49. The year 1969 will undoubtedly be considered
by future historians as a turning point in history. As
was so well put this morning [1773rd meeting] in the
remarkable statement by Mr. Luns, the Minister for Foreign
Affairs of the Netherlands, the fact that men, overcoming
the earth’s gravity, have succeeded in setting foot on the
moon, in surviving there in spite of a particularly hostile
environment, and above all in returning to earth cannot fail
to have unimaginable consequences. This exploit means the
end of the closed world; it opens up unlimited horizons to
mankind. It marks the beginning of a new era. This is
undoubtedly so because, by creating new objectives, it gives
a new meaning to human endeavour, while at the same time
it is not unreasonable to hope that it may lead to the
discovery of unknown resources capable of being mobilized
for the service of mankind.
50. But what I wish to emphasize above all today is that
this achievement is to be credited entirely to human
intelligence. Reason succeeded in discovering the laws
which govern matter. Mathematics and physics measured it.
An advanced technology forged the instruments conceived
by imagination and by mathematical calculation. Organizational
skill, together with the power of computers, made it
possible to master and control a vast quantity of diverse
data. Since man has also succeeded in taming nuclear
energy and has, like Prometheus of antiquity, stolen fire
from the skies, it is neither outrageous nor blasphemous to
say that he has triumphed over nature and that nothing can
henceforth resist the boldness of his ventures. I therefore
salute this exploit. I pay tribute to the astronauts, to the
scientists, to the technicians, to the statesmen and to the
countries that have been its architects and promoters. Their
names deserve to be inscribed in the golden book of
humanity. In this regard, I should like this Assembly also to
pay them the tribute they deserve, because it seems to me
important that this grand design, the conquest of space,
should be seen to belong to all nations and to all human
beings endowed with reason and feeling.
51. The fact that you, Madam President, a daughter of
Africa, should have been elected to preside over the
twenty-fourth session of the General Assembly at such a
decisive moment in the history of mankind makes us, as
Africans, all the more moved and adds still greater warmth
to our congratulations. The delegation of Madagascar fully
appreciates the magnitude and scope of your task and the
significance of such a choice by this Assembly. Your
experience of international life and your great talents will
undoubtedly help to bring about in this forum the
atmosphere of serenity with which we should like all our
work to be imbued. We are also glad to welcome you as the
worthy representative of a sister country, Liberia, with
which Madagascar maintains the friendliest of relations. The
delegation of Madagascar believes that, under your guidance,
the problems of the developing countries will be
considered with particular attention.
52. Your lamented predecessor as President, Mr. Arenales,
whose loss we keenly feel, took a very special interest in
those problems. We should like to pay him a deeply felt
tribute and to say that we shall always remember with
gratitude his impartial approach, his outstanding ability and
the skill with which he guided our debates.
53. It is a pleasant duty for me also to express the
satisfaction of my Government at the efforts exerted by
our Secretary-General, U Thant, to solve the complex
problems he has had to face.
54. However, the thunder of rockets surging from the
earth and the splendour of artificial suns cannot make me
forget that I am a man and, furthermore, a black man. I
can, of course, become enthusiastic about the moon,
Venus, Mars and Saturn, but I cannot decently refrain from
thinking of the towns and the villages in my country and
elsewhere on our planet where poverty, ignorance and
violence still weigh heavily on lives which are rich only in
their brevity and in the resignation with which they are
borne. It will not be one of the least of the paradoxes of
our time that man, before embarking on the conquest of
space, did not think to secure his rearguard by first creating
order in his affairs on earth. We may well wonder whether
this leap forward is not really an escape from what lies behind.
55. Last year about this same time. and from this same
rostrum [1703rd meeting], I, like all the other leaders of
delegations, analysed the world situation and tried to
suggest some solutions for the more troublesome and
serious problems that mankind has to face. On rereading
my speech, I realized that I could almost repeat it word for
word, so true is it that our problems have not fundamentally
changed and that the behaviour of nations has
remained the same.
56. In Viet-Nam, unfortunately, the war continues to rage,
while negotiations in Paris are apparently making no
headway and are still being held up by an insistence on
prior conditions which continually delays the establishment
of the just peace that is so much desired.
57. In the Middle East a war of attrition has followed the
truce and tomorrow, if we are not careful, all-out war will
again set the region ablaze, with all the risks that that
entails for world peace.
58. In Nigeria no progress has been made in the quest for a
cessation of the fighting. Worse still, there has been a failure
of the efforts undertaken by the world’s highest spiritual
authority and an inability on the part of men of goodwill to
save from death thousands upon thousands of starving
people. In the middle of the twentieth century, the terrors
of the Middle Ages are engulfing old people, women and
innocent children. The scandal is that the great capitals of
the world are not profoundly shocked, and that the very
decision-making centres seem to be struck with an intolerable
paralysis.
59. Even in Central America, for reasons which are not
clear to distant observers such as ourselves, two States
belonging to the same economic organization have found it
necessary to cross swords.
60. Furthermore, throughout the world, human freedom
and the right of peoples to self-determination continue to
be shamelessly flouted. Totalitarian communism, even
though divided and ready to embark on mutual self-destruction
on the borders of Asia, has in no way relaxed its hold
over nations which aspire to unity and the establishment of
a true democracy. The “Prague spring” will soon be no
more than the memory of a beautiful rose-bud, withered
before it could open out in the sunshine.
61. Racism still continues to flourish in South Africa
where, under cover of ideology, ten million black men are
confined to subordinate tasks and — let us say it openly — are
exploited by a few million white people. A similar situation
is now developing in Rhodesia, without any genuine
reaction being registered in the rest of the world.
62. For its part, Portugal maintains with impunity the
fiction of its African provinces, while preventing the
peoples of those provinces from expressing their opinion
freely.
63. Finally, as though to crown the edifice and despite all
the international conferences and the many meetings of the
committees, sub-committees and other organs of UNCTAD,
no concrete measures have yet been taken towards making
the necessary changes in the iniquitous economic laws
which now govern the world. Yet without such changes the
developing nations — and all the experts are convinced of
this — cannot get their economies moving. Their populations
are on the verge of destitution, and their political independence
amounts in fact to little more than a game of see-saw
between the various suppliers of aid, the conditions of
which, furthermore, are tending to become more burden-
some from day to day.
64. All this is senseless. It is in flagrant contradiction with
the innumerable declarations of responsible politicians,
declarations made from this very rostrum. Never have we
observed such a divorce between word and deed. Never has
so much selfishness been masked by a rhetoric that is as
profuse as it is hypocritical.
65. In my endeavour to be objective, I have given much
thought to the question of what can be placed to the credit
of our Organization and of the various international bodies
in the course of the year which has just elapsed. It may be
that I am not well informed. But as regards my own
country at any rate, I must confess that the results are
tragically scanty.
66. In the economic field, I can mention only the
International Sugar Agreement 1968 — an Agreement in
which, however, two of the largest producers and consumers,
the European Economic Community and the
United States, are not participants — and the renewal of the
Yaoundé Convention?
67. Last year I believed it to be my duty to mention
certain reactions provoked by the association of the
eighteen African and Malagasy States with the European
Economic Community and the accusation that we were
setting up an obstacle to the liberalization and stabilization
of world trade. At that time I defined the position of the
Government of the Republic of Madagascar and pointed
out that my country was prepared to accept its. share of
sacrifice so that measures could be taken to alter the
economic laws which I condemned just now. I wish to say
that we still have the same attitude, but I should at once
like to add that the Republic of Madagascar has now,
without any feelings of guilt whatsoever, affixed its
signature to the new Convention of Association. It believes
that this Convention is an indispensable instrument for the
development of its economy and that it also constitutes, at
the multilateral level, one of the rare examples of international
co-operation that has produced the effects that were anticipated.
68. The results obtained through the United Nations do
not come up to expectations. This is undoubtedly because
the principles enshrined in our Charter have, unfortunately,
not been respected, and we have forgotten the solemn
obligation that we inherited from those who died in the last
world war to bring a little more justice, a little more
stability, to human relations. In this respect, I cannot but
regret that our Organization plays but a limited — a too
limited — role, to my mind, in the search for solutions to our
current problems. I shall explain my reasons for taking this view.
69. Despite the indefatigable activity, the authority and, I
should like to emphasize, the moral force of our Secretary-General,
it is difficult to avoid the impression that the
various organs of our institution, the General Assembly and
the Security Council in particular, are not really concerned
with the important issues. Indifference? I do not think so.
A confession of powerlessness? I cannot resign myself to
this. Be that as it may, this is a matter for serious concern,
and it is the most ardent wish of the Government of the
Republic of Madagascar that the authority and prestige of
this Organization should be reinforced to enable it to
achieve the objectives assigned to it by its founders. I
appeal more particularly to small nations such as mine. It is
essential, indeed vital, that they should not allow this
Organization to decline, since it represents their only
opportunity to be heard, and is for all nations the only
means of elaborating and promoting international law.
70. I am well aware that my speech has taken a somewhat
disenchanted and pessimistic turn. But at a time when
mankind is preparing to undergo a major transformation, I
cannot prevent myself from thinking of that other transformation
that occurred at the end of the sixteenth century.
71. The great scientific discoveries made possible the
exploration, the exploitation and the transformation of the
world. These developments could have been to the benefit
of all men and of all nations, but in fact they resulted in the
domination and subjection of coloured men, of which
slavery and colonialism were the most obvious and regrettable
manifestations. I am not recalling this, I wish to
reassure the Assembly, in order to embark on some great
historical trial, which would be quite out of place in this
forum and, furthermore, quite futile, because we cannot
remake history and the future should be our sole concern. I
am recalling it simply as a way of expressing my anxiety
concerning the present situation. The ever-widening gap
between rich and poor and the accumulation of technical
advances in certain industrialized nations lead me to fear
the eternal problem of dominator and dominated is not
only far from a solution, but will, on the contrary, rapidly
become more acute and assume a more subtle form.
72. Of course, it is quite likely, and indeed probable, that
the less-privileged will see an improvement in their material
condition and that they will attain a certain degree of
industrialization. But it seems to me that this is not the
objective that should be sought. What is needed is to
establish as quickly as possible equality among men in every
field, particularly in those of welfare, security and education.
Otherwise, serious tension must inevitably arise
between the over- and the under-developed countries, and
such tension will, in turn, generate conflicts among the
industrialized Powers.
73. Because of the vastness of the means of destruction
that can be set in motion, I do not think there is any need
to dwell at length on the risks that such a situation could
entail for mankind. Man may, perhaps, have conquered
space, but in the event of such destruction he will surely
lose the earth, that is to say, his very existence.
74. Thus, on the one hand, there are the means to bring
practically within man’s reach all the objectives that
imagination can suggest to him, while on the other hand,
there is a basically selfish and irrational behaviour in human
relationships.
75. Yet it seems to me that this contradiction can be
abolished. On the one hand, forecasts of future developments
should finally convince responsible leaders in the
industrial States of what reason alone has already told
them, namely that the interests of all lie in the necessary
harmonization of the interests of each. On the other
hand — and I hope I will be forgiven for making such a
fundamentally optimistic assertion — we have reached a
point where it should be possible to overcome selfishness
through abundance.
76. But although it is true that in civilizations that are not
very far advanced the happiness of some can be assured
only by the exploitation of the majority, it is obvious that
the progress of science, of technology and of management — since
“management” is the fashionable word — now
puts happiness within the reach of all. The gulf separating
rich and poor could be rapidly bridged. It would be
sufficient, in our view, to devote to that great design a very
small part of the sums allocated to the production of
armaments and the conquest of space.
77. At times I catch myself dreaming of the work that
4 could be undertaken in Madagascar if only my country had
at its disposal an initial allocation of, say, some $500
million. How many roads could be built, how many regions
could be opened up, how many agricultural improvements
could be carried out, what resources could be set free! The
process of development would be resolutely begun; the
foundations for a sound and competitive economy could at
last be said, if only our efforts were accompanied by a
re-establishment of order in international trade.
78. In order to make this possible, could not the great
industrial Powers stop striving to maintain their lead with
the bomb and with conventional armaments, especially
since existing stockpiles are already sufficient to wipe out
every trace of life from the surface of our planet? Could
not the two super-Powers put a curb on their concealed,
but real competition in the conquest of space? That
competition compels them to effect huge expenditures at
an ever-increasing rate. Those expenditures, if spread out
over a longer period, would in no way jeopardize future
progress, but could be used immediately to help the cause
of the disinherited. Is this simply the vision of a poet? I am
sure it is.
79. Doubtless some will object, quoting the old proverb
that “God helps those who help themselves”, that the
developed countries cannot help the under-developed countries
unless the latter, for their part, resolve to mobilize
their own resources and manage their own affairs to better
purpose. I am perfectly aware of the validity of that
objection, for it is true that we, the poor, are still far from
having overcome certain sociological problems, that we
sometimes — at a time when others have already reached the
moon — exhaust our energies in quarrels of a by-gone age,
and that our administration, unfortunately, is often lacking
in strictness. I acknowledge this in all humility.
80. But if this is so, it is because, in the present situation,
our peoples have defensive reactions which cause them to
fall back on routine and respect for outdated traditions,
since they are convinced of the futility and uselessness of
their efforts. I, for my part, am convinced that if, through
the combined efforts of the rest of the world, it were
possible to establish tomorrow the objective conditions for
progress, it would not be difficult to arouse the enthusiasm
of our peoples and to secure their co-operation: all the
disinherited of the earth could be mobilized in the cause of
progress.
81. I have a suspicion that I may have somewhat surprised
and even disappointed this Assembly by taking what is
perhaps too lofty a stand and by making a speech that some
will probably not hesitate to describe as vague and
philosophical.
82. I should like first of all to point out in this regard that,
having come to this turning-point in history, it is essential
that mankind should pause for reflexion. It is essential, too,
that two thirds of mankind should not approach the future
in a state of servitude. And lastly, it is essential that man's
noble ambitions should not be destroyed by an ever-threatening
nuclear conflict.
83. Next, I would like to say that the policy pursued by
my country seems to me appropriate to the needs of the
day. This policy has been defined by the head of State,
President Philibert Tsiranna; it is well known, because it has
remained practically unchanged since the restoration of
national sovereignty. It can be summed up in a few phrases
which explain the position adopted by the Malagasy
Republic at major international meetings: self-determination
of peoples, respect for human freedom, love of
peace, arbitration, negotiation, loyalty to alliances, the
struggle against under-development and international co-operation.
84. Perhaps because it is fortunate in being an island and
because it has no enemies at its frontiers, Madagascar has
never yet departed from these principles. I can affirm
without hesitation that it will always be ready to co-operate
in any undertaking which may contribute to the betterment
of man’s lot.
85, At a more practical and immediate level, I should now
like briefly to recall the position of the Government of the
Malagasy Republic on some particular problems which are
to be considered during the present session or which are a
serious source of concern to us at the present time.
86. Madagascar believes that the United Nations has a vital
role to play in lessening the tension and divisions which
trouble the world. I will cite only a few examples: differing
beliefs or political ideologies, the gap which we have
emphasized between the developed and the developing
countries, the stresses born of racial discrimination and
apartheid — final manifestations of colonialism and of man's
exploitation by man — and religious conflicts.
87. My country affirms its adherence to the principles
drawn up in exceptional circumstances which have now
become historic, but at the same time it is looking
resolutely to the future and to an ever-widening framework
embodying the new concept of relations between nations
and peoples, a concept corresponding to existing needs and
to the very nature of man, free from narrow nationalism,
ideological extremism and power politics.
88. My delegation is ready to offer its complete co-operation
to achieve those ideals and objectives and enable the
United Nations to become an effective instrument for the
establishment of conditions favourable to peace, the prevention
of war and the promotion of the economic and
social well being of mankind.
89. Where disarmament is concerned, Madagascar is firmly
in favour of general disarmament, for a mere reduction in
armaments would be no solution. To this end, we must
completely exclude the risk of total destruction, the rapid
expansion of facilities for arms production. We must also
ensure that each measure of disarmament is accompanied
by a measure of effective control, application of the two
measures being absolutely simultaneous.
90. We would also mention the need for priority measures
concerning nuclear weapon carriers. Most representatives
seem to share the Malagasy delegation’s belief that the ideal
solution would be a treaty prohibiting the use or the
threatened use of nuclear weapons. Madagascar is in favour
of extending the ban on nuclear tests.
91. In our opinion, the development of defensive and
offensive armament systems inevitably leads to a massive
increase in military expenditure and the perfecting of
nuclear weapons. Thus, for example, in 1962 military
expenditure amounted to some $120,000 million, and in
1968, if the figures are accurate, such expenditure was
estimated at over $180,000 million.
92. We would like to see bilateral negotiations opened on
the limitation of strategic arms and systems of defence
against ballistic missiles. The present world would be wise
to eliminate the dangers of a nuclear arms race. We
recognize the complexity of the problem but we believe
that the necessary efforts must be continued and every
avenue explored with a view to reaching general agreement.
It is, however, encouraging that an agreement of principle
has been reached on the non-use of the sea-bed for military
purposes. It is also reassuring to note that certain Powers
take the view that it is the duty of every State to pursue
negotiations for general and complete disarmament.
93. Regarding Viet-Nam, the Malagasy Government welcomes
the recent declarations by the parties concerned that
they are ready to end the war. As I have had occasion to
say from this rostrum, the solution to the problem lies, in
our view, in a generally acceptable settlement which would
leave the people of Viet-Nam free to choose their own
destiny in accordance with their sovereign right.
94. I now turn to the problem of decolonization. It is
time, indeed high time, that resolution 1514 (XV) with its
historic declaration was universally accepted, regardless of
differences of ideology and method. The right of peoples to
self-determination must be exercised without question. This
is a matter of vital importance to the third world. Our
position is inspired not solely by sentiment, but also by
political, legal, even philosophical consideration. The
United Nations has a fundamental role to play; this is
evident when we consider, first, that the oppressed peoples
are seeking to cast off the yoke of colonization at the price
of long, bitter and exhausting struggles to achieve their
independence, and secondly, that if all the General
Assembly and Security Council resolutions on colonial
questions had been accepted without reservation and
applied without qualification, the last vestiges of colonialism
would already have been liquidated without unnecessary upheaval.
95. Our position on apartheid is clear: in our eyes, it is
another form of man’s exploitation by man. We therefore
condemn it relentlessly, resolutely and categorically; we
cannot acquiesce in the survival of this preposterous notion,
still less in its extension to other parts of Africa, as we fear
may happen.
96. With regard to the Middle East problem, Madagascar
still favours the continuance of Mr. Jarring’s mission and
appreciates his tact, patience, balance and wisdom. We also
consider that the great Powers which, whether they like it
or not, have a special responsibility under the Charter,
should support this mission in the search for a just and
lasting solution leading to negotiations between the parties.
97. This brings me to the end of my statement. May I, in
conclusion, express my hope that the coming year will see
the realization of our aspirations and will give our Organization
the renewed authority and prestige which the Charter
enjoins and the future of the human race demands.
98. If this should not be so, we should all of us bear a
heavy burden of guilt towards future generations and
history would be entitled to call us to account. Personally, I
refuse to believe that so large a gathering of men, endowed
with so much intelligence, knowledge, experience and
sensibility, will not be equal to the mission of trust with
which the peoples have charged them and will not in due
course succeed in finding the shining paths of peace, justice,
equality and brotherhood.