subordinated to the high purposes of the United Nations Charter. The items of a political nature which disturb public opinion and seem likely to provoke a clash of opinions, the items which raise the question whether the conduct of certain countries is consistent with the principles of justice and good-neighbour relations by which they are bound under the Charter, have been debated at previous sessions without consequences that seriously threaten peace; indeed, the discussions have pointed to possible solutions which, although not immediately feasible, are nonetheless reassuring.
78. Essentially optimistic in their outlook, the young countries are animated by a determination to advance towards those goals of civilization which will enable them a perfect their social systems and play a due part in the development of friendly international relations. The Colombian delegation therefore attends the session of the Assembly with real confidence that the goodwill, good faith and wisdom of the representatives of all countries will always succeed in finding appropriate solutions to the problems that must be faced.
79. It is obvious that the eighty-two nations which have joined together in this Organization have done so to discuss interests contrary to their individual aspirations and ideologies and not to discuss interests and aspirations with which they are in agreement. Controversy is their natural field of action and the weapon they use to solve their problems, with the common ground furnished by the principles of the Charter. Diversity of opinion does not preclude coexistence. On the contrary, nations can live together even in disagreement; it is for that purpose that international law was created and is being steadily improved. As the former Secretary of State of the United States, Mr. Byrnes, once said in this Assembly: "It is far better for the world to watch the clash of opposing ideas than of opposing armies". Disagreements should be aired in the United Nations, the natural forum for their expression, until such time as they can be satisfactorily settled.
80. We recently had a remarkable example in the Assembly of the application of these ideas. Last year, France agreed to the inclusion of the question of Algeria in the agenda. The great French nation realized that any misunderstanding of its problem that might exist would not be dispelled by opposing the inclusion of the item, but by informed study which would lead to its solution. "Let there be no misunderstanding", Mr. Pineau said "on that point." [589th meeting, para. 401. Making a democratic gesture which does honour to his country, he preferred an open debate, and announced that his Government’s efforts to restore peace in Algeria would be followed by free elections which would enable the Algerian people, to decide their own future.
81. When Colombia and the other Spanish-American countries became politically mature, they too aspired to self-government and after a bitter struggle obtained their independence. Only a few years later the deep-rooted friendship between Spain and the young Republics of America was as strong as ever, and since that date the ties between them have become increasingly close and cordial. In the light of that example, we are certain that as humanity continues its dynamic evolution, men will always be able, given the co-operation of all concerned, to find means of satisfying their desire for independence by methods which do not injure the countries which have done so much for them and with which they have, and will always have, so many ties.
82. In connexion with my reference to the recent case of France, I should like to comment on the, in my opinion, mistaken and improper manner in which votes for or against the inclusion of items in the agenda have on occasion been interpreted. A State voting against inclusion is regarded as "colonialist" while a State voting for inclusion is "anti-colonialist". The result is either that the problem is settled in semblance without ever being discussed, or that, if the item is included, the vote for inclusion is interpreted as prejudicing the issue and as condemning in advance the country which does not want the item included. A procedure which lends itself to misinterpretation both inside and outside the Assembly cannot be regarded as satisfactory. The essential purpose of any parliament - more especially a world parliament like this Assembly - is to provide a forum for the exchange of ideas, for debate, so that it is possible to live together, even in disagreement.
83. The Article of the Charter which prescribes absolute respect for the sovereign right of each State itself to settle through its own institutions all matters essentially within its domestic jurisdiction has from the beginning been a barrier to the inclusion of "colonial" questions in the agenda, even for purposes of information and discussion. No State is prepared to tolerate outside interference which violates its constitution and impairs its authority. But the difficulty lies not in that sacrosanct and unchallenged principle but in the procedure whereby the Assembly is to elicit sufficient information to judge whether a State's inalienable sovereign rights are being curtailed by the other States in this Assembly when they exercise their right to examine the conditions of the populations of territories which have not yet attained a full measure of self-government or to ascertain whether the Member Governments which have or assume responsibility for the administration of such territories are carrying out their mission by the means provided in Articles 73 and 74 of the Charter, or whether human rights are being violated in such territories or in the territories of any sovereign State.
84. It would appear that a mere investigation of such a situation does not constitute the intervention so categorically prohibited by Article 2, paragraph 7, of the Charter. Similarly, the investigation and study of situations which may affect international peace does not constitute intervention. As past experience has shown, it is a duty of the Assembly to reconcile the scope of that Article with that of the Articles concerning assistance to Non-Self-Governing Territories.
85. Article 73 of the Charter declares that Governments which assume responsibilities for the administration of Non-Self-Governing Territories recognize that the interests of the inhabitants of those territories are "paramount". It tells them that they have a sacred trust and imposes duties and obligations on them "to this end"; that is, for the purpose of promoting the "paramount" interests of the inhabitants and "as a sacred trust", they must undertake, inter alia, "to develop self-government, to take due account of the political aspirations of the peoples, and to assist them in the progressive development of their free political institutions, according to the particular circumstances of each territory and its peoples and their varying stages of advancement". My delegation does not believe that a provision of such great humanitarian significance, so clearly directed towards social improvement and progress, which establishes such binding obligations towards the world community through the United Nations, can continue to be regarded as a mere declaration of principle on the ground that it is so described in its title, its only purpose being to elicit the world's theoretical admiration.
86. I consider that the Assembly has sufficient experience to realize the need for altering the approach to inclusion of an item in the agenda- which, in itself, implies no prejudgement of the substantive issue - with a view to securing a more comprehensive and uniform interpretation of the provisions of the Charter which establish, on the one hand, the principle of nonintervention in matters essentially within a State's domestic jurisdiction, and, on the other, the right of the peoples in whose behalf Article 7 3 was written, and the principle of respect for human rights, prescribed in the Preamble and in Articles 13, 55 and 62 of the Charter.
87. A study of all the information in each case would enable the Assembly to determine whether a given people's problems concern the United Nations or come exclusively within the competence and sovereignty of a State. My delegation accordingly reserves the right to consider such information when it comes before us before giving its views on substance. On that point - information - and on disarmament, I listened with keen interest to the speech made a few days ago by Mr. Pella, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Italy [681st meeting].
88. With regard to questions involving "colonialism", a distinction should, in my view, be made between genuinely and traditionally colonial questions and questions which are concerned with promoting the education and culture of the peoples which have not yet attained a full measure of self- government as a step in preparing them for political independence. It is that last objective which should guide the countries administering Non-Self-Governing Territories in giving full effect to the mandatory provisions of Chapter XI of the Charter.
89. My delegation attaches special importance to questions involving the investigation of violations of human rights and respect for the integrity and dignity of the human person, regardless of the organization or political structure of the State concerned. The entire legal organization of a State based on law should be directed towards guaranteeing the individual's enjoyment of those rights. A system of political philosophy is valid and workable when it centres on the human person. The human person is the be-all and end-all of all legal orders and values. Law and freedom, which are joined together in the State, stem from the human person. Political freedom, the legal order and State structure have substance and meaning only because they derive their being from the human person as such; from the human person, and not from the State, society or history. Without the human person, the rest is words. The human person is the true subject of law, of morality, of religion, of economics, of all the disciplines which go to make up our culture. Nations which, like my own, share in Western culture, are at one in recognizing this supreme and absolutely fundamental quality.
90. The State based on law is the medium through which we guarantee freedom. Freedom may, I believe, be thought of as the condition in which law is fulfilled in the political and social order. Thus, freedom and law stand in the same relation as function and organ. And as the State is the supreme legal entity and the political function is related primarily to the State, it follows that law, State and freedom constitute a substantial unity. These principles are, of course, true and obvious only under a democratic system, for only in a democracy are they given effect and exemplified. What distinguishes democracy from other political systems is the basic affirmation that the State is essentially a State based on law, whose supreme function and purpose are the exercise and fulfilment of all the forms in which genuine freedom is possible or attainable.
91. For the Colombian delegation, these principles are enshrined in the National Constitution of the Republic, by which its actions are guided, and we regard it as evident that, in both political and economic matters, respect for the dignity of the human person is and must be fundamental to the well-being of peoples.
92. Of course, in interpreting freedom as we conceive it, account must be taken of all the moral factors, all the elements of action, interdependence, order, religion and economics which will, with the progress of mankind and civilization, make it possible to perfect the practice of freedom.
93. The work of the United Nations in the economic, social and cultural fields is therefore no less important than its work in the political field. Progress must be maintained. There must be no turning back. Assistance to the less developed and under-developed countries must be increased, and we must all realize that aggravation of the economic problems of any one of them would have a serious impact on the level of living of a portion of the world's population with consequences no less grave than those of an international conflict. It must therefore be realized that such problems, even though they may be local in. semblance, cannot be a matter of indifference to the United Nations, in view of the humanitarian principles on which it is founded.
94. At the recent Inter-American Economic Conference held in Buenos Aires, a number of regional problems were studied in the light of those principles, including over-production, primary commodities, international co-operation to promote monetary stabilization, regional markets and the financing of economic development. It is regrettable, however, that no economic agreement providing for genuine co-operation through inter-American integration has yet been concluded.
95. In the light of experience at the recent Buenos Aires conference and the impression it left on the delegations of most of the participating countries, it is clear that no scheme of international co-operation is easily feasible unless it is based on effective economic integration. And it is extremely difficult to achieve complete unity in approach and policy between nations with a high level of living where freedom can prosper and nations where the growth of broader freedom is hampered by innumerable obstacles stemming primarily from the ignorance and poverty of the mass of the population, conditions which it will be impossible to correct rapidly until the highly-developed countries are able and willing to play a decisive part in the advancement of the less developed areas.
96. These considerations are given added weight by the fact that the Organization of American States constitutes a regional system which cannot be described as an aggressive bloc or as a threat to anyone. On the vast stage of the United Nations, the Latin American countries occupy a special place, not so much because of their great human and economic resources as because of the value represented by the steadfast adherence of a whole continent to the principles of the United Nations Charter. In our opinion, world political and economic stability cannot be achieved if the desires and decisions of Latin America are not taken into account,
97. As one of the greatest believers in the United Nations, Colombia, true to its policy of strict compliance with its international obligations and of observance of the treaties binding it to other nations, did not hesitate to send military forces to Korea to play an active part in that emergency, and in the Suez crisis responded without hesitation to the Secretary-General's request for military co-operation by furnishing troops which are still serving with the United Nations.
98. My delegation will support any steps to promote the economic welfare of nations and to solve the problems which may, frequently for reasons beyond the control of the countries concerned, threaten the domestic economies of one or several countries, thus reducing their ability to secure the economic freedom of their populations.
99. It will act in consonance with those ideas, particularly in matters affecting the safeguarding of the freedom and the fundamental rights of the human person. However, out of respect for the opinions of others and of the right of peoples to self-determination, it will not, on the basis of those ideas, take up the defence of any single country or its particular ideology, or be influenced in its voting. It will act solely in the common interest, to further the ideals which have brought all the peoples of the world together for the purpose of attaining a state of reasonable and friendly coexistence and international peace and security.
100. The outcome of earlier discussions shows that there is some resistance to any revision of the Charter, although on various occasions the original procedures and provisions have plainly proved inadequate or ineffective for the solution of major problems. The public is puzzled by the continued opposition to revision of the Charter when past events have shown the weakness of the existing provisions. It is considered incomprehensible, for example, that decisions representing the view of the majority of Member States should not be binding on all, while the opinion of a single Member State can be forcibly imposed on all the others. Nor is it a good thing for international justice to have a more limited field of application than the political power of the States which organize it. Unperturbed by the opposition, my delegation will continue to press the policy it advocated at San Francisco, and will support any reforms which tend to give the United Nations a universal right of examination and decision based on the legal equality of all States.
101. My delegation continues to believe that the groups of countries recently admitted to membership are inadequately represented in the councils and organs of the United Nations and will continue to support measures to increase the number of seats in those bodies in order to ensure proper representation of those new human groups.
102. All efforts to achieve efficiency in the administration of international organs, to avoid unnecessary bureaucracy and to ensure the effective functioning of those various organs for the purposes for which they were established will be firmly supported by my delegation, which views with concern the financial burdens the less developed countries are assuming in order to support the various branches of the Organization.
103. The Colombian delegation wishes to express its admiration and appreciation of the remarkable work done by the Secretary-General and his immediate staff in seeking fair solutions to the grave problems entrusted to their diligence, their competence and their high sense of responsibility. We are certain that their efforts will be most effective in achieving security, harmony and loyal co-operation among nations.
104. We believe in the United Nations. We have faith in its civilizing influence and in its dynamism, which is steadily perfecting international law and protecting future generations throughout the world by the power of intelligence and through respect for law and justice.
105. We were pleased to hear the Foreign Minister of Japan, in his speech last Thursday, [680th meeting! refer to a matter of special importance. He said that the United Nations should serve as an intermediary between countries which have reached the limits of their possible internal development and countries which have land and unexploited natural resources and wish to receive immigrants. Those are precisely the countries which have insufficient investment capital to develop their land and exploit their natural resources. One of the most important tasks for the United Nations would therefore be to provide means to enable such countries to prepare the unused land for settlement by immigrants from the over-populated countries, including the capital investments required to ensure the success of such an enterprise.
106. To the extent permitted by my delegation has followed with lively interest the limited information available, the work of the Dub-Committee of the Disarmament Commission which was meeting in London until a few days ago. We have taken careful note of the recent statements in this Assembly by the United States Secretary of State, Mr. Dulles, [680th meeting] and the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Soviet Union, Mr. Gromyko [681st meeting]. Their statements strengthen our conviction that concrete steps can be agreed upon to initiate the process of disarmament with the blessing of all peoples.
107. Despite the pessimism of those who would like to see the world's great problems solved overnight, my delegation is optimistic. We believe that the United States and the Soviet Union, with the co-operation of the other great Powers and all the medium-sized and small countries, will succeed in devising appropriate solutions. We support disarmament, disarmament of the mind and the gradual and progressive reduction of armaments. Our approach is the same whether we are dealing with the armies of the large countries or those of the less developed countries. My delegation will present its views on the substantive issues in the Disarmament Commission, of which Colombia is a member.
108. If compliance with and the development of international law one day permitted the nations to invest what is now being spent on preparations for war and the organization of defence in education, culture, public works and the production of goods that would promote the health and welfare of nations, what a broad and clear road would be open to mankind!
109. Mr. Gromyko, in his speech also mentioned a number of interesting points concerning world economic relations. The Colombian delegation will present its views on them in the various committees; I should like merely to emphasize the importance of international trade and economic integration for the establishment of peace through the gradual elimination of unduly nationalistic measures in all countries of the world and through the proper distribution of investment capital to permit the exploitation of the natural wealth of the various continents for the benefit of all peoples.
110. My delegation is gratified to find that the idea of holding another general conference to review world economic problems, similar to that held shortly after the Second World War, which has now been put forward by the Soviet Minister of Foreign Affairs, coincides with the campaigns which have been going on for some years in Colombia with a view to the organization of another special conference to bring the ideas and plans of the last world conference into line with the experience into line with the experience of recent years and with the technical, political and economic realities of the modern world. As always, the Colombian delegation will work towards those objectives with enthusiasm and with firm belief in the mission of the United Nations.
111. In conclusion, I should like to express to you, Mr. President, the great satisfaction with which the Government and people of Colombia welcomed your election, in view of the friendship which binds our two countries and your great ability. I am sure that, thanks to the lofty qualities you bring to the service of the United Nations, your term of office will be a highly successful one.
112. I should also like to express our gratitude to your predecessor, Prince Wan Waithayakon, for the wisdom and tact with which he discharged his office, and once again to reaffirm our faith in the final triumph of civilization, based on the high principles of freedom and justice which are the keystone of the United Nations, and which will one day secure the welfare of all mankind.