Year after year we have gathered here to represent an ever-increasing number of Governments and peoples of the earth. We have become better acquainted with the moral and political geography of the world. To know one another is to begin to understand the other person's point of view, and understanding is the basis of friendship.
116. Each delegation, both in the official meetings as well as outside them, is the spokesman and the constant expression of the realities of its country. Year after year we have learned a great deal from one another, and our personal contacts have been and will continue to be a valuable element in the relations between the countries that we represent. Differences of language, creed, race and nationality have not prevented the interchange of ideas and feelings in an atmosphere of mutual respect and courtesy.
117. Every year, for several months, we all live here together peacefully and we work together towards a common goal. We begin our work by a minute of silence dedicated to prayer or meditation, we are subject to a legal order, we respect the authorities that we elect freely and democratically, we obey the laws and rules that we have established. We are in fact a model of what we should like international coexistence to be.
118. The periodic meeting together of the representatives of almost all the States of the world is in itself a reason, and not the least important one, for the existence of the United Nations.
119. Once again the Headquarters of our Organization becomes the focus of world attention. For the three months that the present session of the General Assembly is expected to last, all the peoples of the world will be anxiously following our deliberations in the hope that they will yield results that will help to diminish fear and pave the way for prosperity.
120. The "man in the street", as we sometimes call those who constitute the immense majority in all countries, has learned by instinct that the General Assembly of the United Nations is the forum in which the conscience of mankind can raise its voice. The appeal of conscience may technically lack the binding force of legal instruments subject to ratification, but they nevertheless possess a moral force that in the long run cannot be resisted.
121. This intuitive confidence of the "man in the street" in our Organization, and primarily in its most representative organ, is in itself a lesson, for the "man, in the street" does not know or knows only vaguely what the statesman and the diplomat is supposed to know thoroughly and in detail — namely that, while the United Nations is not and cannot be a super-State, nevertheless, despite the limitations imposed by the fact that it can act only through the decision of the Member States, it is able to present an impressive record of achievement.
122. How can we ignore the fact that in its twelve years of existence — which on the scale of international evolution represent perhaps but a few minutes in the life of a man — the United Nations, which originally had fifty-one Members and today has eighty-two, has taken an unprecedented step towards universality?
123. How can we overlook the immense work that has been carried out or is being carried out in respect of technical assistance, the peaceful uses of atomic energy, and certain aspects of international economic and social co-operation?
124. How can we fail to take account of the successes achieved in the progressive development of the Trust Territories towards self-government and independence?
125. The importance of this task becomes fully apparent when we realize that the existence of considerable groups of human beings deprived of the fundamental right of peoples to political self-determination has an important influence on the destinies of all States, destinies which are daily more closely interwoven, and is a cause of great concern. It would be difficult, on grounds of history or political necessity, to persuade people who consider themselves capable of exercising the right to sovereignty that they should desist from their aspirations, subject them to certain conditions, or postpone them until a later date.
126. To refer more specifically to the political activities of the Organization that are most frequently the object of criticism, how can we forget, for example the results of United Nations intervention in the questions of Indonesia and the former Italian colonies; the pacification of the frontiers of Greece; the Berlin dispute; the withdrawal of foreign forces from Syria, Lebanon and Iran in 1946 and from Burma in 1953 and following years; the question of Trieste and the Treaty of Peace with Austria; the independence of Morocco and Tunisia, and finally the very grave crisis which it had to face less than a year ago in the so-called Suez Canal question?
127. A number of these questions, as we all know, seemed at one time to involve the risk, and sometimes the imminent risk, not only of local conflict, but also of generalized armed conflagration. Nevertheless, all of them as the direct or the indirect result of United Nations intervention, were satisfactorily solved and have disappeared from the map of world problems.
128. Admittedly in some cases, such as Korea, Palestine and Kashmir, the United Nations has not been able fully to achieve its objectives. But it would be absurd not to acknowledge the very important work that has already been accomplished, the dangers to world peace that have been eliminated, and the results that we can with good reason hope to expect from the continuation of its persevering efforts.
129. To these positive contributions that can easily be appreciated, must be added another contribution that is invisible but no less real. I am referring to all the attempts at abuse of power that the very existence of United Nations has discouraged; all the international conflicts that were still-born.
130. The balance sheet of these accomplishments should lead us to be moderately optimistic as to the ability of the General Assembly to find, at its twelfth session, solutions, or at least the beginnings of solutions, to the numerous problems included in its agenda.
131. I do not intend at this juncture to state the Mexican delegation’s opinion on these problems, as our position will be dictated by the guiding principles of my country’s international policy, and which correspond essentially to the principles of the United Nations.
132. As is well known, Mexico believes that peace should be based on a regime of liberty and justice, and it stands for the legal equality of States and scrupulous respect for their sovereignty. It considers fundamental the principle that, to use the words of the protocol signed by the American Republics in 1936, any intervention of a State "directly or indirectly, and for whatever reason, in the internal or external affairs" of any other State is inadmissible. It repudiates unreservedly recourse to the threat or use of force in international relations, recognizes the obligation to settle disputes between States exclusively by peaceful means, and considers respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms as essential. It fully supports the right of all peoples freely to determine their own destiny, and it is convinced that prosperity, like peace, is indivisible, so that the economic development of all countries and the raising of the standard of living of their peoples constitutes an inescapable duty of the international community.
133. In short, as the President of Mexico said in his report to the Congress on 1 September: "Our international policy is based on the Mexican tradition of the highest moral integrity ...Its enormous moral value lies in the fact that it is a synthesis of the profound convictions of the Mexican people: faith in liberty, passion for independence, devotion to justice, an innate feeling for democracy, respect for the rights of other peoples, and sincere understanding and mutual assistance in international relations."
134. These, I repeat, are the principles by which the Mexican delegation will be guided in expressing its point of view on each and every one of the items on the agenda of the present session. I therefore believe that I need not refer specifically to each of them. I should prefer to formulate certain observations of a general nature, on certain definite constitutional and structural aspects of the United Nations that have recently been the subject of discussion, as well as on two items of the agenda whose importance it would, in our opinion, be difficult to exaggerate: I refer to disarmament and the economic development of underdeveloped countries.
135. In the introduction to his annual report on the work of the Organization, the Secretary-General very rightly states: "I believe that the criticism of the system of one vote for one nation, irrespective of size or strength, as constituting an obstacle to arriving at just and representative solutions tends to exaggerate the problem. The General Assembly is not a parliament of elected individual members; it is a diplomatic meeting in which the delegates of Member States represent governmental policies, and these policies are subject to all the influences that would prevail in international life in any case. Smaller nations are not in the habit of banding together against the larger nations whose power to affect international security and well-being is so much greater than their own. Nor do I see justification for talk about the responsible and the irresponsible among the nations." [A/3594/Add.1, p. 3]
136. The Mexican delegation whole-heartedly endorses these carefully considered concepts expressed by our Secretary-General, which go to the heart of the matter. We believe that a correct approach to the problems that have been the object of censure should start from a premise totally distinct from that adopted in the criticisms to which Mr. Hammarskjold refers.
137. It is an obvious fact that in our Organization the great Powers have a special position that implies their enjoyment of powers and prerogatives far greater than those of the other Member States. This special situation can be legally justified only by their discharge of greater responsibilities in realizing the purposes of the United Nations, and especially in matters relating to the maintenance of international peace and security.
138. My country explained this clearly at the San Francisco Conference when it made the following statement which appears in the record of the meeting of Commission III held on 22 June 1945: "The Mexican delegation, in voting for the text of the article relating to the composition of the Security Council" — the article which is now Article 23 of the Charter — "wishes to point out that it does so because it considers this text to be an implicit application... of the juridical principle of correlation between powers and duties which safeguards the basic principle of equal rights of all States. "The Mexican delegation interprets this article as the granting of broader rights to those States therein named to hold permanent seats on the Security Council, principally for the reason that these are the States whose responsibility for the maintenance of peace, owing to circumstances which it is not pertinent to analyse, 'is greater in the international community’."
139. To support this interpretation, the statement contained various quotations from declarations by statesmen of the Powers destined to hold the permanent seats on the Security Council. I shall limit myself here to reading one of them, from the annual message addressed to the United States Congress by President Roosevelt on 6 January 1945: "We cannot deny that power is a factor in world politics any more than we can deny its existence as a factor in national politics. But in a democratic world, as in a democratic nation, power must be linked responsibility, and obliged to defend and justify itself within the framework of the general good."
140. The privileged position enjoyed by the great Powers in the Security Council, where five permanent seats are reserved to them and where they also have the right of veto because of the unanimity rule, is expressly sanctioned by the Charter, which also provides for the permanent membership of these States on the Trusteeship Council.
141. An analogous situation of special prerogatives also obtains in all the other principal organs of the United Nations, and the absence of pertinent provisions in the Charter and in the rules of procedure has not been an obstacle to the faithful observation of the custom by all the Members of the Organization. Thus, each of the great Powers has always held a vice-presidency and therefore a seat on the Assembly's General Committee, just as each has always been allotted a seat on the Economic and Social Council. In the International Court of Justice itself, whose judges are elected, in accordance with Article 2 of its Statute, "regardless of their nationality", there has always been a national of each of these same Powers. As for the Secretariat of the United Nations, the report of the Secretary-General on the geographical distribution of the staff [A/C.5/718/Rev.l] is in itself sufficiently eloquent proof of the number and importance of the posts occupied by nationals of the permanent members of the Security Council.
142. The situation in the United Nations that I have just described is repeated, as we all know, in each of its specialized agencies.
143. The so-called small and medium-sized countries have therefore followed a line of conduct that has been not only irreproachable but even generous. Recognizing that the principle of legal equality, the cornerstone of the law of nations, does not imply the disavowal of the necessary correlation between duties and rights, responsibilities and powers, they have co-operated loyally with the great Powers, and have, without boasting or haggling, ensured them a special position in which their prerogatives are commensurate with the responsibilities vested in them by the Charter and the facts of international life.
144. And what shall we say of the mode rating influence of the small and medium-sized countries in the frequent controversies that have divided the permanent members of the Security Council; of their good offices- friendly, disinterested and persistent — that have frequently permitted the great Powers, without loss of face, to get out of the difficult or untenable positions in which their rigidity or intransigence had placed them?
145. In truth, it can be said that the small and medium-sized countries have given more than they have received. We do not believe, therefore, that we should speak of "responsible" and "irresponsible" nations, but that we should rather try to clarify, constructively and not in a spirit of sterile criticism, the shortcomings that have existed and can exist in the discharge by the great Powers of the special duties implicit in their greater international responsibility for the realization of the purposes of the United Nations.
146. Finally, I should like to venture another remark concerning the assistance that the small and medium-sized countries can render to the great Powers in this Assembly.
147. We all know that a large number of the Governments represented here have concluded multilateral agreements with one another for the realization of the common goals of the group to which they belong. Their attitude and conduct outside the United Nations is governed by the pertinent provisions of those agreements. But in spite of this political and legal reality, we can all meet together in the General Assembly without distinction of groups to implement the Purposes and Principles of the Charter.
148. This Assembly cannot be a centre for harmonizing the actions of all in the attainment of these ends, if, in the consideration of every problem and in every vote, we continue to group ourselves beforehand in hostile blocs and if we come to this world forum in combat formations that may be a reflection of international reality at this moment, but that do not help us to reconcile our differences. We must help to build a different reality in harmony with the profound aspirations of the peoples of the world.
149. If the realities of the past had been a justification for their permanence, humanity would have been frozen in a state of ignorance and error. During the course of history, the roads to freedom, justice and peace have been opened by overcoming anachronistic vested interests determined to maintain unchanged practices and concepts that could not be revitalized.
150. In our day, too, and at this very session of the Assembly, the representatives of a world which is not ours alone but also belongs to the future, must with untiring faith seek out new roads to understanding that will one day lead us to the objectives of the United Nations.
151. With regard to disarmament, there can be no doubt that the efforts deployed within the last five years by the Disarmament Commission, and especially by its Sub-Committee, have not been at all in vain. There has been progress, though certainly not as much as we should all like. It is therefore important that these efforts should be continued without interruption.
152. Precisely because I am convinced that there is now more chance of agreement, and because I consider that the parties have come closer together on some points and that the moment is favourable, I wish to make a procedural suggestion that might facilitate this work.
153. Everyone will recall that the forerunner of the present Sub-Committee of the Disarmament Commission was a sub-committee of the First Committee of the General Assembly composed of France, the United Kingdom, the Soviet Union and the United States, over which, by the decision of the First Committee itself, I had the honour to preside in my capacity of President of the sixth session of the General Assembly. The results of the meetings of that sub-committee, which were private and which lasted only about a week, were on balance fairly satisfactory considering the circumstances prevailing at the time. The memorandum that I prepared at the request of the members of the sub-committee and which was submitted to the First Committee as the sub-committee's report [A/C.1/677]. included, in addition to the points of possible agreement and disagreement, actual agreement on some important aspects of the question. All the members of the sub-committee believed that their discussions had helped to bring the parties closer together.
154. Probably the fact that the sub-committee met simultaneously with the General Assembly, and reported to the First Committee, helped to give its work that feeling of great urgency that world public opinion sometimes seems to think we lose sight of in our work on disarmament. I wonder, therefore, whether we should not try an approach at this session similar to that put into practice in Paris in the first days of December 1951, The Assembly could establish a sub-committee similar to the one set up then. In my opinion, such a sub-committee should automatically include the five members of the present Sub-Committee of the Disarmament Commission, but it might also include a chairman who would be responsible for directing the debates and guiding them into constructive channels. He would have the moral authority that the Assembly’s mandate would inevitably give him.
155. Perhaps it would not be utopian to hope that such a procedure might bring to fruition the wish expressed here [683rd meeting] by the Prime Minister of Canada — which I am sure we all share — that the twelfth assembly should be known in future as the "Disarmament Assembly". I believe that this wish would materialize even if we only took the first effective step at this session and made the first decision, however modest it might be, that could be translated into action. I do not see why it should be impossible to reach this goal.
156. I fully understand that no one is ready to sacrifice principles that he considers sacred and inviolable. But between this inadmissible extreme and the other extreme, which is equally difficult to accept, of intransigence, there is ample room for fruitful work in the true spirit of negotiation and for the mutual concessions that such a spirit implies. There is not and should not be any plan or proposal that is absolutely indispensable or untouchable. From this same rostrum, four years ago, I expressed our point of view in the matter: "We are certain that it is possible, without detriment to principles, justice and honour, to relax the opposing attitudes originally adopted on each particular problem. In many matters, the opposing positions are neither completely true nor completely false on either side. With sincerity of effort and purity of motive we can reach a common ground where understanding would be possible. The periodic restatement of irreconcilable positions will never shorten the distance between them." [447th meeting. para. 89.]
157. I should also like to repeat now what I said at the commemorative meetings at San Francisco, in June 1955: "The birth of the atomic age, far from reducing the contribution which the smaller countries can make in contemporary international society, has increased it; for today, more than ever before, they are in a position to exert a moderating influence with a view to preventing the abuse of power. In that connexion, the part which the smaller countries should play in the present division of responsibilities in the United Nations is that which is played in national societies by an alert public opinion conscious of its rights and obligations. The stronger the great Powers, the greater the moral responsibility of the smaller countries. "My country has often demonstrated its understanding and application of that moral responsibility, and has consistently urged a return to the spirit which prevailed at the birth of the United Nations. In 1948, at the third session of the General Assembly, it proposed that the great Powers should be urged to liquidate the heritage of the war and to hasten the conclusion of peace treaties. The Mexican draft resolution as approved [resolution 190(111)] upon the great Powers to renew their efforts to compose their differences and establish a lasting peace."
158. I still hold the same view. Furthermore, I think that it would now be in order for the Assembly to consider making another such appeal to the great Powers, this time underlining the need for redoubled efforts to achieve positive results as soon as possible in the disarmament negotiations. I believe that such an appeal would be of great value on the national as well as on the international level, for reasons similar to those that led the Belgian delegation to make its well-founded proposal on collective action with regard to information [A/3630/Corr.1]. since both these steps would tend to strengthen the salutary influence of public opinion.
159. Another idea that the Assembly might consider worthy of attention is whether it would be appropriate and timely to create a new international post, that of United Nations Commissioner for Disarmament. To fill such a post we should of course have to find a statesman of recognized impartiality and high moral authority who would enjoy the confidence of all the States members of the Sub-Committee of the Disarmament Commission. He could be nominated by the Assembly on the recommendation of those States, and his chief duties would include a careful examination of the possibilities contained in the proposals that have already been made or that might be put forward in the future, assistance to the parties in their negotiations, and the submission to them privately for their consideration of any proposals that might help to reconcile their divergencies and smooth the path to agreement.
160. There have been cases, for example those of Palestine and Kashmir, where it was thought appropriate to appoint a mediator or a special representative of the United Nations; the value of this method was proved by the results and, in the case of Palestine, it was completely successful. I see no reason why such a grave problem as disarmament could not be approached in the same way; it is no exaggeration to say that the fate of mankind depends on its solution and such an approach might hasten the conclusion of the agreements for which the whole world longs.
161. I wish to add a few words on one aspect of the disarmament negotiations. I refer to the cessation or suspension of the testing of nuclear and thermonuclear weapons, a subject on which a number of draft resolutions have already been submitted to this Assembly.
162. The existing stocks of atomic and hydrogen weapons are enough not only to wipe out both sides in a war but to annihilate the whole human race. What object can there be, therefore, in trying to increase further the destructive power of these weapons? It is a deadly illusion to think that minor wars with small nuclear weapons can be confined to a given region. Nations which engage in an arms race are like a man galloping at night along the edge of a cliff, between the tempest and the abyss; the only balance is that of fear, delicate and precarious. The cessation or suspension of tests, whether within the framework of disarmament or outside, would undoubtedly freeman-kind of the burden of one of its most oppressive fears.
163. Lastly, I should like to refer to the related question of the international responsibility of the State for injuries caused by test explosions. This question is at present being examined by the International Law Commission of the United Nations.
164. Since this is not the occasion to go into the matter in detail, I shall confine myself to stating that, in my view, a case can be made out for the international responsibility of any State that sets off such explosions, whether on the high seas or within its own territory, and even though there is no international ruling expressly applying to such cases, when the explosions result in injuries to the people or territory of other States.
165. At the last meeting of the International Law Commission, I gave my provisional views on this subject. I said, among other things, that perhaps the present conceptions of fault and negligence, injury and international liability were no longer adequate to the conditions of the atomic age. The picture was complicated by what was perhaps an entirely new factor in the evolution of the human race. Man had learnt how to unleash forces that, once set in motion, were beyond his control. I added that I had in mind not so much the size of the explosions and the physical devastation they caused as the resultant atomic radiation with its unforeseeable consequences for mankind and all living creatures, and even for future generations. From that point of view, which was the most important, the effects of nuclear explosions were entirely outside man’s control.
166. I went on to say that that new factor might serve as a basis for a new category sui generis of fault, which might be formulated as follows: "Whoever knowingly unleashes forces that he cannot control and whose ultimate effects he cannot foresee commits a fault and is responsible for any damage caused." Countries that set off such explosions, even for the most legitimate motives, wittingly ran the risk of causing incalculable damage to other peoples, in a word, international damage. I concluded that the fact of wittingly and voluntarily running that risk might perhaps be regarded as a source of international responsibility.
167. What I have said on this subject explains why I was particularly struck by the comparison of the positions of the United Kingdom and the Soviet Union which was made from this rostrum last week by the Foreign Secretary of the United Kingdom, Mr. Lloyd [685th meeting]. From this comparison it would appear that the two parties were in agreement both on the suspension of tests and on a system of control. Perhaps, therefore, this is one of the aspects of disarmament on which we might hope, at this session of the Assembly, to find a formula acceptable to the three Powers that bear on their shoulders the fearful responsibility of having a monopoly of atomic and hydrogen weapons.
168. I shall now refer briefly to the question of the economic development of the underdeveloped countries, which in our view should be directed to the essential goal of raising the standard of living of the rural masses and other large population groups.
169. I should like to begin by recalling what I said in 1954 at the Tenth Inter-American Conference: "We are firmly convinced that it is possible, given the help that should be forthcoming from the wealthy countries that have the greatest share of international trade, to show the world that war and the preparation for war are not necessary to maintain the economic stability on which social welfare and tranquillity are founded, and that in the modern world prosperity need not necessarily go hand in hand with anguish and fear. On more than one occasion Mexico, like many other countries, has Upheld the doctrine that before the common aim of living in peace and security can be achieved, steps must be taken to bring about the speedy disappearance of the gulf now existing between the standard of living of the under-developed countries and that enjoyed by the peoples of highly industrialized countries."
170. The standard of living of the peoples of the underdeveloped countries can be raised only if the economic development of these countries is accelerated. The World Economic Survey for 1956, prepared by the United Nations, shows, like that for 1955, per capita income in the under-developed countries still for below that reached in the industrial countries before the last war. Unless we are prepared to see, instead of the disappearance of, a continual increase in the great disparity that already exists between the two groups of countries, we shall have to ensure that economic expansion proceeds more rapidly in the under-developed countries than in the industrialized countries. Especially in Latin, America, with its rapid population increase, economic development must outstrip demographic growth if the ever increasing population is to enjoy full and productive employment and if we are to avoid the loss of production implicit in the unemployment or under-employment which still weigh heavily on most of our economies.
171. Since these problems arise to a great extent from external factors, their solution requires international co-operation, and cannot be effected solely through the efforts of the individual countries concerned. The Government of Mexico is convinced that the prosperity of any nation must depend first and foremost on the hard work of its people, and it therefore considers international economic co-operation not as a device for the distribution of charity but as a means of countering or limiting the effects of an economic imbalance brought about by external factors, and of enlarging the sphere within which peoples can pursue their efforts to promote their own economic and social development.
172. In this connexion, I should like to remind the Assembly that all Members of the United Nations have solemnly undertaken in the Charter to promote "higher standards of living, full employment, and conditions of economic and social progress and development".
173. I believe that there are three main fields in which this undertaking can most fruitfully be carried out by the wealthier and more highly industrialized countries.
174. In the first place, measures should be adopted, and permanent machinery set up, to combat sudden and violent fluctuations in commodity prices, fluctuations that are sometimes aggravated by restrictive customs practices or the uncontrolled dumping of accumulated surpluses. It should be remembered that, while the results of such price fluctuations are usually negligible in relation to the total revenues of industrialized countries, they can have a disastrous effect on the short-term and even on the long-term plans of the under-developed countries, which all depend to a considerable extent on their commodities as a means of obtaining the foreign currency they need to import the capital goods necessary for their economic development.
175. The possibility of accelerating the economic development of the under-developed countries by increasing their own resources will be greatly enhanced if we succeed in abolishing, or at least reducing considerably, the gap between the prices they receive for their commodities and the prices they have to pay for manufactured goods.
176. In order to supplement national resources, particularly for the purpose of strengthening and developing a country’s economic infrastructure, it is often advisable and sometimes indispensable to be able to count on the help of international development agencies, particularly for long-term or medium-term loans. This is a third instance of the way in which international co-operation can be fruitful. May the Special United Nations Fund for Economic Development, which Mexico hopes will at last become a reality at this session of the Assembly, be able, among other things, to encourage the existing international financial organizations to increase the volume of their operations and to liberalize their credit policies, which so far, we must admit, leave much to be desired.
177. It is most discouraging, for example, to compare vast sum of $85,000 million, which, according to reliable calculations, the world is spending annually on war material and the mobilization of troops, with the small amount of $400 million which is the sum total of all the loans made during the last fiscal year by the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development. If even a part of the tremendous economic force represented by the first of these figures could be devoted to the fight against poverty, sickness and ignorance, we should have embarked on the true road to peace and security.
178. In addition to the three main tasks that I have outlined, and closely connected with them, is the need to encourage a technical assistance programme that can be integrated with national development programmes, and to support the efforts of under-developed countries to diversify their economies and reduce their dependence on the export of commodities.
179. In this connexion, it should not be forgotten that any international economic development programme must fully respect the economic and political independence of the countries receiving aid, thus avoiding the danger that the under-developed countries may be forced to accept, as the price of their progress, economic subordination, the weakening of the democratic basis of their system of government, or threats to their full sovereignty. In this connexion we should remember and abide by resolution 626 (VII), in which the General Assembly recommended that all Member States "refrain from acts, direct or indirect, designed to impede the exercise of the sovereignty of any State over its natural resources".
180. Before concluding my remarks on this point, I should like to mention an idea which I have been considering for some time, that is, the possible adoption by the General Assembly of a declaration of economic principles.
181. Our Organization has on various occasions drawn up instruments which in a sense carry into effect and express in greater detail provisions of the Charter, and which may be likened to the laws of a country in relation to its constitution. We already have, for example, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Declaration of the Rights and Duties of States. I see no reason why we should not draw up a declaration of economic principles, such as that produced in 1945 in the inter-American sphere by the Chapultepec Conference when it adopted the Economic Charter of the Americas, and such as the Economic Declaration of Buenos Aires recently approved by another Inter-American Conference. If this idea finds acceptance as a constructive proposal, the Assembly might take action on it, either at this session or the next, and thus fill what seems to me to be a real need.
182. I should also like to take this opportunity of explaining briefly our view on declarations of principle in general, and especially declarations of principle of a juridico-political nature. We consider that such declarations should be something that unites rather than divides us, something that helps the United Nations to discharge one of its main functions, namely the reconciling and rapprochement of divergent points of view. Hence, we do not consider desirable the procedure followed at some previous sessions of the Assembly, and which I greatly fear may be repeated at this session, whereby one or more States submit a draft declaration embodying principles to which no one can object, since they correspond in essence to the fundamental principles of the Charter, but put in such a way and in such a context that the proposed declaration appears to other States tendentious and unacceptable. These States in turn propose a new draft declaration that for similar reasons is found unacceptable by the authors of the first draft.
183. Perhaps we should conclude that the surest way of reaching agreement would be to entrust the task of formulating the draft declarations not to the great Powers, but to the small and medium-sized States, which could once again exert their moderating and conciliatory influence. Such declarations would be of value, if adopted unanimously, because the reiteration of fundamental principles always tends to enhance their power and. influence.
184. As I have said before, prosperity as well as peace is indivisible; the two are so intimately linked that it is not too much to say that the one depends on the other. There can be no real peace without a minimum level of general prosperity, and it is humanly impossible to conceive of prosperity if there is no peace.
185. A few years ago I told the Assembly that, in the opinion of scientists and technical experts, atomic and hydrogen weapons had destroyed for ever the old idea of victors and vanquished, and that potential enemies were now inescapably bound by a common destiny, and must live or die together. Let me express the hope that the work of this Assembly will show the peoples of the world that their Governments have already chosen between these alternatives, and that they have resolved not only to live together, but to "live together in peace with one another as good neighbours", working side by side so that the weapons of destruction may speedily be changed into the tools of prosperity.
186. A few weeks ago the President of Mexico, speaking to the people of my country, said: "What needs to be done must be made possible". The world needs peace. Let us make it possible.