156. All the speakers who
have preceded me to this rostrum have extended to the
President of the twenty-fourth session of the General
Assembly their congratulations on her election to this high
office. We fully endorse the tributes which have been paid
to her, and I wish to express my Government’s and my
delegation’s sincere wishes for complete success in the
performance of her most difficult task. We also associate
ourselves with the highly deserved eulogies which have been
paid to the memory of her predecessor, the late Emilio
Arenales, our dear friend and colleague, whose untimely
death has not only deprived Guatemala of a great statesman
but also deprives the United Nations and the cause of peace
of a dedicated servant, Before I proceed any further, I wish
to express once again to the Secretary-General, U Thant,
our appreciation and our admiration of the wisdom,
patience and ability with which he carries his heavy burden
in the pursuit of the objectives of the United Nations in all
the fields of its activity.
157. On a previous occasion in this Assembly [1585th
meeting], I dwelt on the merits and the usefulness of this
general debate, which has at times been questioned. I then
reached the conclusion that, despite their apparent theoretical
character, these debates are useful. I am still firmly of
this view. Whether we speak for the record or not, whether
we always mean what we say, whether we are all prepared
to put into practice what we profess to believe in, the fact
remains that we all feel the necessity of appearing before
the world as upholders of the Charter and of the declarations
of the United Nations as dedicated servants of peace
and as advocates of what is right and just. This in itself is of
significance because it clearly implies that we cannot appear
before the world as supporters of any different concepts or
values. This is expected of us, but this is not all that is
expected of us. For “words are not a substitute for hard
deeds, and noble rhetoric is no guarantee of noble results”
[1755th meeting, para. 45], as President Nixon said recently
in this Assembly.
158. When we are in the process of preparing our
statements for this debate, what we usually do first is to try
to recollect what we have said and what others have said in
previous years. This is an understandable effort on our part
to find a way to avoid repeating ourselves as far as possible
and whenever non-repetition does not bring us into conflict
with the principles, the ideals and the objectives which we
are indeed expected to repeat and reaffirm. What we try to
do — although we find it impossible to succeed, especially in
the absence of any major developments or significant
changes in the period that has elapsed since our previous
debate — is not to repeat ourselves when dealing with the
international situation and the various issues and problems
which compose it. We repeat ourselves, for the noble
rhetoric of the past has not, in most cases, been transformed
into noble results.
159. A main characteristic of this year’s debate which is
about to be concluded has been the absence of acrimonious
polemics, but at the same time the general tone has again
been one of pessimism, one of frustration, one of anxiety,
and we find it necessary to repeat ourselves in expressing
Our awareness of the dangers which threaten international
peace and security. Yet we do not seem to be prepared to
do what is needed. Wé know where the fault lies; it lies in
the fact that our declarations and our words are not
translated into deeds. We repeat our support for the United
Nations and call for its strengthening because, as we have
often said and admit, our Organization provides the only
hope for humanity. We repeat year after year the necessity
of turning the United Nations into a more effective
instrument for peace. We repeat our enumerations of the
causes for anxiety and the dangers with which we are faced,
and voice the agony of mankind in the light of the
increasingly deteriorating situation in the world.
160. In so doing, we do not overlook any achievements
and never fail to refer to any of the positive developments
in the world, however limited they may be. In fact,
sometimes we do so in such an exaggerated manner that, if
misconstrued, it might give the impression that we believe
we have taken the path leading to peace and prosperity; but
we have not taken this path, despite all the progress that
has been achieved in the various fields. The fact that we
know where this path can be found is not a source of
satisfaction or optimism, since we have not reached it, nor
have we taken it. This is indeed a reason for concern. The
fact that human imagination and ability have made such
amazing progress in science and technology is not a
consolation so long as this progress has not helped man to
resolve some of the small — comparatively speaking — and
meaningless problems which exist on this earth. The
comparison is even greater and the failure is even graver
today in the light of man’s conquest of space. While we hail
such great achievements, we must lament our inability to
find solutions to the problems which endanger our very
existence on our own planet.
161. It is against the background of these thoughts and
realities that once again this year we examine the world
situation which, during the past twelve months, has
continued to worsen, as was stated at the outset by the
Secretary-General in his introduction to the annual report
[A/7601/Add.1], and as indeed is the case. No improvement
on any of the most vital issues and problems has taken place.
162. One of the most important questions, an issue of
world-wide significance, of concern to the whole of
humanity and relating to its very existence and its very
survival is that of disarmament. Not only has there been no
progress towards disarmament, but even some of the
progress which was achieved in past years has lost most of
its value since in the meantime the arms race and the
production and piling up of nuclear weapons have become
faster and more dangerous than ever.
163. We were all — big and small — jubilant when the test-ban
Treaty of Moscow was signed. We thought that that
was not only the starting point of the total prohibition of
nuclear tests, but also the beginning of a most promising
process towards achieving the goal of the United
Nations — the goal set by the self-preservation instinct of
humanity — that of general and complete disarmament.
Later on, when the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of
Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII)] was concluded,
this was again welcomed as a step of some significance in
the same right direction.
164. What is the situation now? The piling up of nuclear
armaments continues at a fast pace and new types of
nuclear and other weapons are invented and produced.
What is the purpose and what would be the consequences
of this competition in the light of the realities of today,
which those who are primarily involved in that race are the
first to admit readily on every occasion, and which have so
aptly been stressed by the Secretary-General in the introduction
to his annual report? I quote his words:
“The notion of ‘superiority’ in such a race is an illusion,
as that notion can only lead to an endless competition in
which each side steps up its nuclear capabilities in an
effort to match, or exceed, the other side until the race
ends in unmitigated disaster for all. As the spiral of the
nuclear arms race goes up, the spiral of security goes
down” [A/7601/Add.1, para. 28].
165. In the atmosphere of disappointment and frustration
which prevailed a new ray of hope appeared on the horizon
when it became known that the two super-Powers were
about to begin talks on the limitation and reduction of
nuclear weapons, This welcome development gave rise to a
sigh of relief. Although these talks were expected to start
some time in the summer, they have not yet started. We
join with all others, and with the Secretary-General in
particular, in calling for the early commencement of these
talks in the hope that some of the progress which is so
urgently required can be made.
166. Whether in the United Nations, or in the Conference
of the Committee on Disarmament in Geneva, or on a
multilateral or a bilateral basis, every endeavour should be
made to achieve some headway, not only in the prevention
of the arms race with relation to the sea-bed and the ocean
floor, not only in the prohibition of the production of
chemical and bacteriological weapons or in the extension of
the test-ban Treaty to include underground tests, and not
only because of the very valid considerations of which we
have been reminded by the Secretary-General in relation to
the economic and social consequences of disarmament, but
in opening at long last the door towards putting an end to
the arms race and towards general and complete disarmament,
which must remain the ultimate goal. Prompt
measures for arms control are now absolutely necessary to
prevent a further escalation of the arms race and meet the
growing danger from the development of new weapons.
167. The prohibition of chemical and biological warfare,
already long delayed, ought not to be further postponed. It
is unthinkable that enormous stocks of the most virulent
germs are being accumulated and stored for intended use
against the health and very existence of the human race.
Progress towards general and complete disarmament, on the
other hand, to be meaningful and realistically attainable
will have to be accompanied, if not preceded, by an
international security system organized through the United
Nations, on which all countries can rely for their security.
Nothing has been done in this direction, although the
maintenance of peace by the United Nations is the first and
primary duty of this Organization under the Charter. Even
the peace-keeping functions of the United Nations are still
in the stage of last-minute improvised methods.
168. It is time to make a truly determined effort to
achieve agreement on an organized system of United
Nations peace-keeping, which might form a basic element
of an international security arrangement. We, the small
countries whose freedom and security depend on international
security through the United Nations, must join our
efforts in strengthening the Organization as an instrument
of peace and security in the world. The survival of
humanity is at stake and will continue to be more
dangerously at stake — let us not forget that wars and
destruction were not the result of reason and common
sense — as long as the arms race goes on, especially in the
midst of so many grave sources of conflict that exist in
every corner of the globe. The peace-making role of the
United Nations in bringing about peaceful solutions to
these problems has to be developed and greater use should
also be made of the good offices of the Secretary-General
who, under the Charter, has full authority and discretion
exercise them, as he himself pertinently pointed out in the
introduction to his annual report [ibid., paras. 176 toI79].
169. It is true that the fate of mankind is to a large extent
in the hands of the great Powers. We are among those who
believe that it should not be so. We are among those who
believe that the fate of all, big and small, should be
entrusted to the United Nations as envisaged by those who,
after the Second World War, brought our Organization into
being 25 years ago for this very purpose and in response to
the strong wish and demand of a suffering humanity for
peace and security, for justice and freedom, for human
survival and human dignity. However, we have to admit
that that is not yet the case and we have to acknowledge
the realities with which we are still bound, namely, that the
great issues, at least, of peace and war, of freedom and
justice depend on and lie to a greater or lesser degree within
the limits of the willingness or the unwillingness of the
great Powers to do or not to do their duty and discharge
their obligations. This is a most unhealthy situation but at
the same time a real one. We are among those who disagree
with the concept of “the spheres of influence” or “the
spheres of control” and we are always ready to co-operate
with anyone in opposing any such concept. We are very
small. We cannot pretend that, on our own, we are in a
position to influence the course of developments in the
world. However, we, the small countries, all together within
the United Nations, by concerted action can achieve a great
deal. At least we can, constantly and jointly, keep
reminding the great Powers what is expected of them and
of their responsibilities which are inherent in their greatness
and in their strength, namely, to avert a disaster by
abandoning dangerous and outdated policies and approaches
and by endorsing and pursuing in a meaningful
manner the objectives of the United Nations. This in the
end would be in their own interests also and would secure
their own survival as well.
170. I wish to state, as I did in previous years, that if we
refer to some of the problems existing in the world it does
not mean that we wish to ignore or reduce the importance
of others to which we do not refer. If we avoid dealing with
all, apart from time considerations, it is also for the purpose
of laying emphasis on those to which we refer.
171. In Europe, where the division of the world into
sheres of influence was so much felt and emphasized last
year, the situation continues to be, as always, a reflection
of the over-all world situation. Despite any setbacks and
other negative developments, the effort to achieve a real
detente in Europe must be revived in a more determined
way. Without closing our eyes to the realities of the present
situation with regard to the division of Germany and to
Berlin — in the political, social and economic fields — it surely
cannot be forgotten that despite earlier and recent serious
and responsible efforts to reduce the tension and minimize
the dangers, in the light, as a matter of fact, of these very
realities, this situation has all along been the main source of
conflict and the main point of confrontation between the
two ideologically, politically and militarily opposing sides
in Europe. The division of countries, not only in Europe
but everywhere, has failed to provide a satisfactory answer
to the problems involved; on the contrary, if anything, it
has added new problems which present a continuous
potential danger to peace. This is also a reality that cannot
be ignored.
172. In Africa, where the policy of racial discrimination
id apartheid is mostly practised — in South Africa, in
Namibia and in Rhodesia — no progress has been made in
putting an end to these intolerable situations which
constitute not only a moral, legal crime and a human drama
but also a constant threat to peace. How long is the United
Nations going to be unable to deal effectively with these
problems? How long will those who are primarily responsible
continue to refuse to do something about them
despite the world-wide outcry? Does anyone really believe
that the world can live with these problems for ever, as
most of us have had occasion to indicate previously,
without paying a very high price in the end? On the same
continent the process of decolonization has not yet been
completed, and there are Territories — of course, elsewhere
too, but mainly in Africa — which are still under the colonial
yoke. Decolonization has been one of the fields in which
very important progress indeed has been made in our era
and in the United Nations. However, it will not be an
achievement in the long run if this process is not completed.
It is very discouraging and frustrating that we find
ourselves obliged to repeat ourselves on these issues year
after year.
173. Let us hope that the justified warning and the
determination of the Organization of African Unity, as
conveyed to us a few hours ago so clearly and in such
unmistakable terms by the President of the Federal
Republic of Cameroon, to seek an end to colonialism and
racism will create a new momentum in the United Nations
towards achieving our common goals.
174. In Africa, another human tragedy which has gone on
for some time, has not yet ended. I am speaking of Nigeria.
This problem should also be speedily solved in a spirit of
conciliation, for, apart from its grave humanitarian aspect,
many and dangerous political consequences may ensue if
peace is not secured as a matter of urgency.
175. Unfortunately we cannot do other than repeat
ourselves on the war which goes on in Viet-Nam—repeat our
views, our hopes, our wishes. In Asia there are other
problems too, but all of these have been overshadowed in
the past few years by what has been going on in Viet-Nam.
The bombing of North Viet-Nam has ceased. This was a
welcome and promising development. The United States
announced the withdrawal of some troops, which even as a
symbolic move should not be dismissed lightheartedly,
especially in the light of the declared objective of further
withdrawals. The talks in Paris, despite the original procedural
difficulties, did start and have been going on for
some time. All these are positive elements. Unfortunately,
there has been no progress yet on any matters of substance.
The war goes on, and so does human suffering; and the loss
of life continues. Surely it cannot continue indefinitely;
and we express again the same hope we expressed last year
and the year before, that the war may end soon and that
progress in that direction should be speedily achieved in the
Paris talks, so that the people of Viet-Nam, of the South
and of the North, may be allowed in peace and freedom to
determine their destiny, without outside interference from
any side.
176. In Latin America too there are problems. Parts of
this continent have been in turmoil for too long. Problems
arising either out of conflicts between States or out of
other reasons and sources await solutions.
177. If you look at a map of the world, you will reach the
conclusion that the trouble spots have increased rather than
decreased and that some of those which have been in
existence for some time have become more dangerous as
time has gone by. This is a lesson that can be learned from
those problems which for the time being do not present an
imminent danger and which to some people appear to have
lost their significance and to have ceased to present a
potential threat to peace.
178. As is natural, the Middle East situation is of
particular concern to us, since we are geographically so
close to the scene of this drama. Although we are not
involved in the conflict we feel and clearly sense the
possibilities for a wider conflict if it is not controlled now,
as a matter of urgency. It is no longer just another perennial
issue before the Assembly, as it was so wrongly considered
to be by some before 1967. It is now a war in the full sense
of the word. It is a war, out of which only a greater war can
erupt if a solution securing peace is not speedily reached.
The underlying issues of the Middle East situation are well
known to this Assembly and so is the whole background. It
is a problem that has been with the United Nations from its
very creation. Our views on the merits of the various issues
involved, on what the problem was before the 1967 war
and on what the problem is now as a result of the 1967 war
are well known and are on record; it is perhaps not
necessary to repeat them. What we do wish to repeat is that
in our view the Security Council in its resolution
242 (1967) of 22 November 1967 provided the answer in
the circumstances and in the face of the present realities.
That resolution contains many elements, the application of
all of which is important if an over-all solution is to be
reached. The withdrawal of the troops from the occupied
territories is of course of paramount importance. No
one — and least of all the United Nations — can justify in any
circumstances whatsoever the retention of territories
occupied as a result of war for bargaining or other purposes.
The other elements of that resolution too will have to be
implemented if peace is to be secured. Our position has
been very clear from the beginning. We have been supporting
the implementation of the Security Council resolution
and the mission of Ambassador Jarring, the representative
of the Secretary-General. We were honoured and
happy that Ambassador Jarring chose Cyprus to establish
his headquarters. We have in the past, we do now and we
shall in the future extend to him any facilities and any
assistance that he may require in pursuing his mission. We
believe that Ambassador Jarring’s mission should continue
and everything must be done, especially on the part of the
great Powers, to support and strengthen it. The initiative of
France in calling upon the three other great Powers to
co-operate with it in their capacity as permanent members
of the Security Council is a most constructive and
praiseworthy initiative in every respect. Whether the effort
will now continue between the Soviet Union and the
United States or whether it will be on the original
four-Power basis, the effort must go on, and the services of
Ambassador Jarring should more usefully be utilized by all
concerned. The Middle East situation is a continuous threat
to international peace. The continuation of the hostilities
will not solve any problem. Battles can be won but the war
cannot be won. The only alternative is a peaceful solution.
179. Before my concluding remarks I wish to make some
reference to the Cyprus question. I have nothing much to
report since last year. The situation on the island has
continued to be, on the whole, calm and peaceful. The talks
which started in June 1968 in pursuance of the good offices
and the initiatives of the Secretary-General and to which I
referred in my last year’s statement in this Assembly
[1696th meeting] have continued but it would be misleading
on my part if I were not to say that to our great;
regret no progress of any substance has been achieved in
those talks. Indeed, the differences are very serious despite
the fact that my Government has done its utmost in its
sincere desire to see this effort succeed. However, despite
the lack of progress in the talks, we believe that they must
continue. The peaceful atmosphere to which I have referred
and which should be maintained is always, of course, an
important element in the situation. In that respect I wish to
express once again our appreciation to the United Nations
peace force for its important contribution and our gratitude
to the Secretary-General for his sincere interest and his
continuous and most valuable efforts with regard to
Cyprus. Our appreciation also goes to all the United
Nations officials in Nicosia and in New York for their
contribution, as well as to all the countries which are
participating in or supporting in any way the United
Nations peace operation in Cyprus. I would not, I feel, give
a true picture if I were not to remind the Assembly of the
importance of the unilateral pacification and normalization
measures of my Government to which I also referred in my
Statement last year and which have remained, unfortunately,
without any response.
180. The Cyprus problem is well known to all of you here
for it comes under the responsibilities of the United
Nations. Indeed, the Charter and the principles of the
United Nations and the resolutions of the Security Council
and of the General Assembly, as well as the official United
Nations reports and findings on the problem, cannot be
divorced from any endeavour to find a peaceful solution.
We sincerely hope that despite the present difficulties it
may become possible to record some progress in the talks in
the not too distant future. We have been and are waiting for
the right response. It was said in this Assembly by a
colleague the other day, in relation to the same problem,
that all concessions should not be expected to come from
one side. With that I fully agree.
181. In our endeavours to find a peaceful solution to the
Cyprus problem our guiding consideration has been, as
President Nixon said in this Assembly in another context,
that “a peace, to be lasting, must leave no seeds of a future
war” [1755th meeting, para. 64]. This has been and will
continue to be our guiding consideration. Any solution of
the Cyprus problem must allow a peaceful evolution and
development, without Cyprus again becoming the scene of
conflict and more bloodshed. If this is to be achieved,
Cyprus must be a truly independent unitary State, without
restrictions and without division in one form or another.
The concept of division is contrary to conciliation and
unity and would bring about new strife and a new conflict.
Any such concept is furthermore contrary to the requirements
of peace and all United Nations principles and
specific pronouncements on the subject.
182. I have dealt with some of the problems which appear
to be high on the list of priorities for solution. There are
many other problems, in the political as well as in other
fields, some of them extremely important indeed. There is
the question of the application of and respect for human
rights and in this connexion much has been done, but much
more will have to be done. We urge the ratification and
implementation of the United Nations human rights
covenants [resolution 2200(XXI)] and we think that
additional measures should be taken to ensure the application
of human rights everywhere and the removal of racial
prejudice and discrimination. That is one of the fields
where theory, in the form of declarations, covenants and
conventions, is waiting to be put into practice in the
interests of justice and peace. There are a number of issues
relating to the strengthening of the United Nations. There is
in particular the need for its more efficient functioning and
co-ordination as well as for its more efficient financing and
for the more orderly growth of its regular budgets and
those of the specialized agencies. The United Nations
should be enabled to acquire reliable sources of revenue
independent of the contributions of its Members. In this
respect one might mention as an example the exploration
and exploitation of the sea-bed, to which the Prime
Minister of Malta referred earlier, and which could appropriately
be made through the United Nations, so that an
additional source of revenue might be provided for the
Organization — apart from any other valid reasons for doing
this. There are still many problems connected with the
economic and social injustices. In this also, as in many
other cases, we believe that the United Nations must be
utilized more effectively for the purpose of remedying
these situations. There is the question of bridging the
continually increasing gap between the developed and the
developing countries. We believe that it is the responsibility
mainly of the rich to do their utmost in that direction for it
is also in their own interests in the final analysis. There are
the problems of nutrition and education, and the role of
the United Nations may become greater in this field as well.
There are other important political problems to which
have not referred, some of which are on our agenda.
183. There are problems connected with youth throughout
the world, with their duties and their responsibilities
today and in the new world which will emerge tomorrow, a
subject to which special attention is being rightly paid this
year. There is the problem of human environment which
has been growing in importance. International action,
United Nations action, is now necessary, because the
pollution of the environment has become a rapidly growing
threat, nationally and internationally; it is necessary too
because most forms of pollution cross national boundaries
and many countries suffer because of dangerous pollution
in other countries. There are many other problems — political
and non-political — which call for action
political and non-political. All the problems, great and
small, political and non-political, whatever their nature and
definition, point in one direction and one direction alone,
namely that of the need for better understanding in the
world, that of accepting the reality of interdependence in
its real meaning, in every field, and that of making the
United Nations really effective in carrying out its great task.
They all point in one direction and one direction alone: we
must all strive towards the same goals, with hard deeds and
not merely with noble words, towards universal equality,
towards universal freedom, towards justice for all, towards
non-discrimination, towards self-determination for all,
towards mutual respect. All these are synonyms, all these
are the prerequisites for our basic and final objective, the
objective of the United Nations, that of lasting peace in the
world.
184. If the American astronauts went into space and
landed on the moon and left behind them the message that
“we came in peace for all mankind”, it surely means that
mankind can and must find the means and the strength to
achieve this goal of peace on this earth. The message which
was left behind on the surface of the moon is very
significant. We must try to live up to its real meaning. We
must grasp the extent of this great achievement of man
turning fiction into history and realizing a long cherished
dream. If we realize the importance and extent of this
achievement, if we think of man’s ability and immense
progress in technology and science, we can more easily
acknowledge that there is no justification for not being able
to turn our planet, which is only a small particle in the
universe, into a land of happiness for all those who
inhabit it.
185. We have to use more positive approaches consistent
with the moral values demanded in this space age. We have
to be governed by the spirit of today and of tomorrow and
not look at the world and at each other through the eyes,
the superstitions and the shortsightedness of the past.
Paradoxically enough, peace on earth still remains a dream,
while what was a dream, the conquest of space, has come
true. So we repeat ourselves in expressing our disappointments
and our hopes. The situation gives rise to pessimism
because, despite the achievements in space, in science and - in
technology, we are still unable to solve the problems on
our own planet. Despite all those achievements, we have
not been able to make any substantial progress towards
achieving the objectives of mankind. We are entering the
Second United Nations Development Decade. The United
Nations, which is about to complete a quarter of a century
of life, has not had much success — not through any fault of
its own — in realizing the hopes and aspirations of humanity,
which have appeared and sounded so close and attainable,
while man has leapt into space and conquered the unattainable.
This can also be a cause for optimism. If man has
reached the moon we can and must attain our objectives on
earth: We have to repeat ourselves in expressing the hope
and the expectation that both the great and we the small,
by complying with our responsibilities and’ our obligations
and by translating our words into deeds, will find and take
the path leading to our objectives, leading to peace, so that
mankind may at long last land safely on its own planet’s sea
of tranquillity.