150. Madam President, it is a privilege to convey to you
our sincere congratulations upon your election
to the highest office of this Assembly. In our forthcoming
deliberations we will be fortunate indeed to be
guided by a President who, through her long association
with the United Nations and international relations, has
acquired great experience and a deep insight into the
problems and procedures of our Organization.
151. It is also a great personal pleasure for me to express
once again the sincere appreciation of my Government to
our distinguished Secretary-General, U Thant, for the
outstanding devotion and ability with which he has continued
to work for the community of nations and the cause of
world peace.
152. At the same time, it is my sad duty to pay tribute to
the memory of our past president, the late Mr. Arenales,
the Foreign Minister of Guatemala. Like other speakers
who have preceded me on this rostrum, I wish to express
not only our feelings of mourning but also our high esteem
for a man who served the United Nations with such
distinction and courage.
153. The establishment of the United Nations coincided
with an event of far-reaching consequences: the inauguration
of the nuclear age. Ever since, atomic energy, in the
form of nuclear weapons, has presented the greatest danger
to mankind, and, in the shape of nuclear power for peaceful
purposes, has represented mankind’s major hope for development
and prosperity.
154. When we celebrate the Organization’s twenty-fifth
anniversary next year we will have witnessed another
scientific and technical event of the highest magnitude:
man’s entry into outer space. The landing of the American
astronauts on the moon was indeed an achievement of
outstanding significance, not only in the exploration of
outer space but in the entire history of mankind. It has won
universal admiration.
155. This age which those events have inaugurated — the
bridling of nuclear energy and the conquest of outer
space — will have to be one of co-operation. It is to the
credit of our Organization that it has already focused much
of its attention on long-term problems requiring such
co-operation—problems which at this time may perhaps not
be of an immediately explosive character but which
represent potential dangers for the future, unless we
succeed now in agreeing on appropriate rules and regulations
to forestall such a development.
156. If we look at the agenda of the General Assembly, we
detect a considerable number of such items—disarmament,
the peaceful uses of outer space and the ocean floor, the
problems of human environment, the programmes of
economic development, such as the First and Second
Development Decades, with their decisive influence on
future economic and political relations, the elaboration of
international agreements in the field of human rights.
157. The accent of the General Assembly’s work has thus
shifted to a certain degree from the old issues of confrontation
to items requiring at least co-ordination of policy.
From this co-ordination we must now advance to real
co-operation — and this I firmly believe will be the central
point on which the efforts of this Organization will have to
focus during the years to come.
158. In that context the problem of disarmament assumes
particular importance. There have been few questions
which over so many years have been marked by so much
hope and such deep disillusionment, by such devoted effort
and by such limited concrete results. Last year, at long last,
we were able to achieve a significant breakthrough with the
elaboration and endorsement by the General Assembly of
the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons
[resolution 2373 (XXII)]. From the beginning we supported
the conclusion of such a Treaty. Austria has signed
and ratified it. Although we recognize that the Treaty is by
no means perfect and does not as yet establish a true
balance of obligations between the nuclear and the non-nuclear
countries, it is our conviction that its conclusion
was in the interest of all nations. It is therefore a matter of
real regret to us that the Treaty has not yet entered into
force. We are disappointed that the two major nuclear
Powers, which were so active in its final elaboration, have
so far not ratified it.
159. To accelerate further progress in the field of disarmament,
the General Assembly last year urged the Governments
of the USSR and the United States to enter, at an
early date, into bilateral discussions on the limitation of
strategic weapons. We regret that these negotiations have so
far not taken place. Perhaps our present session will provide
a suitable opportunity of initiating these long-delayed
conversations and thus, at long last, give impetus to a
de-escalation of the armaments race.
160. There are other issues of the disarmament problem
which are no less urgent than the ones I have already
referred to. The Conference of the Committee on Disarmament
at Geneva is continuing its efforts to elaborate a
treaty banning underground nuclear-weapon tests, as well as
its work on the prohibition of chemical and bacteriological
weapons and the demilitarization of the sea-bed. Various
proposals have been submitted to the Conference and to
this Assembly. We consider an early solution of those
problems to be of particular importance.
161. Interrelated with the problem of disarmament is the
problem of security. Far-reaching proposals on this
question have been made to this Assembly by the Foreign
Minister of the USSR [1756th meeting]. We shall study
them with great care and attention.
162. The increasing international co-operation manifest on
a number of long-term questions is unfortunately violently
contradicted by the continued existence of open confrontations
in many regions of the world.
163. The war in Viet-Nam is continuing. In past years we
have expressed from this rostrum our grave preoccupation
with this military confrontation. Time and again we have
urged the cessation of the hostilities and a political
settlement of the conflict through negotiation. In the light
of those considerations we welcomed the fact that both
sides to the conflict agreed to meet in Paris for negotiations
to end the war. We also welcome the decision of the
Government of the United States to discontinue the
bombing of North Viet-Nam and to reduce the number of
its forces in Viet-Nam as encouraging steps. We hope that
all parties will take further measures to de-escalate the war
and that the process of military de-escalation will gradually
lead to a complete cessation of hostilities and to the
restoration of peace.
164. The conflict in Viet-Nam thus shows at least some
elements which entitle us to have some hope. But at this
time we can, unfortunately, see no encouraging development
in the Middle East. On the contrary, it appears that
over the past year the positions of both sides have only
become more inflexible.
165. In my speech to the General Assembly last year
[1692nd meeting] I expressed the concern of the
Australian Government that belligerency had not come to
an end and that tension along precarious cease-fire lines
persisted. We must note today that, as our Secretary-General
remarked only recently in the introduction to his
annual report [A/7601/Add.1], a virtual state of active war
now exists along much of these cease-fire lines. We had
hoped that the Security Council resolution of 22 November
1967 [242 (1967)] would bring about within a reasonable
period a generally acceptable and lasting solution to the
Middle East crisis. Unfortunately, those hopes have not
been realized. All endeavours inside and outside the United
Nations to produce a settlement have so far failed.
166. Austria, which like other Member States provides
military observers for the United Nations Truce Supervision
Organization, will continue to support all United Nations
efforts to facilitate a peaceful solution. We support the
continuation of the mission entrusted to Ambassador
Jarring. We welcome the efforts by the major Powers and
hope that they will find an appropriate basis on which
Ambassador Jarring’s mission can be successfully completed.
At the same time, however, we must be aware of the
realities of the situation. A lasting solution, we are
convinced, can be achieved only if the nations of the area
have the wisdom and determination to agree to a settlement
of their deep-rooted differences by peaceful means, and if
they have the political will to implement it.
167. The two conflicts which I have mentioned are no
doubt the two most dangerous conflicts at this time. They
are, unfortunately, not the only ones. In several areas of the
world, situations of strife and tension persist and new ones
are constantly coming into existence. Some of these
conflicts may at this time appear less explosive. Yet they all
represent potentially hazardous situations which at any
time could develop into larger confrontations. There is
hardly a major region of the world where unrest and
conflict have not flared up.
168. The civil war in Nigeria is continuing into its third
year. We know how much suffering has already been caused
by this unfortunate conflict. We must feel involved in the
humanitarian aspects of the tragedy. We appeal to both
sides to remove all obstacles in the path of international
efforts to bring relief and aid to the starving and wounded,
regardless of the side to which they belong. We hope that
the latest appeal of the Organization of African Unity will
have positive results and that its conciliatory efforts to
bring about an end to the hostilities will be continued.
169. With regard to the problems of southern Africa, we
can only express our distress that since last year’s session of
the General Assembly this complex and difficult issue has
not come any nearer to a solution.
170. The course taken by Southern Rhodesia will lead
almost certainly to a further aggravation of the confrontation
between world opinion, as represented by this Organisation,
and the régime in the Territory, which persists in
depriving the majority of the population of their inalienable
political rights. We support the decisions which the Security
Council has taken on the subject and note that the problem
is still before the Council.
171. In Namibia the South African authorities continue to
refuse to implement the decisions of the United Nations.
We cannot but deplore this. Like any other nation, the
people of Namibia must be given the right freely to
determine their own future.
172. In South Africa the Government, ignoring the relevant
resolutions of the United Nations concerning its policy
of apartheid, has shown no sign of compromise and
continues its discriminatory policies. The Austrian Government
has time and again expressed its rejection of the
concept of apartheid — as indeed its rejection of any political
concept based on racial, religious or ethnic discrimination. I
wish. to reiterate this position now in the strongest possible
terms.
173. Thus there exists a striking discrepancy between the
purposes and goals of the United Nations and the present
international situation. This situation, as our Secretary-General
stressed recently in the introduction to his annual
report [A/7601/Add.1] , has deteriorated further during the
past year. We can regret this fact, but we must recognize it.
In our opinion, it underlines the imperative need for
co-operation between all nations, irrespective of their
political and social systems; it is necessary on all levels,
world-wide, regional and bilateral.
174. To foster such co-operation is indeed in line with the
policy of a neutral country. Austria, ever since it re-entered
the international scene in 1955 as a fully sovereign and
permanently neutral State, has considered — as it will continue
to consider — as one of the main objectives of its
foreign policy the active promotion of peace, stability and
co-operation, particularly in Central Europe, of which it is a
part.
175. We have made continuous efforts to settle all
problems with all our neighbouring countries through
negotiations. In this connexion I should like to report to
the Assembly on the developments in the question of South
Tyrol during the past year. The Assembly will recall that
the question was dealt with in resolutions 1497 (XV) and
1661 (XVI). In those resolutions the General Assembly at
the time urged Austria and Italy to resume negotiations
with a view to finding a solution to all differences relating
to the implementation of the Paris Agreement of
5 September 1946. The Agreement deals, as is well known,
with the status of the German-speaking population of the
Province of Bolzen.
176. Last year I reported to the General Assembly on the
two principal aspects of the problem [1692nd meeting].
The substantive aspect concerns the content of the legislative
and administrative measures to be taken by Italy for
the purpose of granting to the German-speaking population
of the Province that amount of autonomous authority
necessary to safeguard the ethnical, economic and cultural
development of the South Tyrolean ethnic group. The
procedural aspect consists in the necessity of finding a
system which will ensure the effective implementation of
the above-mentioned measures for South Tyrol. In a series
of meetings, at the expert level, it was possible to reach an
understanding on a procedure designed to ensure the
implementation of the measures envisaged, without prejudice
to the respective juridical positions of the two countries.
177. As to the substantive aspect of the problem, I
declared at last year’s session of the General Assembly that
there existed basic agreement on the content of the
envisaged autonomy. Differences of opinion have emerged,
however, with regard to a number of specific provisions of
the measures to be taken for South Tyrol. Thorough efforts
have been required to arrive at the necessary interpretations
and precise definitions of these differences.
178. The Italian side has now formally made known its
position on these unresolved questions. It will be the
subject of careful examination, in view of the decisions to
be taken on the political level. Obviously the solution as
now envisaged can be acceptable to the Austrian Government
only if the elected representatives of the minority, in
their competent political organs, regard the proposed new
autonomy as sufficient and if they accept the substance as
well as the procedure of the settlement.
179. For the further development of the problem a
constructive approach by all the parties concerned will be
of decisive importance. Austria surely will not fail to do its
part in this respect. We trust that the Italian Government
will also make the contribution necessary for the termination
of the dispute between our two countries.
180. Equally, it has been our consistent policy to resolve
through negotiations all problems between Austria and its
Eastern European neighbours and to achieve and maintain
friendly relations with all of them. Let me emphasize,
however, that the peaceful co-operation for which, despite
recent setbacks, we are all striving can be achieved only if
all States respect the principles of the United Nations
Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the
rule of international law, and the sovereignty, integrity and
independence of all nations. Only if all States adhere to
those principles can there be hope for a new era of
international co-operation.
181. In that connexion the idea of holding a conference
on questions of security problems affecting the whole of
Europe could become of great importance. My Government
has therefore given a favourable reply to the recent
initiative taken by the Government of Finland.
182. Europe has suffered throughout history from the
lack of unity between its nations and the unending conflicts
resulting from it. The challenge of our time and of our
future is indeed great. The technical revolution in the age of
nuclear energy and the exploration of outer space, the
economic and social evolution of the vast developing areas
of our world, the maintenance of peace and security in the
age of nuclear weapons are tasks which will require the full
contribution of all nations, and not least the nations of
Europe.
183. I should like to voice the hope that at this hour the
nations of Europe will be aware of their responsibilities and
opportunities, that they will be able to overcome the
barriers of ideology and different political systems and find
the common ground on which a policy of co-operation can
be based. It is our firm conviction that this will not only be
in the interest of the peoples of Europe, but indeed serve
the interests of all nations and further the purposes for
which this world Organization was created. Austria pledged
its full contribution to that effort.