1. Madam President, I do not wish merely to
congratulate you on your election as a matter of form, but
rather to recall something of the spirit of hope and vitality
which you expressed in your introductory address, especially
when you said that the United Nations is:
”...the best means of international co-operation that
mankind has had at his disposal since the beginning of his
history and we have to nurse it and cherish and cultivate
it, or else we shall one day perish and not even the moon
or the knowledge of space will save us.” [1753rd meeting,
para. 50.]
2. It is likewise my duty to convey to the representative of
Guatemala my Government’s condolences on the premature
death of its distinguished Foreign Minister, Emilio Arenales,
who so skillfully guided the deliberations of the
twenty-third session of this Assembly.
3. The conquest of space, travel to the moon, the probes
sent out to Mars and Venus are triumphs for technology
and hence for human intelligence. Yet, how little man has
achieved for himself! How small he seems when he looks
into his own soul and realizes the weakness of the moral
forces which sustain him and the narrowness of the limits
of his power on earth! The formulas for social balance
have not yet made their appearance, and this century
knows no elixir of well-being or happiness. It is useless to
stimulate the yearning for the infinite while man, like this
planet on which he dwells, remains hopeless and alone.
4. It will soon be twenty-five years since the United
Nations came into being as a promise of peace and hope for
the peoples who once overcame the destructive power of
nazism. The United Nations was not, however, conceived to
enhance man’s glory and pride, but to serve him, to bring a
little light into the darkness of poverty and ignorance.
Where, then lies the hidden source of the blight which is
spoiling the fruit of so many illusions?
5. It will soon be twenty-five years since the founding of
the United Nations; ten years since the Declaration against
colonialism [resolution 1514 (XV)]; the Second United
Nations Development Decade is soon to begin; Human
Rights Year has been celebrated, and another year is to be
dedicated to education. Noble and beautiful promises — yet
nuclear weapons still proliferate and men die in Viet-Nam,
in the Middle East and in Biafra. There are leaders who
export revolutions, and racial hatred discriminates against
the child in school.
6. My country can contribute little to the solution of
these major problems, but it has taken a firm and consistent
position in defence of the principles that inspire the Charter
and uphold the right of peoples to freedom and justice.
7. The war in Viet-Nam must be brought to an end as soon
as possible, without sacrificing the peoples who aspire to
govern themselves. In the Middle East we have to take as
our starting point the existence of Israel as a sovereign State
recognized by the world community and a Member of our
Organization. Any independent nation has the right to
protect its security, but from our own historical experience
we firmly maintain the principle that conquest gives no
rights.
8. We are against all forms of colonialism. We are in favour
of the observance of human rights throughout the world.
We consider that the First United Nations Development
Decade has been a disappointment, and we hope that the
Second will be backed by a more generous attitude on the
part of the industrialized countries, so that the growth of
the developing countries may pass from the phase of noble
sentiments to the achievement of specific objectives which
will make it possible to narrow the gap dividing the great
Powers from the small countries. The Second Development
Decade, therefore, entails a great responsibility for the
United Nations and confronts its various organs and
agencies with a cast-iron dilemma: to make progress or
perish.
9. It would not be right for me to confine myself solely to
the negative side of United Nations affairs. This Assembly
can and must respond positively to many causes of concern.
There is, of course, a group of new items which, precisely
because they are new, may lead to beneficial arrangements:
the use of outer space for peaceful purposes; the establishment
of nuclear-free zones; the reservation of the
sea-bed for the benefit of developing countries, including
those that have no coastlines.
10. The Secretary-General, whose position enables him to
perceive the risks that threaten mankind, has just proposed
that we devote a decade to disarmament starting in 1970.
His programme is simple and, at the same time, practical:
“A concerted and concentrated effort during this
Disarmament Decade to limit and reduce nuclear and
other weapons of massive destruction, to reduce conventional
weapons and to deal with all the related
problems of disarmament and security, could produce
concrete, measurable progress towards general and complete
disarmament by the end of the decade of the
seventies.” [A/7601/Add.1, para. 43.]
11. This would, moreover, coincide with the United
Nations Second Development Decade, and no perspicacity
is needed to recognize that the two programmes are
parallel. If the resources which now serve to maintain the
arms race could be diverted to development instead,
mankind would have fulfilled a mission, not only of peace,
but also of progress and happiness. The Secretary-General,
U Thant, has rightly said that development is the long, slow
road that leads to peace. This is not just a phrase inspired
by the disappointments or hopes of a hundred peoples in
pursuit of well-being. There can. be no doubt that a
sustained effort to promote economic co-operation and
investment is impossible unless the resources now being
earmarked for arms manufacture are released and channelled
elsewhere. Proof of that lies in the experience of the
United Nations and in the meagre results of the many
measures approved by this Assembly, such as the giving of
voluntary contributions to the Capital Development Fund
and the Industrial Development Organization.
12. Nor are the results of the United Nations Conference
on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) encouraging. Many
countries have received with bitterness the recent confession
of the Trade and Development Board to the effect that
it had made very little progress in its contribution to the
strategy for the Second Decade. We are still far from
implementing the decisions adopted by UNCTAD at New
Delhi in 1968, and now there is a growing prospect of
further frustration for a world divided between hunger,
despair and illiteracy.
13. In Latin America development is closely linked to
integration. Its goals seem to be necessarily bound up with
the establishment of economic units within a broader
market, balanced and harmonious economic growth, the
formation of industries designed to complement one
another, a common external tariff system and the joint use
of internal and external financial resources, as well as with
the planning of the infrastructure and the increased
productivity, of the agricultural sector.
14. The Latin American Free Trade Association (LAFTA),
conceived originally as a mechanism for freeing trade within
the area, is gradually evolving into a common market, and
in the course of this year we have established, within the
framework of LAFTA, the Subregional Integration Agreement,
which brings together Bolivia, Colombia, Chile,
Ecuador and Peru in an up-to-date attempt to overcome the
isolation of countries with small populations and potential
wealth.
15. Within this process of subregional integration Bolivia
has, however, persisted in its view that this process cannot
be a substitute for its claim to have its own sovereign exit
to the Pacific Ocean, a claim that combines the need and
the right to solve a problem which restricts its development
prospects and freedom to communicate with the world.
16. In May of this year the Latin American nations
approved the Consensus of Viña del Mar, a document
which summarizes the position taken by that part of the
world in regard to international co-operation. It is an
expression of the collective personality of peoples who
share a common tradition and destiny but are weighed
down by the shackles that hinder their development. We are
convinced that nothing can take the place of our own
efforts. However, they are not enough in themselves, and to
some extent they depend on the co-operation of the
international community, especially of the industrial
Powers which possess the technical and financial means to
bring about progress.
17. There is yet another postulate that must be repeated
here: economic development cannot be an end in itself. It
would lack foresight if it did not include the concept of
social development. Indeed, there would be little value in
stimulating the growth of national wealth unless it secured
a better standard of living for the world’s population and
enabled it to enjoy the benefits of civilization and culture.
18. In the light of these reflections, it is not easy to
understand why the United Nations has still not reached
agreement on the drafting of a declaration on social
development. It must be recognized, however, that this
Organization is constantly concerned with social questions,
especially with those that relate to land reform and the
participation of the people in development. Bolivia, in
point of fact, is one of the countries which fifteen years ago
put into effect a plan of land reform that has turned the
peasant into a land-owner and freed him from his serfdom.
Having achieved these objectives, we must now look to
rural development, and to that end a financial, administrative
and technical corporation has been established.
19. It is gratifying to record the assistance Bolivia has
received from the United Nations in this regard and the
work done by the various missions that have been sent to
my country. It is equally a source of satisfaction to note
that the agenda of the present Assembly session includes
matters in which the Organization is doing fruitful work,
namely housing, building and planning; a review of the
World Food Programme; the elimination of all forms of
religious and racial intolerance; freedom of information; the
United Nations Children’s Fund; and the promotion and
defence of human rights.
20. From this lofty rostrum it is right to applaud any
contribution to peace and solidarity among nations. It is
therefore fitting to stress the work of the Organization of
American States and what it represents as a regional
arrangement within the meaning of Article 52 of the
Charter. Barely two months ago a conflict that had arisen
between El Salvador and Honduras brought the regional
machinery into play. The meeting of Consultation of
Ministers of Foreign Affairs succeeded in restoring peace
between the two peoples, while at the same time reaffirming
the validity of two principles essential to international
coexistence: the one which proscribes the use of force in
disputes between States, and the other which relates to the
dignity of the human person and the rule of a universal
moral law.
21. To those principles, which form the framework of the
United Nations, there must be added the principle of
non-intervention, which denounces those who export revolution
and foment subversion and hatred in other countries.
As everyone knows, Bolivia has been the subject of
certain amount of international notoriety which we did not
seek and do not wish to see repeated—notoriety caused by
just such foreign intervention, the only result of which was
the death of Bolivian citizens, some as victims of violence
and others because they were deceived by the seductive talk
of foreign agents.
22. Furthermore, the sterility and futility of such methods
is obvious. Bolivia has a democracy which, without being
perfect, ensures respect for human dignity, guarantees
freedom of expression, and establishes the people’s vote as
the source of political power. In recent years, moreover,
substantial reforms have been initiated, giving the people
control over their own destinies, allowing a fair distribution
of internal income and enabling the country’s wealth to be
exploited in the national interest and for the common
good. This reality cannot be destroyed either by scheming
guerrillas, by urban terrorism or by the preaching of hatred
and anarchy.
23. In concluding this statement I should not wish to leave
an impression of scepticism. I believe that it is everyone
duty to strengthen our will to act and to work unceasingly
for the ideals that inspire and motivate the United Nations.
It has been suggested recently that the time has come to
revise the Charter, perhaps with the idea that the years that
have passed since the San Francisco Conference have
brought fundamental changes in the international order.
This is not a crisis of principles, however, but rather one of
action. It is clear that the Charter sums up the aspirations
that history and civilization have succeeded in defining and
formulating for the welfare of man and the progress of
peoples. All that is lacking is the will to live in peace and
freedom, to practice tolerance, to uphold justice and to
respect the worth of the human person.
24. Bolivia believes in these principles and is convinced
that, through them, understanding and co-operation among
nations will become a reality filled with promise.