Mr. President, I should like first of all to congratulate you, on behalf of the Yugoslav delegation, on your election to the high office of President of the General Assembly.
53. At the time of our meeting this year, the international situation is, on the whole, better than it was at the eleventh session. Nevertheless the world is still in a state of acute tension and we still have much cause for anxiety. I do not think there is any need to analyse the present situation. I believe we are all more or less agreed on that. Henceforward, what we have to do now is not so much to analyse it as to see what remedies can be devised.
54. In our opinion the dominant characteristic of the present situation is that the world is still divided into hostile blocs, and specifically into military blocs. This division is still the salient feature of international relations. In most cases, policies and approaches reflect this state of affairs. I think nobody disputes this fact. It is not so important now to consider when and how these blocs were formed. For our part, we are inclined to the view that they are the result of the policy of spheres of influence which characterized the post-war period. I feel that few of us could now deny that the division of the world into blocs is an evil. Some may think it a necessary evil but that is the best that can be said. Few of us can still believe that this system of blocks will lead to a settlement of outstanding international problems. On the contrary, it is perfectly obvious that their very existence henceforward constitutes the greatest obstacle to any such settlement. It is hardly conceivable that any of the great Powers would knowingly start a world war. As for the local wars, or so-called “limited” wars, which we hear about from time to time, calling them so in present circumstances can only be a tragic contradiction in terms. The considerations of defence which are still brought forward to justify the existence of military blocs therefore strike most of us as an argument which is becoming less and less convincing.
55. Because of the obvious danger implicit in the continued existence of such groups, the concept of a defensive alliance has lost much of its old force and so should now be superseded by an effective system of collective security. The nations are running a great risk: the policy of which these blocs are both an expression and an instrument may, notwithstanding all intentions to the contrary and by the working of a kind of internal logic, create a situation where war would threaten all nations with extinction. Superimposing ideological considerations on the system of blocs is bound, of course, to accentuate existing schisms.
56. The policy which is the logical outcome of a system based on positions of Strength which are created by the accumulation of armaments and the establishment of a world-wide network of military bases is really the result of the cold war, which it tends to perpetuate. Obviously, if distrust and doubt are the guiding principles of international life, they will considerably accentuate all the differences and make the solution of international problems much more difficult. This is certainly not the way to achieve constructive results.
57. That is why, in our opinion, the policy of a State cannot be appraised according to professions of faith or statements of Ideology. It must be appraised according to the extent to which such policy really promotes the principles of independence, non-interference in the internal affairs of other States and international co-operation based on the equality of all countries. It must be judged by the extent to which it really helps to overcome existing disagreements, remove barriers, promote confidence and settle disputes by conciliation rather than on the basis of force.
58. It is encouraging to see that an increasing number of countries are adopting this attitude, which is the only realistic one for those who aim at constructive development. There can be no doubt that in this respect the main responsibility rests with the great Powers. Of course, success will depend very largely upon how far they are willing and able to settle their differences by making mutual concessions. This by no means implies that the small States will not have to play a much more important role than they have done in the past, particularly as they should not be concerned with power politics in international problems. These States could be a great help in eliminating present disputes and in encouraging trends towards the establishment of more satisfactory international relations and a more stable peace.
59. The methods and principles which I have tried to outline here are those which Yugoslavia strives consistently to apply in its foreign policy. We have endeavoured to co-operate as fully and actively as possible with every country, whatever its political or social system or ideology. I believe I can say that we have settled the principal questions outstanding between us and all the neighbouring countries and that we have established with them relations of mutual confidence and goodwill. We achieved this result because we did not succumb to suspicion and doubt and strove, in a spirit of greater trust, to make as much progress as possible towards agreement. We have radically improved and consolidated our relations with the Soviet Union and the other countries of Eastern Europe. We have further developed our good relations with the Western countries. We have continued to co-operate closely with what have been called the “uncommitted” countries of Asia and Africa. In doing so, we have, in my opinion, not only acted in our own national interests but have also made the best contribution we could to the cause of peace in general. It was in this spirit that we recently supported the Romanian Government’s initiative with a view to improving relations among the Balkan countries.
60. I now turn from these general considerations to some of the concrete problems before us which will serve, I think, to illustrate some of the remarks I have just made, I should like to begin with the problem of disarmament, which indeed encompasses all the other problems. By disarmament, we mean, of course, progressive and controlled disarmament, covering both conventional and nuclear weapons. There is general agreement on this point despite the sterile discussions which still crop up about which is to come first, control or disarmament, although it is obvious that they must go hand in hand.
61. The work of the Sub-Committee of the Disarmament Commission has ended once more in a stalemate. We trust that this situation, which becomes more alarming with every repetition, will not last. There had been some hopeful signs of agreement on several specific points. Unfortunately, as soon as broader considerations of military strategy were injected into the debate, the areas of disagreement increased and prospects of agreement receded once more.
62. It is becoming increasingly obvious that genuine progress in the field of disarmament will continue to be difficult so long as no parallel effort is made to slacken international tension and improve political, economic and cultural relations between the East and the West and to do away with all forms of restriction and discrimination, of which the policy with regard to China provides an extreme example. In such an atmosphere, the various steps which should be taken to achieve disarmament might be studied strictly on their intrinsic merits, without being conditioned by each other and, above all, without their solution being made dependent on the prior solution of political problems. These problems could then be considered in the light of their effect on the strengthening of peace and not in that of the requirements of a world strategy; of the need to halt, rather than the need to win an advantage in, the armaments race. The trend might even be reversed by maintaining the balance of armaments at a progressively lower level. I do not think that anyone can now maintain that the terrifying destructive force of modern weapons is a guarantee against their use.
63. In due course, my delegation will define its position with regard to the different aspects of the disarmament problem and the proposals which will come before us. We firmly believe that fresh efforts should be made to find an increasing measure of agreement between the two main proposals submitted to the Sub-Committee of the Disarmament Commission and again here in the general debate.
64. There is however one question which I should like to stress immediately: the discontinuance of nuclear tests for military purposes. I hardly need to stress how darkly this question looms on the international horizon and on the whole problem of disarmament. One realizes how urgently necessary it is to solve this problem when one considers that the security and well-being of a large section of mankind are at stake. There is no justification for linking this problem with other questions, particularly with other disarmament measures. The fact that it is sometimes still maintained that the discontinuance of nuclear tests has nothing to do with disarmament is no reason for further postponing a solution.
65. Much of our debate has been devoted, quite naturally, to the situation in the Middle East. This critical region seems once again to be in the grip of acute tension, which places a heavy strain on the peace of the whole world. The tension can hardly be attributable to anything other than the attempts to incorporate this region in the framework of the big military blocs, which have most certainly been prejudicial to the aspirations and interests of the countries of the Middle East. May I remind you that, from the outset, we sounded a warning against the inevitably adverse consequences of such an approach? Unfortunately, events have proved us right.
66. The States of the Middle East should be assisted in their efforts to establish their independence on a sound economic and political basis. The economic interests which other Powers may have in that part of the world can be safeguarded only through co-operation on a basis of equality and mutual respect. Such interests cease to be legitimate when they involve domination or interference.
67. At the present juncture, the situation created by the growing pressure on Syria is particularly disquieting. Certain perfectly normal measures taken by Syria in a field exclusively within its own jurisdiction have been used as a pretext for pressure, on the basis of false charges of alleged aggressive intentions. Syria, like all other countries, is entitled to live in peace and to organize itself in its own way.
68. Similarly, the situation which still persists in Algeria cannot but fill us with the profoundest apprehension. Repression by force of arms is still the policy there and there is, so far, little sign of a cessation of hostilities. However, it should be obvious by now that this problem can be solved only by peaceful means and on an equitable basis acceptable to the parties concerned and by recognizing the Algerian people's right to self-determination. Such a settlement would also serve the true interests of France.
69. I should now like to refer to the very important question of Cyprus and express our hope that, with the goodwill of all concerned, a just solution will soon be reached.
70. I now turn to some economic problems which are the root cause of the general instability of the world and therefore urgently require solution. One of these problems is that, despite the present prosperity of some parts of the world, economic fluctuations are producing an increasingly serious imbalance of the world economy. There is no doubt that this disquieting trend can be corrected only by co-operation, and not by restrictive measures. In our opinion, consultations between governments on the most urgent economic problems, as recommended by the Economic and Social Council [resolution 654 E (XXIV)]. would be an excellent means of promoting economic co-operation within the framework of the United Nations.
71. One of the world's thorniest economic problems is the gap between the developed and the under-developed countries, which is becoming ever larger, for although the under-developed countries are redoubling their efforts to accelerate their economic development, the gulf between them and the developed areas is becoming wider and wider. We are convinced that it is above all the function of the international community to encourage a steadier and more dynamic development of the world economy through fresh international action designed to accelerate the economic development of the under-developed countries.
72. One of the most urgent of these problems is certainly the establishment of a Special United Nations Fund for Economic Development (SUNFED). My delegation hopes that the General Assembly will endorse the recommendation adopted at the twenty-fourth session of the Economic and Social Council concerning the establishment of SUNFED and of a preparatory commission [resolution 662 B (XXIV)].
73. I have not attempted to present an exhaustive statement of my Government’s views on foreign policy. In any case, I think that these views are familiar to you. They are applied in our daily practice, and have been stated on many occasions and in many documents. The problems we have to face are certainly not easy to solve. They can be solved only by means of systematic measures for bettering international relations and strengthening peace. They cannot even be fully understood unless they are studied in relation to this general improvement and the conditions needed for such improvement.
74. It is clearly the mission of the United Nations to play a primary role in carrying out this task. Indeed our Organization is already performing this function. It has helped to reduce the seriousness of the disputes which were tearing the world asunder and has been instrumental in surmounting more than one crisis. Since the United Nations is, in a way, the embodiment and the symbol of the only policy which, at the present juncture, can ensure a stable and lasting peace, it is also the most effective instrument of this policy. In this respect, I feel, the General Assembly has an essential task to perform. I need hardly add, in conclusion, that in the discharge of these functions the United Nations will have my country's full and wholehearted support.