Greece

This morning one of the representatives in this Assembly asked me whether my speech would deal mainly with the question of Cyprus. I was really pained by this, the more so as the representative in question is one I particularly respect and for whom I have great affection. It pained me because, while it is true that the Greek people feel such concern and even anguish over the question of Cyprus as they have rarely felt before, it is equally true that Greece takes a deep interest in the broader questions of international politics; I would even say that my Government's interest in the question of Cyprus is due in large part to its great interest in international issues. 151. The fact is that Cyprus raises a number of questions which reach far beyond its shores, questions such as the right of peoples to self-determination, which is being disregarded, the unfortunate effect of this issue on our relations with nations we respect and wish to have as friends, and the question of the continuation of colonialism and colonialist methods in the middle of the twentieth century. All this constitutes a serious international problem which will be discussed in the General Assembly, because we have again requested the Assembly's help in solving it and we shall have an opportunity to discuss the problem here. 152. Today I have come to the rostrum to speak on broader issues, those which should be dealt with in a general debate. To begin with, I should like to make some observations on the organization of the United Nations. 153. Sir Winston Churchill, a great statesman whose name will go down in history, recently criticized the principle of the equality of all States in the Assembly's voting system. This is not a new opinion, and I have often heard it expressed. But it is an opinion which might do the United Nations great harm if it came to be widely held and adopted, for I firmly believe that it is not well founded - I would even go so far as to say that it was not founded at all. 154. I shall not maintain that the great Powers, which have responsibilities far larger than those of the small or medium-sized countries, should have de facto equality with them. The contrary is perfectly natural and that is the actual situation. Everyone knows this, but it can usefully bear repetition. In almost all fields, the great Powers occupy an eminently predominant position in the United Nations, either in virtue of their statutory rights or because of the influence each of them exercises in the Assembly. 155. What proposal - even the fairest, even the most justified - can command two-thirds of the votes in the Assembly if two or three great Powers oppose it? We know very well that it is not with their own two or three votes that these great Powers will obtain that result. In truth, I do not think that there is any cause for commiseration with the great Powers over their lot in the United Nations. But neither is there any cause to regret the juridical equality established among all Member States. It is more than justified. 156. In every human society, the weak or incapable man occupies, by the very force of circumstances, a position different from that of the strong and capable one. Nevertheless, they both have the same claims on life, and the fundamental principles on which the social order is founded apply equally to both. In the same way, countries small and large must enjoy complete equality in certain areas of international life, and more particularly in the General Assembly. 157. This equality is guaranteed in the United Nations by the uniform application of the rules, by freedom of speech and by equality of vote in the Assembly. Equality of vote and equality in relation to certain fundamental rights make it possible for the small and medium-sized countries, through the United Nations, to take a stand and to bring their influence to bear, to a certain extent, upon great international issues. This is one of the chief and most useful functions of the United Nations. 158. I do not wish to discuss here whether the United Nations has fulfilled or disappointed the hopes placed in it, but I am obliged to declare that in any case it has accomplished great work. Need I mention the manifold activities which the United Nations and the specialized agencies are developing in a number of countries, for the benefit of their population? Or should I recall the grave international crises which could not have been settled without the moral force and effective action of the United Nations? And what of this world platform which each one of us, whether the countries we represent are great or small, is immensely privileged to be able to ascend in order to proclaim his ideas and argue his case? 159. Moreover, who can deny that the United Nations resolutions, which are not binding and are sometimes too colourless, for reasons of which we are all aware, exert great political and moral influence? Who can deny that these resolutions are receiving increasing attention, even from those who refuse to comply with their recommendations? This proves that the General Assembly has become the instrument par excellence by which world public opinion can express itself and exert pressures - strong or weak, according to circumstances - upon international policies. That is no small achievement. Obviously, much remains for us to do. We must continue to build, for the foundations are there and they are sound. 160. The development of technology enjoins upon us an international life in common. For our grandparents, the world, the globe, was a more or less abstract political concept. What they thought of in practice was the region. For our fathers, this same world was an emerging political concept-which grew, however, side by side with the all-powerful concept of the enlarged region, that is, the continent. In our day, the rapid development of technology has led to the predominance of the political concept of "world" over that of "region". The regional is increasingly determined by the universal. A grave crisis in a region - especially if that region is sensitive and important - can overnight become a grave crisis involving the whole world. 161. This is a new reality which calls for new political methods and concepts. In the United Nations, the world is no longer an abstraction: it has become a living reality. Henceforth even problems of an apparently regional nature will take on a universal aspect. Plans are made, projects are prepared, the point is reached at which action is about to be taken " yet more and more the question is asked: "What will the world say? What will the United Nations say?" 162. All this is highly encouraging, but it is not enough. We are in the midst of an evolving situation, and we ourselves must develop and constantly adapt ourselves in order to be able to meet the circumstances. We are therefore faced with the question of how we can make our Organization even more effective. I shall deal with that question very briefly. I shall not repeat that, above all, the principles of our Charter must be applied and respected and that it is not enough merely to praise them; nor shall I indulge in generalities. I shall confine myself to drawing your attention to one question which in my opinion is of great practical interest. I was very glad to see that its importance was brought out in the excellent introduction to the Secretary-General’s annual report [A/3594/Add.1]. 163. I take this opportunity to perform the pleasant duty of paying a tribute to Mr. Hammarskjold for the incalculable services he has rendered the United Nations and the cause of world peace. We have only to recall his contribution during the great Suez crisis in order to understand fully how much we all owe him. Consequently I was happy to learn this morning that the Security Council will propose his reappointment as Secretary-General, and I offer him my warm congratulations. I am sure that the General Assembly will unanimously confirm that appointment. 164. It was Mr. Hammarskjold who, at a very serious moment, contrived within less than forty-eight hours to put into effect the resolutions of the General Assembly concerning the establishment of the United Nations Emergency Force. The whole world knows the part that Force played in the peaceful settlement of the great Suez crisis. It made possible the withdrawal of the troops of the belligerents and the application of the recommendations of the General Assembly at a moment of dramatic importance for the future of international life. 165. The United Nations Emergency Force has no precedent in history. From now onwards we have a precedent; would it not be useful to turn it to account for the future and to consider the adoption, in a permanent form, of a procedure which has already proved its merit? I am convinced that it would be. I do not think that this is of interest only to the small countries, which naturally favour any reinforcement of international law; it is of equal importance to the great Powers, for the danger of anatomic war lies not so much in the possibility of premeditated atomic aggression as in the outbreak of a more or less limited conflict, which might spread and set the world ablaze. Only a spark is needed to ignite the powder-keg; and the spark is more easily produced by the sharpness of local conflicts than by ideological or other antagonisms which are expressed on a broader scale. 166. It is therefore natural that the United Nations should be furnished with adequate means to act at any danger point. The precedent of the creation of the emergency Force will henceforth take its place as one of the most effective weapons in the arsenal of the United Nations, under the Charter, for the preservation of peace. We consider that it would be extremely useful to make a detailed study of all the aspects of this precedent in order to make it easier of application in any similar circumstances in the future. 167. We think that this study should be made by the General Assembly itself. It is not a theoretical study that is required here; it is a matter of establishing practical formulae of application. Hence it is natural that the task should be undertaken under the supervision and responsibility of the General Assembly itself, in order that all the delegations may be able to contribute and to express their views. 168. I shall merely say that the juridical basis of such United Nations forces might remain as it is now, namely, that they could not be used except with the consent of the countries concerned and the General Assembly. But we could also consider broader possibilities for the use of an emergency force. The idea would be to provide the United Nations with a fire-brigade, if I may call it that, ready to extinguish a fire wherever it broke out. 169. To extinguish the fire is far more important for world peace than to seek out and to condemn the incendiary. The texture and sequence of events are sometimes so closely knit that it is not always possible objectively to establish responsibility; and even if it is possible, it is likely to be too late. What is important above all is to localize, stop and quench the fire; in a word, to avert a general catastrophe. 170. Moreover, I believe that the existence of a United Nations force would have a, preventive effect. Situations are sometimes created for the sole purpose of turning them to advantage. Sometimes adventures are embarked upon in the hope that there will be time for the successful pursuit of some unavowed political objective. And sometimes undemocratic calculations related to internal politics - and who can claim never to have witnessed such things? - lead to dangerous trends, to provocation and even to ill-considered action. If the United Nations is in a position to deal effectively and promptly with all those who try to play with fire, this may well have a salutary preventive effect. 171. In this connexion, I should like to say that I was very happy to hear the Canadian representative expressing similar views on this subject in his able address during this general debate [683rd meeting]. 172. Speaking of the possible improvement of the United Nations, I should add that universality is indeed the aim that we should continue to pursue in the future. 173. It is for this reason that my country welcomes the recent creation of new States and the fact that they have become Members of the United Nations. Some days ago we expressed our pleasure at the admission of the Federation of Malaya and we have been happy to note that Ghana, which was admitted less than a year earlier, has already made a constructive and valuable contribution to the work of this Assembly. As the representative of a country that for the past four years has been upholding the cause of a civilized people seeking to free themselves from the yoke of colonialism, I am especially happy to congratulate these two valiant nations on the new-found independence. 174. As the two countries I have just referred to were until lately under the control of the Colonial Office in London, I find no difficulty in paying a tribute, as they themselves have done, to the United Kingdom for having satisfied the aspirations of their peoples. But in so doing, I cannot but express our bitterness and astonishment that the United Kingdom should pursue a completely different policy in its dealings with Cyprus. 175. Although I have resolved not to talk about Cyprus today, I do not think I can ignore the situation in an area which is near to that lovely but unhappy island and near also to my own country: I refer to the Middle East. 176. It is entirely proper that in this general debate several speakers should have discussed the Middle East at some length. That area of the world is one whose internal stresses are causing profound concern far beyond its frontiers. 177. Because the Middle East is a meeting-place of the most diverse religions and ideologies, as well as a junction of three continents and world shipping lanes, it has always been one of the nerve-centres of the world. It has become even more important in recent years, especially since the time when it was recognized as a centre for the production and distribution of a large part of the oil consumed by the world in the development of its economic life. This explains why we all are and always have been deeply concerned in the maintenance of peace in the Middle East. 178. In the past, in order to safeguard the peace, the countries most immediately concerned, and particularly the great Powers, tried to occupy the Middle East by force or at least to impose themselves by winning the friendship of local potentates. Since the time of the Great King of Persia and Alexander the Great, this has occurred time and time again. 179. The relics of this mentality are at the root of the present uneasiness in that crucial area, for they provoke reactions locally and more widespread reactions elsewhere. Unfortunately, the importance of a basic psychological factor, on which all Middle East policies should be based, is not realized. 180. The geographic and human core of the area is the Arab world, and it should be realized that the Arab world is no longer what it was some decades ago. Some traces of the past are still to be found, but the basic characteristic of the area today is the birth, the full consciousness and the pride of its nationalism. This pan-Arab nationalism burns with a single flame from Casablanca to the Persian Gulf whenever questions of common concern to all Arabs arise. At least two of these questions are known to us here. And where the component parts of the nation are more closely knit and more homogeneous, the nationalism is more specific and hence much stronger. 181. At all events, we are confronted with a radical change in the attitude of these peoples. Although they are young nations, they know that at some time or another in history their ancestors occupied the place that other great nations have held in the moral and material leadership of the world. The élite among these young nations springs from the people and indeed often is the people; for this reason they will not suffer their brothers to live in worse conditions than do the peoples of other countries. These countries are young and economically under-developed, as are most of us in that area, and hence they aspire to economic development more earnestly than do the developed countries. Their national susceptibilities are more acute than those of peoples who have a long established tradition of independence and sovereignty that is respected by all. 182. If we fail to take account of these changes and of the actual situation, we cannot deal with the problems of the Middle East realistically. These are no mere words. I believe that therein lies the very substance, the very conditions, of an entire policy. 183. The failure to recognize a single one of these factors in its true light would upset all political calculations in the area. To propose or to apply, for example, a policy materially useful and just, but to do so in a manner offensive to the pride of these fine peoples, would be tantamount to adopting a policy that was doomed to failure. 184. Let us take a more specific example, which in a somewhat different context concerns one of these countries. Whoever reflects upon the destiny of Egypt and its political situation, cannot fail to consider the problem of living standards in that country. Egypt is an essentially agricultural country, and while its arable area remains constant, the population has doubled in the last thirty years. What Egyptian Government, whether of the extreme right or the extreme left or of the best democratic type, could take action in other fields without relating it to the fearful problems raised by this determining factor, which affects the very existence of its people? 185. I do not propose to go into detail, but I must draw attention to some general considerations which it would really be too dangerous to ignore. Greece lies close to the Arab world. If it is true that the sea, the first and foremost means of communication, brings together the peoples that it divides, the Mediterranean has united us to the Arabs for the last 3,000 years. Some of the characteristics of the Greek people, that of the seafarer, the merchant, the emigrant who fraternizes with those among whom he lives - and there are some tens of thousands of them in those parts - have further strengthened our bonds with the Arab peoples. We therefore believe that we know them well. 186. We feel that experience has taught us that nothing of any lasting or beneficial effect can be done in the Middle East so long as the two basic aspects of the problem are not taken into consideration: First, co-operation to raise the low level of living, even if this entails certain sacrifices for the more developed countries; and, secondly, full respect for the independence and national dignity of the Arab peoples. 187. It should not be difficult to meet these conditions, which are in conformity with the principles of our Charter. Among those principles, which, we must admit, we are always proclaiming but we do not always apply, that of the self-determination of peoples in the master principle which should guide us along the road of justice and peace, to borrow the expression used by the Irish Foreign Minister in his brilliant speech during this debate [682nd meeting]. Now, more than ever, we must be faithful to our principles, for the rapid rate of technical progress opens to us two very different paths. 188. One is the path of destruction. It is hardly necessary to occupy a responsible position in the world to know that the wholesale destruction of towns and areas is now possible and that there are no real political safeguards to avert the danger. The only really valid safeguard would be sincere and complete respect for the principles of the Charter. If these principles were applied, the discussions on disarmament, which are followed with such anxiety by the whole human race, would be crowned with success. In the absence of the full application of those principles, the fears of the human race and the hopes of the smaller countries would not be enough to avert catastrophe. Destruction could still be brought about by selfish interests, miscalculations or unpredictable accidents. 189. There is, however, a second path opened up for us by the great advance in technical knowledge. In all fields, science has progressed to an extent undreamed of by previous generations. Each day more and more of the riches of nature are placed at man’s disposal; each day they are employed more scientifically and usefully. As if that were not enough, for the first time in the history of mankind the vast energy inherent in inert matter has been liberated and harnessed to the will of man. 190. By paying complete respect to the rules of law and morality, we can block the road to destruction and follow the road to prosperity. The day may not be too far distant when that road will make all the riches of nature available to man, without distinction of colour, race and creed. But if we are to travel this road, we need the true and sincere safeguard of our principles Let us therefore return to our principles; let us return to them not in word but indeed.