30. I should like to convey to you, Madam President, the
congratulations of the delegation of the People’s Republic
of Bulgaria on your election to the most important office in
this Assembly and to wish you every success in the
accomplishment of your task.
31. I should also like to convey to the delegation of
Guatemala our most sincere condolences on the death of
Mr. Emilio Arenales, President of the last session of the
General Assembly.
32. The past year has not seen the realization of the
peoples’ hopes for security and peace. It is true that no
fresh sources of tension and no new open conflicts have
developed, but not one of the conflicts which for years
have been poisoning the international climate, not one of
the major problems threatening world peace, has been
settled. Some problems indeed have been seriously aggravated.
33. The problem of international security, of the elimination
of the threats to world peace and to the life and
well-being of peoples has therefore become acute. Collective
measures are necessary to safeguard and build a just
and lasting peace, to establish peaceful and fruitful relations
between peoples in a climate of security, confidence and
mutual respect. The need for such measures is pressing.
Mankind cannot allow any further deterioration in the
international situation or any delay or postponement of a
solution to the most urgent international problems. Any
delay might well lead the peoples to a situation where they
no longer have it in their power to prevent a general confrontation.
34. On the basis of this conviction, and taking into
account the vital interests of peoples, the Soviet Government
has submitted for consideration at this session an item
entitled “The strengthening of international security”
[A/7654]. The Bulgarian Government welcomes this new,
important and positive initiative of the Soviet Union. It
wholeheartedly supports the draft “appeal to all States of
the world” on the strengthening of international security.
This appeal is fully in keeping with the principles of the
Charter of the United Nations and with the convictions and
aspirations of our people.
35. The Bulgarian Government is convinced that approval
of this appeal by the General Assembly and the adoption
by Governments of appropriate measures for its implementation
will constitute a major step towards strengthening
international security and world peace — a great victory for
the United Nations.
36. The appeal expresses the deepest sentiments of the
world community; it takes account of the demand of the
present international situation. One of the most serious
problems now threatening peace is the armed intervention
of certain States against other States and peoples. The
appeal is right in emphasizing this crucial question.
37. The withdrawal of all troops from territories occupied
as a result of action by the armed forces of some States
against other States defending the independence they have
won as a result of the collapse of the colonial system is an
essential condition for improving the international situation.
The presence of foreign troops in those territories is a
constant source of tension and insecurity; it is a flagrant
violation of the principles of national independence and
freedom, of the right of peoples freely to choose their
social systems and to settle their internal affairs themselves
without foreign interference.
38. The development of the international situation clearly
shows that it is impossible to solve such serious and acute
problems as those of Viet-Nam and Korea, and of the
Middle East, without the complete withdrawal of all United
States troops from South Viet-Nam and South Korea, and
of the Israeli troops from the occupied Arab territories.
Unless these problems are solved, there can be neither
lasting peace in the world nor real international security.
39. For 15 years, United States armed intervention in
South Viet-Nam has been causing the people of Viet-Nam
immense suffering. Fifteen years is long enough for even
the United States Government to realize the impossibility
of breaking the will of a people prepared to defend its
freedom at any cost, to recognize that the war in Viet-Nam
constitutes both an aggression against the people of
Viet-Nam and a blow to the very foundations of world
peace.
40. The United States of America maintains an army of
more than half a million men in South Viet-Nam and has
concentrated a large part of its immense war potential
there. That is the sole obstacle to a peaceful and democratic
solution of the Viet-Nam problem in accordance with the
genuine aspirations of the people of South Viet-Nam.
41. The world had every reason to expect that the United
States of America would at last announce practical measures
for a political settlement of the Viet-Nam problem, but
that has not taken place. The United States Government
has reaffirmed its decision to maintain its armed forces, to
continue the war in Viet-Nam. The fact that this policy is
accompanied by fine words does not change anything. Has
not President Nixon himself declared that “noble rhetoric is
no guarantee of noble results” [1755th meeting, para. 45]?
42. The United States Government has repeatedly stated
that it is not what the United States wants for South
Viet-Nam that matters, but what the people of Viet-Nam
want for South Viet-Nam. For nearly 15 years, day after
day, year after year, the people of South Viet-Nam have, by
their heroic struggle and their countless sacrifices, clearly
demonstrated their inexorable will. What the people of
Viet-Nam demand is the final and unconditional withdrawal
of United States troops from the soil of Viet-Nam; the right
and opportunity to settle their own affairs freely and
without foreign interference or coercion, and to build a
democratic and independent Republic of South Viet-Nam.
If the United States of America really wants the end of the
war in Viet-Nam, as it claims, it could prove it by
appropriate measures which would facilitate a reasonable
and just solution of the Viet-Nam problem at the conference
table in Paris.
43. Declarations concerning a limited withdrawal of a few
thousand troops cannot change the situation. Such limited
measures cannot be interpreted as the expression of a
genuine desire to reach an equitable solution of the
Viet-Nam problem, but only as an attempt to justify the
continuation of an unjust war.
44. The United States can only come out of this war with
honour by immediately stopping the bombing of South
Viet-Nam and starting the withdrawal of all its troops. That
is the way to ensure that the Paris negotiations can break
out of the deadlock caused by the United States policy of
aggression in South-East Asia and that the necessary
conditions can be created for the formation of a national
coalition. Government. That is the way to achieve, not the
“Viet-Namization” of the war in South Viet-Nam, as the
United States desires, but the “‘Viet-Namization” of the peace.
45. But as long as aggression against the people of South
Viet-Nam continues, the friends of the people of Viet-Nam
will continue to help them in their heroic struggle for
freedom and independence.
46. The presence of foreign troops in the territory of
South Korea and the armed action and acts of provocation
against the People’s Democratic Republic of Korea keep up
the tension and constitute a serious threat to peace in that
part of the world. The United States occupation troops are
supporting a puppet government and are brutally interfering
in the domestic affairs of the country, which they have
transformed into a military base for a United States policy
of aggression in Asia.
47. The United Nations flag cannot legalize the presence
of United States troops in South Korea, any more than it
can justify their acts of aggression. It can only seriously
damage the Organization’s prestige.
48. The interests of peace in the Far East as well as the
interests of the Organization call for a categorical decision:
to withdraw all foreign troops from South Korea and to
dissolve the so-called United Nations Commission for the
Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea. The question of
the country’s reunification by peaceful means and on a
democratic basis can be decided only by the Korean people
themselves, without foreign interference. The essential
condition is the withdrawal from South Korean territory of
all foreign troops, whose presence is the main cause of the
division of the country and the major obstacle to peaceful
reunification of the Korean people.
49. My delegation fully agrees with the conclusion of the
Secretary-General, U Thant, that the Middle East situation
has continued to deteriorate [see 4/7601 /Add.1, para. 62].
The danger of a resumption of large-scale military activities
is real and may lead to an extension of the conflict beyond
the confines of the Middle East. For what reasons has the
crisis in that troubled region not only not diminished but
even worsened? What are the obstacles that frustrate
attempts at a political settlement of the conflict? It is
sufficient to examine the positions and the attitudes of the
two parties to the conflict—the Arab countries and Israel
— to find an answer.
50. The Arab countries, which bear the heavy burden of
the occupation of a large part of their territories, have
accepted Security Council resolution 242 (1967) as a basis
for a political settlement of the crisis. They have shown
that they are willing to act in accordance with that
resolution despite the new sacrifices it demands of them in
the name of peace. Their position regarding the mission of
Mr. Jarring, the Secretary-General’s Special Representative,
and regarding the four-Power talks on the Middle East, is
positive. The attitude of the Arab countries, victims of
Israeli aggression, has created conditions favourable to the
establishment of a just and lasting peace in that area, based
on the principles of national independence, territorial
integrity and mutual security. The statements made from
this platform by the representatives of Arab countries — the
United Arab Republic, Jordan, Lebanon and others — confirm
once again the reasonable and constructive policy
pursued by their Governments.
51. But what of the position of Israel? The Israeli
Government persists in its total contempt for the Security
Council resolution and has done nothing to implement it.
Israel refuses to withdraw its troops from the occupied
Arab territories. The occupation is accompanied by military
action in the air and on land against the United Arab
Republic, Jordan, Syria and Lebanon. Israel does not cease
to put new obstacles in the way of a just and humane
solution of the problem of the Palestinian refugees. It has
declared that it will not accept the outcome of the
negotiations between the four permanent members of the
Security Council and it is undermining the mission of
Mr. Jarring. The Israeli Government is not seeking a
peaceful settlement of the Middle East crisis but the
capitulation of the Arab countries, a radical modification of
the map of the Middle East, and the annexation of a large
part of the Arab territories.
52. What further aggravates the situation in the Middle
East is the strong support given by the United States of
America to Israel’s intransigent and provocative attitude.
This biased and unjust attitude on the part of the United
States of America is a negative factor which hinders rather
than facilitates the settlement of the crisis.
53. There is, however, a real and equitable possibility of
reaching a lasting political solution of the Middle East crisis,
that is, through the immediate withdrawal of Israeli troops
from the occupied Arab territories and the recognition of
the right to an independent and secure existence for all the
States of the region, including Israel.
54. The Bulgarian Government considers that no one has
the right to ask the Governments and peoples of the Arab
States to yield to aggression and to surrender their rights. It
supports the just cause of the Arab peoples against
aggression and occupation and for the establishment of a
fair and lasting peace in the Middle East, as well as their
efforts towards peaceful national development and social
progress.
55. Another essential element of the USSR proposal for
strengthening international security is the appeal to all States
strictly to abide by the principles of peaceful coexistence in
their international relations and to establish, by joint
efforts, regional security systems in accordance with the
provision of the Charter of the United Nations.
56. In that connexion I would like to dwell on a few
questions concerning Europe. The peace and security of
European countries depends first and foremost on relations
between East and West. Those relations in turn depend on
the strict and consistent observance of the principles of
peaceful coexistence by the European States.
57. It is precisely those principles and concepts that
inspire the Bulgarian Government. Together with the other
socialist States members of the Warsaw Treaty Organization,
it has worked steadfastly for a relaxation of tension
in Europe, for the development of economic, scientific and
technical relations with all States and for a peaceful
solution to the problems which continue to divide our continent.
58. The creation of a favourable political climate in
Europe does not depend solely on the socialist States
parties to the Warsaw Treaty. The support of the Western
countries members of NATO is also essential. But the
policy of some Atlantic Treaty countries continues to be a
source of concern and perplexity. These countries still
refuse to take account of the new political realities in
Europe. They continue to resort to political conceptions
and to methods which have been outstripped by the
evolution of the European situation in the past few years.
They remain rigidly bound to Atlantic political and military
doctrines and systems, and show no desire to move towards
solutions prompted by current European realities. What is
the policy of those Western countries? It is still the policy
of dividing Europe into opposing military blocs, tending to
alter the relationship of forces in their favour, the policy of
the arms race, of strengthening the spirit of revenge, of
militarism and of neo-nazism in Western Germany.
59. It is obvious that the Warsaw Treaty countries cannot
remain passive in the face of such a policy. They are taking
the necessary measures to strengthen their political unity
and their national defence. But at the same time these
countries do not cease to pursue their tireless and energetic
efforts for a reasonable and mutually acceptable solution of
European problems, for the lessening of tension and for the
creation of favourable conditions for the consolidation of
stability and security in Europe. They consider that the
situation calls for a new approach and new methods for
solving the problem of European security. It is not by
perpetuating the division of the continent into hostile
groupings but by creating an all-European system of
collective security in the spirit of the Charter of the United
Nations that the problems of most vital importance to
Europe will be solved.
60. The Bulgarian Government considers that the establishment
of an effective system of European security is
undoubtedly a difficult task but one that can be achieved.
Despite its complexity, the problem can be solved, given
goodwill and realism, through the combined efforts of the
Governments and peoples of all the European States, on the
basis of recognition of the actual situation in Europe
created as a result of the Second World War, on the basis of
a general agreement to resolve controversial problems by
peaceful means and negotiations, and, lastly, on the basis of
respect for the interests of all European States.
61. An outstanding expression of the peaceful policy of
the socialist countries was the Budapest appeal for the
convening of a conference on European security. The
majority of European States received the Budapest appeal
with interest and evaluated that important initiative by the
Warsaw Treaty countries at its true worth. We rejoice to see
that several European States have already indicated their
desire and their willingness to facilitate the conference by
taking measures to reduce tension and strengthen mutual
confidence. In that context, the initiative taken by the
Government of Finland with a view to the preparation of
the conference on European security is to be warmly
commended. This initiative is proof of the positive role that
the neutral countries can successfully play in this field.
62. The establishment of a system of collective security in
Europe would have far-reaching significance extending
beyond the borders of our continent. The very fact of its
establishment would go a long way towards reducing the
danger of a world war and safeguarding world security and
peace. The achievement of this task would be one of the
greatest victories of the peoples in their arduous struggle for
a lasting peace.
63. As a Balkan country situated at the heart of the
peninsula, the People’s Republic of Bulgaria attaches the
greatest importance to its relations with the Balkan
countries and to security and peace in the Balkans, a region
where States with different social systems exist side by side.
Undoubtedly this new Balkan situation will give rise to new
problems, but it also creates new and greater possibilities
for the fruitful development of relations between these
States, based on the principles of peaceful coexistence.
Bulgaria has already taken numerous initiatives which have
contributed to the improvement of the political climate of
the Balkans, to the strengthening of mutual confidence and
understanding between Balkan countries and to the development
of their economic, scientific and cultural relations.
The Bulgarian Government has concluded many agreements
with its neighbours that have made it possible to solve
numerous problems which have long hampered relations
between the Balkan countries. Bulgaria is determined to
continue its efforts for the further development of bilateral
relations with the other Balkan countries so as to transform
south-east Europe into a region of good neighbours, an
essential element of collective security and co-operation in
Europe.
64. Problems of international security are closely linked
with problems of disarmament. The achievement of further
progress in the sphere of disarmament is an essential
condition for relaxation of international relations and the
restoration of confidence among States.
65. The conclusion of agreements for genuine disarmament
would be the best proof that States did not intend to
settle their difficulties by the use or threat of force. Past
experience confirms that even the implementation of
partial disarmament measures has a favourable influence on
the international climate. The past few years have shown
that given goodwill, such agreements are possible. Although
they are only a start towards the limitation of the arms
race, they are a good and encouraging start. At present the
question is to prevent backsliding and to ensure that
agreements already concluded do not lose their practical
value. I have in mind in particular, the Treaty on the
Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution
2373 (XXI)]. We support the Secretary-General’s appeal
to all States to ratify the Treaty so that it may come into
force as soon as possible [see 4/7601/Add.1, para. 35].
66. In connexion with disarmament, our country is at
present devoting special attention to the question of the
prohibition of the development, production and stockpiling
of chemical and bacteriological (biological) weapons, and
the destruction of such weapons. The particular importance
of this problem is brought out convincingly in the report by
the Secretary-General of the United Nations. My delegation
hopes that the General Assembly will adopt a decision
on the urgent need to conclude a convention on these
particularly dangerous and barbarous weapons; this would
constitute an outstanding achievement at the present
session. As is emphasized in the letter from the nine
socialist countries [A/7655], such a decision would be an
important contribution to world peace.
67. The list of major international problems which are no
closer to a solution is unfortunately very long. High on this
list stand questions concerning the complete and final
elimination of the colonial system and of under-development
in the newly liberated countries.
68. It has frequently been pointed out at the present
session that decolonization has come to a halt in recent
years. There has been a steady aggravation of colonial
oppression and inhuman exploitation of the African
peoples, of racism and apartheid, and of the cruel methods
used against groups and individuals fighting for the rights
and freedoms of oppressed peoples in South Africa,
Southern Rhodesia and the Portuguese colonies. The
Governments of these countries not only refuse to implement
United Nations resolutions, but treat the most
fundamental humanitarian principles with contempt.
69. One may therefore well ask what it is that prevents the
realization of the aims proclaimed ten years ago in the
Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial
Countries and Peoples [resolution 1514 (XV)]. Do the
régimes in South Africa, Portugal and Southern Rhodesia
really have the power to oppose the historical process of
decolonization, the collective will of the international
community and the struggle of the oppressed peoples? Of
course not. It is not primarily from their national resources
that these countries derive the political, financial and
military means to preserve colonial régimes in Africa. These
means are mainly provided through the assistance and
support of a number of imperialist States and leading
financial monopolies.
70. In this connexion may I quote statements made by
Mr. George Ball, the former United States Under-Secretary
of State, according to whom the disintegration of the
colonial system would lead to “chaos” and “political
weakness” in the world. He speaks of “the perilous passage
of more than one billion people from colonial status ... to
juridical independence within the period of two decades”.
He adds that for the United States, “...the demise of
colonialism has meant not the interruption but the beginning
of world involvement ...”, a process in which it has
been propelled onto the power vacuums created by the
“withdrawal of Europe“. Therefore, for some countries,
the collapse of the colonial system, the struggle for freedom
and national independence, the formation of independent
States in Africa and in other continents spell a “political
vacuum”, a “peril” to their interests, and disorder. They do
not wish decolonization to proceed to its completion.
71. It is obvious that in order to bring the process of
decolonization out of its present state of stagnation, it is
necessary for the major Western powers, especially the
United States and the United Kingdom, to end their direct
or indirect support to reactionary régimes in South Africa,
Portugal and Southern Rhodesia. It would then not be
difficult to make those countries conform to the will of the
international community, which demands the final elimination
of the infamous colonial system.
72. The United Nations is faced with another important
problem: the elimination of the economic backwardness of
many countries as a result of prolonged colonial domination.
The Secretary-General has said in the introduction to
his annual report that “in order to bridge the widening
development gap, there must be a sincere willingness on the
part of the international community to do so”
[A/7601/Add.1, para. 85]. In other words, the existence of a
“political will” in all States and Governments is necessary
in order to make an effective contribution to the rapid
economic and social development of the young States. Has
this condition been fulfilled on the eve of the Second
United Nations Development Decade?
73. To answer that question it is necessary to consider the
present state of international economic co-operation as
organized and co-ordinated by the United Nations. This
co-ordination can be effective only if its main objective is
to remove the obstacles which lie in the developing
countries’ path towards economic and social progress. Can
one expect substantial results in this field if many Western
countries — the major economic partners of the countries of
the third world — continue to consider and treat those
countries mainly as sources of cheap raw materials and as
objects of exploitation? Policies which impede the progress
of final decolonization are also a major obstacle to the
ambition of the recently-liberated countries to ensure
sufficiently rapid development for their peoples.
74. Within the framework of international activities for
development, specific and effective measures must be taken
to safeguard the economic interests of the young States.
That is the main direction in which the United Nations
should channel its action to resolve the problems of
under-development. Mere disapproval of neo-colonialist
methods and practices in international economic relations is
not sufficient. The greatest help which the United Nations
could give the countries of the third world would be to
assist them in the effective mobilization of their own
domestic resources to build an independent national economy.
75. A quarter of a century ago, the United Nations laid
down in its Charter the democratic, progressive and humane
principles on which the relations between States and
peoples should be based. These principles reflected the
deepest aspirations of millions of human beings throughout
the world who had survived the horrors of a war of
extermination, as well as the most ardent desire of the
peoples to lay the foundations of a world of security, peace
and fruitful co-operation. The most important principles of
the Charter of the United Nations require that the solution
of international problems should at the same time ensure
respect for the interests of all peoples, great and small,
regardless of their social and political régime. These
principles are the very essence of peaceful coexistence, as
defined at the time of the establishment of the first socialist
State by Lenin, whose centenary will be celebrated by the
peoples of the whole world in 1970. These principles
correspond to the present trend in the development of the
international community and to the realities of today’s world.
76. The Bulgarian people, who recently celebrated the
twenty-fifth anniversary of the establishment of their
socialist Republic, are deeply convinced that a universal and
lasting peace is no longer Utopian but is a realizable goal.
Our peoples are prepared, as always, to join all other
peoples in an effort to reach this goal during this
generation, in accordance with the noble principles of the Charter.