On a previous occasion I was privileged to offer Sir Leslie Munro the felicitations of my Government on his elevation to the high office of President of this Assembly. Those of us who have known Sir Leslie through the years have learned to respect and admire his profound knowledge of men and matters, his mastery of law and procedure and his personal charm. Under his guidance we look forward to an Assembly session full of promise for an early settlement of the outstanding issues of the day.
74. May I take this opportunity also of paying a well-deserved tribute to His Royal Highness, Prince Wan Waithayakon, for the ability and skill with which he presided over the last session of the Assembly. We in Asia are justly proud of him.
75. My Government warmly supported the re-election of Mr. Hammarskjold as Secretary-General. We have confidence in his great tact, skill and personal charm. We congratulate ourselves on having selected him for a second term and we have no doubt that his services will be of invaluable help in promoting the settlement of many of the difficult problems facing us today.
76. We meet today in a considerably calmer atmosphere than we met in last year. The atmosphere of crisis of last October and November has fortunately passed away, and we are now able to discuss issues once again in a spirit of understanding and co-operation. This is certainly an advance, and I think it gives us hope for progress in the future.
77. The absence of crisis, however, does not mean that the basic conflicts have been resolved. We all know too well one issue which we discussed at an earlier session, last month, which has not found a solution in accord with the sentiments of the vast majority of the Members of this Assembly. The United Nations is not a world government. Its Charter embodies the moral and legal principles by which alone its sovereign and independent Member States can live in peace, mutual trust and benefit. If a nation chooses to flout these principles for its own ends, for reasons of narrow national interest, it is doing an incalculable disservice to all that the United Nations stands for. I cannot think of any nation wishing to weaken this Organization, which stands as a symbol of the hopes and aspirations of mankind today.
78. It is perhaps easy to miscalculate and underestimate the strength and enduring qualities of the moral voice of mankind. It may seem weak and powerless in the short run, but in the context of modem international relationships there can be little doubt that it must ultimately prevail.
79. It is our earnest hope that the moral voice of this Assembly, reflecting the spirit of the Charter, will be heeded and respected. Indeed, no nation can afford today to do otherwise. A country may think it can gain a temporary advantage by acting in its own selfish interests and disregarding the overwhelming sentiments of this Assembly. But against this it must inevitably count the cost in shattered confidence and in increased international tension. In the final analysis there is little doubt that such a nation will find that the seeming advantage has actually turned out to be nothing but a tragic liability.
80. We should like to pay a tribute to those Member States which, in response to the resolutions of this Assembly, ceased hostilities and withdrew their forces from Egyptian soil. Their actions no doubt strengthened this great Organization and was a fitting recognition of the strength of world opinion. Since those events, there has been in that particular area a welcome and marked decrease of tension. There have been very few incidents, and none of major significance. The presence of the United Nations Emergency Force must certainly be counted as a significant factor in contributing to the relative peace and tranquillity of that region, and we have no doubt that, with goodwill on every side, we can look forward to a progressive settlement of many of the outstanding issues.
81. One of the major causes of tension in the Middle East today is the rivalry of the two power blocs, it is our view that the alignment of countries in military pacts in any part of the world will create a climate of suspicion and distrust and consequently lead to an increase of international tension. The cause of peace, not only in the Middle East but elsewhere, would be considerably improved if the great Powers desisted from involving other countries in their rival power politics. The countries of the Middle East have great material resources, and they are eagerly availing themselves of the technical skills with which to exploit them. These countries have a great future before them, and they need peace and tranquillity for the success of any long-term programme of development. Nationalism is a vital force today, and it can be a constructive force for the consolidation of the hard-won freedom of the Arab countries and for the rapid economic progress of their peoples.
82. It Is unfortunate that great-Power rivalries in the Middle East have sowed the seeds of dissension and created an atmosphere of suspicion and mutual distrust. The Middle East has too long been regarded, as a sphere of influence for foreign Powers. No Arab country today is prepared to submit to this view. The Arab countries are jealous of their newly-won freedom and they do not desire to be pawns in international power politics. All that they desire is to be left on their own to work out their destinies.
83. This is not to say, however, that the great Powers have no role to play in the Middle East. On the contrary, their help will be invaluable Invaluable in developing the economies of these countries. Large amounts of foreign capital are required for the development of oil resources, communications, transport and industries. The great Powers are in a position to furnish this aid. Rapid economic development in this region is urgently needed and cannot but lead to an improvement, not only in the economic and social conditions, but also in the general political situation.
84. The recent past has witnessed the emergence into independence and freedom of many of the countries of the Arab world. The vestiges of colonialism have been swept away by the tide of Arab nationalism. This trend will be welcomed by all those who believe in the right of self-determination and in the principles of freedom and justice. We, in Ceylon, who have just emerged from colonialism, are dedicated to the task of working for the independence and freedom of the colonies.
85. I should like here to pay a tribute to the United Kingdom for its foresight in recognizing the principle of self-determination and in granting freedom to millions of people In Asia and Africa. This action has transformed an empire into a free and equal association of Independent sovereign States, an association which is progressively expanding. We welcomed the independence of Ghana last year and of Malaya this year, and supported their admission to the United Nations. We look forward to the time when we can similarly welcome the independence of the other Non-Self-Governing Territories. This policy of the United Kingdom should serve as an example to other metropolitan Powers. It is a policy which sets a secure basis for the close and free association of nations, irrespective of race, creed or colour.
86. We are sad to witness the situation in Algeria today. We refuse to accept the French thesis that Algeria is an integral part of France. We do not recognize the right of a colonial Power to declare any of its colonies an integral part of its metropolitan territory. The people of Algeria have given ample proof of their determination to be free. The spirit of independence and freedom of the Algerian people is as strong as the spirit of their Arab brothers elsewhere, whose struggle for liberation from colonial rule has been successfully completed. The French would do well to recognize the Algerian claim to independence and to put an end to the needless destruction and slaughter in that territory. A prolongation of the conflict cannot but lead to a further embitterment of relations between the two racial groups in Algeria and also to an increase in tension in the North African region as a whole, to the detriment of harmonious relations with the West. It is our hope that Francs, a country which has stood for the ideals of human liberty and freedom, will have the statesmanship and courage to save the situation before it is too late.
87. We are happy to note that there has been some improvement in the situation in Cyprus. We welcome the truce which has put an end to the reign of terror and counter-terror. Conditions appear to be favourable now for a settlement which will be in accord with the wishes of the people of Cyprus. We strongly believe in the principle of self-determination for peoples, and we cannot forget that the United Kingdom has applied this very principle to many former parts of its empire, and with such happy results. We find it difficult to believe that the problem of a minority is insoluble. Minority problems have been successfully solved by the statesmen of the United Kingdom before, and we have no doubt that in this instance, too, the United Kingdom will rise to the occasion. We look forward to the time when Cyprus will have the right of self-determination.
88. The question of West Irian has been the subject of acute debate at this Assembly before. We consider this a colonial issue. It has affected the good relations of the Netherlands and the Republic of Indonesia. We sincerely hope that through the United Nations it will be possible to negotiate a solution of this vexed problem in a spirit of conciliation.
89. As Members of the United Nations, we are all committed to work for the strengthening of this Organization. If this Organization is to be fully represented, it is essential that we accept the principle of universality of membership.
90. We feel that a sovereign State, whatever its ideology and its political, economic or social system, should have the right of representation. We recall the handicaps and difficulties we had to surmount in securing out membership in 1955. We are proud that we were able to be of some assistance in obtaining the agreement of all groups to the admission of the fifteen other nations. We were a victim at that time of a stalemate arising from great-Power rivalries, and it is not surprising that we feel distressed that such rivalries should operate against the admission of other nations today. We consider the admission of the sixteen nations in 1955, and three others subsequently, a great triumph for the United Nations. It has enhanced the prestige of the Organization and the character of its representation. Today, only Outer Mongolia is excluded. We support the admission of' Outer Mongolia, and we hope that, in accordance with the principle of universality, the membership of Outer Mongolia will be secured.
91. We are also concerned about the representation of the People’s Republic of China. Whatever may be the legalistic and technical considerations, we cannot be blind to the fact that almost a quarter of the human race is not represented here. We recognize that in some quarters this question is an emotional one, but surely it is now time for emotion to give place to reason. It is our hope that, when we meet at the next session, both Outer Mongolia and the People's Republic of China will be counted as Members of the United Nations.
92. We believe that the unification of Germany, Korea and Viet-Nam will contribute to the lessening of international tension, and we appeal to the parties concerned to make unification possible within the shortest space of time.
93. We shall watch with great interest and hope the discussions that lake place at the present session on disarmament. We support the view that the testing of nuclear weapons should be banned unconditionally. This would constitute a very promising beginning for a comprehensive programme of disarmament. Such a beginning, we feel, could not fail to lessen the climate of suspicion and tension which, unfortunately, prevails today. It seems to us inadvisable to insist on a whole series of technical and political considerations as a concomitant to the first step of banning nuclear tests. It is our view that the practical approach to disarmament is to proceed in the step-by-step manner.
94. The world today is facing, in addition to serious political problems, an economic crisis, which no one nation can tackle but which has to be tackled internationally, On the whole, the world is passing through a phase of shortage of private capital tor development, In this situation, countries like Ceylon have to put their faith in the fulfilment of ideals such as the Special United Nations Fund for Economic Development, the seeds of which were sown in the United Nations about five years ago but the fruition of which has been delayed by lack of agreement among the big Powers. This is the time when the big Powers must act and divert at least a fraction of the energies and expenses of "cold wars" and armaments to a special fund. Indeed, it has been said that a quarter of 1 per cent of defence expenditure will be sufficient to support SUNFED and put it into operation.
95. War today is inconceivable as an instrument of national policy. The weapons of destruction in human hands today are so terrible in their scope and power that world conflict can only mean the destruction of civilization. It is imperative, therefore, that the nations of the world, with their differing ideologies and systems of government, should find a way of coexisting peacefully. We firmly believe that the principles of the pancha shila, if faithfully followed, provide such a path. They establish a firm basis for relationships between nations through mutual respect, non-violence and cooperation.
96. Our policy of nonalignment is the logical outcome of our faith in the principles of the pancha shila. As a newly independent country, we are faced with the urgent task of transforming a colonial economy into a free economy. We have still a long way to go in order to assure our people of an adequate standard of living. This can best be done by devoting our energies to the constructive task of developing our economy than by frittering away our resources on armaments. We in Ceylon have been able to devote practically two-thirds of our national budget to development programmes and social services because we have been successful in steering clear of heavy liabilities on armaments.
97. We should like to stress the vital role that the United Nations is playing today in the cause of peace and international co-operation. The United Nations symbolizes the faith and determination of the nations and peoples of the world to work out a means of peaceful coexistence and co-operation that is so essential if civilization is to survive.