In the first place, I join with all the other speakers who have preceded me to this rostrum in congratulating Sir Leslie Munro on his election to the high office of President of the twelfth session of the General Assembly, by a unanimous vote made possible because of the generous and considerate gesture of our eminent fellow representative, the Foreign Minister of Lebanon, Mr. Charles Malik. I do to not merely because of the high regard in which my delegation holds Sir Leslie personally, but also because the choice of the representative of the people of New Zealand for this eminent post is a happy one in giving due prominence to the role of our part of the globe in present-day world developments. The pleasure we take in his election stems also from the fact that we see an increasing tendency towards close co-operation between our two countries in a multitude of fields, a development which, I am sure, will increase and prosper in the future for our mutual benefit.
154. In these twelve years of its existence, the United Nations has had to deal with many problems bedevilling international relations and sorely taxing our determination to build a better world in greater freedom. It is always, I think, extremely difficult to make at the beginning of each new session of the General Assembly a correct evaluation of the over-all progress achieved in the foregoing year. After all, the main aspects of our problems today are of a long-term nature, originating in the convulsive prostration of Europe immediately after the Second World War and, subsequently, accentuated by the rightful claims of subjugated nations to develop forthwith their own individual and national identities on the basis of equality. In this context, it was unavoidable that the anachronistic order of stability should give way to the search for a new equilibrium in our international life, which implies the introduction of strains, sometimes even dislocations, in order to establish successive readjustments.
155. Viewed from this angle, the achievements of this Organization are certainly not disheartening, especially with respect to its principle task of the reconciliation of the different, often conflicting, social forces, to be succeeded by permanent settlements or, at least, temporary compromises.
156. In Europe, for example, which till recently was the main arena of "cold-war" antagonisms, tensions are actually diminishing. This does not mean, of course, that the causes of tension have been removed. They are there and for the time being they will continue to exist, although, we hope, evolving progressively in such a way as to encourage greater accommodation between the big Powers. We do not even relinquish the hope of ultimately reaching the ideal solution of a firm, common, meeting ground between the two now antagonistic ideologies.
157. For the time being, however, we may find satisfaction in the fact that conditions in Europe have already achieved a considerable amount of stability, even if on the basis of a temporary status quo. This was brought about by the inescapable conclusion that the status quo in Europe could be changed only by promoting a new stability through mutual consent or compromise or by the force of arms which, given the realities of our nuclear age, could end only in mutual annihilation.
158. With such a clear-cut situation, there could develop in Europe an increasing feeling of security on the part of both Power blocs. And even though we may deplore that this security is born of necessity rather than founded on trust, it may itself inspire the creation of an atmosphere of trust, thereby allowing the possibility of further adjustments conducive to a closer rapprochement between the big Powers. Indeed, although its full realization may be a very slowly evolving process, I think such a trend in Europe is already making itself felt, as shown by the first stages of the recent discussions of the Disarmament Commission’s Sub-Committee in London.
159. But how different are the conditions in Asia and Africa. Initially, most of the countries of Asia and Africa did not participate in the "cold war". Some regarded themselves as mere spectators, while the views of others, which took an interest in the problems of the "cold war", at the outset were not taken too seriously by certain quarters. Today, however, no one would suggest that our interest in the "cold war" problems is merely academic. The explosive nature of the tensions in the Middle East and in other countries of Asia shows that these regions are fast becoming the centres of the "cold war".
160. What does "cold war" involvement mean for these countries? It means that every aspect of the activities of their Governments and peoples, whether in pursuance of greater stability in the domestic field or in their relations with neighbouring countries, can be exploited by the disruptive forces of the "cold war". And the ultimate effect, I assure the Assembly, could be not a temporary status quo with stability but, at best, an interregnum of chaos, along with the disappearance of the independent nature of the nation States; at worst, incessant local wars with the unavoidable risk of their expanding into a world-wide conflagration.
161. Indeed, in such an emergency, the miracle achieved in Europe — the miracle of preventing the outbreak of a third world war — could not be repeated. Certainly with regard to Asia we must give up all notions of complacency that nowadays local wars or even local tensions can be isolated or arrested before they explode into a world conflagration.
162. What is so frightening today, as shown by events in the Middle East, is that the military activities of one side invite an immediate, equal response from the other side. It is becoming evident that the introduction of military pacts or military bases by one side in the "cold war" will induce the other side to do the same with equal fervour and strength. Shipments of arms originating from one bloc, are countered by an equal or even greater supply of arms from the other bloc. And this, I am afraid, will not even be the end of the story. I would not be surprised if, before long, the proclamation of doctrines with primarily military purposes will cease to be the monopoly of one side alone. Consequently the potential sphere of conflict will become wider and wider.
163. The real tragedy, however, is that if this tendency to make the Middle East and other parts of Asia an arena of the "cold war" is carried to its ultimate conclusion, the countries of that region would not be in a position to assert themselves against the outbreak of war. They would have little, if any, chance to play an active role in obstructing the preparations of war. Instead, they would become the first victims of the ideological battle. And even if, in the end, war could be avoided, their involvement in the "cold war" could still not bring them any beneficial results.
164. The thesis that is often heard that a "cold war" situation could be of benefit to those countries is a fable that should be dismissed once and for all. How can one concentrate upon rehabilitation and reconstruction if a nation's limited resources are diverted to armaments, even so-called defensive armaments? How can a nation, just emerging from a colonial past, hope to achieve maturity, stability and prosperity if all its mental activities are not concentrated on constructive aims in an atmosphere of tranquillity? The answer to these questions is obvious: without sacrificing one for the other, we cannot materially or mentally support both an economy of war and an economy of peace.
165. Therefore, I appeal urgently to the big Powers sincerely to reconsider and refrain from embarking upon any further policy of military pacts and military bases, even if it may seem to suit their immediate interests. In the long run, they too would suffer, since the consequent stagnation of healthy progress in Asia and Africa could only be a liability, detracting from rather than contributing to their own well-being and security.
166. We all agree, I believe, that the ultimate aim of harmonious co-operation among nations for the benefit of all will not be achieved if the principle of armed strength is the basis of our international life. I may also assume that we all regret the arms race and the formation of military pacts from whatever side. Therefore it is, in our opinion, essential that we take the initial step of reducing, if not eliminating, the existing military pacts and bases. My appeal to the big Powers, indeed, includes the fervent hope that no new pacts or bases be set up, even if such new pacts or bases seem warranted in order to counter the existing ones. I cannot stress often enough that the existence of all these military organizations, together with the increased flow of arms from whatever side, cannot serve the real interests and happiness of peoples who are just starting their national life and who, even without the present international tensions, are facing grave problems of their own.
167. It is with this thought that we made our contribution to the efforts to secure the peace of Asia and to save the newly-won freedom of that part of the world. Even if this was more a product of the natural instincts of new nationhood rather than the result of experience in international affairs or of rational considerations and calculations, we, together with our friends of Asia and Africa, did take the first step towards accentuating the common grounds for harmony among the countries of that region, and of conciliating differences between neighbours, which differences, after all, have their roots in the colonial past. We convened the Bandung Conference not as a counter-weight against the two existing power blocs, nor as an instrument to be used against either one of them. The Conference born of the deep conviction that cohesion among the militarily weak and under-industrialized countries of Asia and Africa is the only way of saving the area from the traditional interplay of power politics, which in the course of human history has always culminated in distress and suffering for all of us.
168. Now, when the peace of the Middle East is in jeopardy, when there is an increasing tendency to disregard or even disparage the independent character of the nations of that region, I sincerely urge that the spirit and the resolution produced by the Bandung Conference be accepted as a practical contribution to the efforts of this Organization to resolve the problems in that region of the world. At the very least, we expect that the big Powers will not obstruct the process of consolidation begun at Bandung.
169. Against this background, I would like to make a few remarks about another issue of great concern to all of us. I realize that a solution of the disarmament problem is not dependent upon the activities or attitude of my country. Nevertheless, and in spite of this obvious fact, we have a special interest in a settlement of the disarmament problem, since the negative impacts of the armaments race are certainly much more acutely felt in my country and in the other under-industrialized countries of Asia and Africa than in countries such as the United States or the Soviet Union or even those of Western Europe, which already have secured the material necessities for a decent human existence. That is why we associate the success or lack of success of this Assembly with what we accomplish on the problem of disarmament.
170. My delegation naturally has its own definite views with respect to this problem. We intend at this session to continue pressing for the immediate cessation of all nuclear weapons tests as a minimum first step towards disarmament. We urge this not only because of the tragic consequences which the continuation of these tests may hold for our own and future generations, not only because we believe that this body should take at least this one practical step in the direction of relieving the fears of mankind, but also because we believe that such a first step preceding disarmament would have beneficial effects on creating that atmosphere of trust and confidence which we all so plainly desire and need.
171. At the same time, we believe that a country such as Indonesia can hope to make a constructive contribution in the field of disarmament only by furthering and supporting every effort aimed at securing a workable disarmament plan; that is, a plan acceptable, in the first place, to the two major Powers in the field of nuclear armaments, the United States and the Soviet Union. If nothing else, the establishment of the International Atomic Energy Agency proves what can be achieved when there exists co-operation among the major Powers in this field, along with the concerted determination of all the nations of the world to uplift mankind and ameliorate living conditions.
172. We of Indonesia, having had the immense satisfaction of participating in the work of the Preparatory Commission of the agency, look forward with great expectations to the first session of the General Conference of the International Atomic Energy Agency, which is meeting now in Vienna. In particular, the economic aspects of nuclear energy inspire high hopes among the peoples o! Indonesia. This new technology may provide the means of overcoming more rapidly the challenge of poverty and backwardness.
173. As we are all well aware, one of our main problems today is how to meet the challenge of bringing about a more rapid economic growth in the less developed regions of the world. Here again, we are dealing with a phenomenon which fits into the picture of that historical and extremely important movement of new nations continuously remodelling their pattern of life. Economic growth with us is not alone a matter of the technical increase of our national income. That could be done with the mere supply of more capital and more technical "know-how". But the process which is taking place is more all-embracing. We inherited an economic and social structure from the past which we have to adapt to our new existence as free, independent nations subjected to the modern requirements of interdependence among nations.
174. This means that we have to strive for structural and social changes in shaping a new framework within which the economic process can take place at an increasingly higher level. The economic convulsions which we see in many less developed areas are the result of these two forces: the necessity to realize a new national economic and social framework and the need to raise national income rapidly within that framework.
175. The persistent gap, which in fact is widening, between the industrialized and under-industrialized countries, is frightening indeed and far from conducive to world peace. It is unthinkable that peace, which is a situation of balance, can be possible as long as more than one half of mankind is living in poverty and hunger. As a representative of an under-industrialized country, I would most emphatically state that the removal of this imbalance in the economic situation among nations, through accelerated programmes of economic development, is one of the most urgent problems before the United Nations today.
176. In this connexion, Indonesia will continue to press strenuously for the establishment of the Special United Nations Fund for Economic Development, for the stabilization of the prices of primary products, for the removal of trade impediments and for the avoidance of possible new barriers in the way of a freer flow of goods and services. At the same time, we are determined to combat inflation, which is now becoming a world-wide phenomenon.
177. I think that if the world, especially the highly developed countries, could understand the actual trend in the areas of their less privileged neighbours, it would be possible to achieve an economic growth which was more balanced than before, and which would thus represent more fully the ideal of an expanding economy beneficial to all of us.
178. As I have already noted, we are living in a period of transition, passing through successive mental and material stages of development to a new relationship between man and his fellow human beings. You may ascribe this to a growing consciousness of respect for the individual freedom and of the sovereign right of every nation. Others may attribute this revolution to the seemingly limitless development of technology and science in this atomic era. But whatever the case, the greatest part of mankind is today dissatisfied with the spiritual and material life of the past and is determined to utilize the energies of the present to bring about in the future a genuine and lasting tranquillity, prosperity and liberty.
179. We see around us, even within the apparently established countries, which to some extent regard themselves as examples of maturity and stability, evidence of the conflict between traditional concepts of stability and the new, more enlightened requirements of modern life. It is in this light that recent events in Indonesia should be evaluated.
180. I know that there have appeared in the foreign Press all sorts of interpretations of the recent developments in Indonesia. I know, too, that there have been speculations predicting the possible disintegration and collapse of the Indonesian State. Moreover, there is apprehension in some quarters that Indonesia may turn away from the path of democracy. But what is, in fact, happening in Indonesia — as in all the countries of Asia and Africa in various degrees — is a process of rapid growth and, consequently, a continuous remodelling of the national garment of yesterday to fit the new requirements of today and, as far as possible, of tomorrow. It reflects the determination of the Indonesian people themselves to remove all obstacles in the way of political maturity and economic progress.
181. The experience of other countries vividly teaches us that a first or second secret ballot as the attribute of parliamentary democracy does not by itself necessarily constitute the establishment of a democracy serving the interest of all the people. Parliamentary government must succeed in fully satisfying the needs of the people, lest it succumb to the attraction of dictatorship, in whatever form. This is a lesson we have taken to heart. And before it was too late, the Indonesian people themselves gave the impetus for correcting the existing shortcomings in order to safeguard the democratic system to which we had pledged our adherence as one of the principal instruments of our national life.
182. Let there be no doubt that the Indonesian people, without any exception, had already realized within one year of the first general election the delicate aspects of the parliamentary democratic system, and had understood that, especially in the process of growth, that system has to be sustained by a self-restraint based on strong moral and idealistic considerations. And if this is insufficient, then there is no reason why we should not initiate the perhaps somewhat unconventional idea of devising an auxiliary institution, in the context of our constitutional parliamentary system, and adapted to the social structure of our community. After all, we are not afraid to adopt a dynamic and flexible attitude in the search for the correct methods to promote a healthy national growth. We are determined not to allow our revolution to become a prelude for the stagnation and backwardness which characterized the days before the revolution. On the contrary, we will keep alive the impact of our revolution as the dynamic force for securing the betterment of our people in every walk of our national life.
183. With the success of the National Conference held in Jakarta from 10 to 14 September last, we closed one period of trial and error in order to enter upon the next stage of greater perfection in our national life. Any concerns about possible deviation from the path of democracy are easily dismissed by the solemn declaration, issued at the end of the National Conference by our national leaders Mr. Sukarno and Mr. Hatta, to the effect that the basic foundation of the Indonesian State is still the pancha shila, the five guiding principles, in which belief in God and in democracy precede the others in eminence.
184. We do not pretend to be more than our fellow human beings, and therefore we cannot assume to be able to perform miracles. But one thing is certain. We have profound confidence that the march of events in Indonesia, up till now, is in the right direction, towards mature nationhood,
185. In conclusion, I should like to say a few words about the problem of colonialism. Although we have come a considerable distance in settling issues of this nature, instances of disregard for the Charter principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples still create upheavals and frustrations in the international community.
186. In Algeria, at this very moment, the struggle for freedom rages unabated. Countless men, women and even children are laying down their lives so that others may emerge from the senselessness of a life of subjugation to be reborn in freedom. The waste and destruction of human lives and of material goods goes on in a futile attempt to suppress the inalienable right of the Algerian people to live their own lives.
187. I have no doubts that the people of Algeria will soon cross the threshold of freedom. But must they do so in the din of war and with hatred and distrust in their hearts? This is the question before the United Nations today. It is too late for wishful thinking or mere expressions of hope that reason will still prevail. The time has come for this Organization to show that it can find a settlement of the Algerian problem by the peaceful means of negotiation and reconciliation. We must not and, indeed, we will not fail, given the common will to use the potentialities of this world Organization as an instrument for peace and progress.
188. It is in this spirit that Indonesia, along with twenty other Member States, has for the fourth time brought the question of West Irian before this body. It is not my intention to elaborate now upon this issue, since it will be comprehensively discussed in committee as an item on the agenda. However, I do wish to take this opportunity to stress once again that we come here seeking a peaceful solution of this dispute between Indonesia and the Netherlands. It is for this reason that we regret that the United Nations has up to now failed to take those steps necessary for finding a settlement of the West Irian problem, not only in the interest of the Indonesian and Netherlands peoples, but also in the broader interest of promoting creatively the emergence of a new relationship between Asia and Africa and the West.
189. The question of West Irian and its solution is the foremost national issue in Indonesia and one in which all the people of Indonesia in every walk of life are united. Both the Indonesian Parliament and the Indonesian National Congress, organs in which the province and people of West Irian are proportionally represented, have adopted unanimously resolutions calling for the complete restoration of West Irian to Indonesia. It is, then, with the whole-hearted and unanimous support of the Indonesian nation and people that we come here, in a spirit of reconciliation, seeking a just and peaceful solution that will mend one more tear in the fabric of the community of nations.
190. I am aware of the suggestion that the status of West Irian should be determined on the basis of self-determination, on the false and irrelevant assumption that the people of that region form a separate ethnic group. This would imply nothing less than our consent to a procedure which would pave the way for further artificially created attempts to break up the national structure of our community, which was developed by our forefathers many centuries ago and which resulted in a historical and traditional association of all the peoples of the various parts of Indonesia. That structure was taken over by the Netherlands and, in fact, was further preserved in its traditional entity. And no country, not even the Netherlands itself, which has a happy history of co-operation among its peoples of diverse origins, would consent to the disruption of this traditional association.
191. Moreover, aside from being an affront to the people of West Irian, whose representatives are already participating actively in the affairs of Indonesia, the injection of the principle of self-determination at this late date is an obvious misuse of that principle in order to perpetuate colonial rule. Yet the very perversion of the principle of self-determination brings to the forefront the crux of the issue at stake: immediate freedom for the people of West Irian and the chance to live their own lives, or the maintenance of colonial rule by all means and at any cost.
192. The problem of West Irian is as simple as that. The only question is whether the United Nations is the place where its solution may be worked out, or whether we must embark upon another course, even at the risk of aggravating conditions in South-East Asia and perhaps inviting "cold war” tensions to muddy further the waters of peace in that region of the world. We trust that this session of the General Assembly will answer this question in a manner consonant with the faith, patience and moderation shown for so long by the Indonesian people, and that it will adopt constructive recommendations for a final peaceful settlement of the problem of West Irian.
193. Now that this Organization embraces the participation of an ever-increasing number of nations, representing the great majority of mankind, confidence will grow that the United Nations is the most effective instrument to deal with the conflicts and crises which sometimes are unavoidable. In extending our most sincere congratulations to our sister nations, Ghana and the Federation of Malaya, I cannot fail to regret that the question of the proper representation of China is not yet settled. My delegation considers this a great obstacle in the normalization of international relations, and any delay in solving this problem will certainly do harm to ourselves rather than impede the Chinese people in their national endeavour.
194. I cannot end my statement without expressing the fervent hope that this session of the General Assembly, under the President's leadership, will be successful in facing the problems which confront our present-day world. I do not expect that all issues can be solved forthwith; neither do I expect that the world of tranquillity is already within immediate reach. However, I do believe in progress based upon the sanity and wisdom of mankind. I do believe that we are all determined to reject the emotions or the selfish pride which may lead to our own extinction.