1. Madam President, the very wise choice that has
raised you to the Presidency of this twenty-fourth session
of the United Nations General Assembly is a source of
satisfaction to Rwanda. Your outstanding personal qualities
as a jurist and a stateswoman — which my country, then
under United Nations Trusteeship, appreciated for itself
when you led certain missions there on behalf of our
Organization — justify this august Assembly’s unanimous
confidence in you, which honours not only your person
and your noble country Liberia, with which Rwanda
maintains friendly relations, but also our continent of
Africa.
2. We wish to take the opportunity also to do devout
homage to the memory of His Excellency the late
Mr. Arenales, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Guatemala,
who ably directed the work of the twenty-third session of
the General Assembly. He had the affection of us all, and
fate has taken him from us. My delegation wishes to convey
its heartfelt condolences to his country and to his family.
3. When, twenty-four years ago, a group of States most of
which had been lashed by the scourge of war twice within
twenty years met at San Francisco and adopted the United
Nations Charter, they believed that. they were thereby
creating the best possible conditions for establishing peace
and security and promoting international co-operation.
4. At the same time they bound themselves to respect a
number of fundamental principles, and in particular to act
effectively together to prevent and remove threats to peace
and to suppress any act of aggression or other breach of the
peace; to bring about the peaceful settlement of disputes;
to develop friendly relations among nations based on
respect for the principle of the equal rights and
self-determination of peoples; and to co-operate in solving
international economic, social, intellectual and humanitarian
problems and in promoting and encouraging respect for
human rights and fundamental freedoms for all without
distinction as to race, sex, language or religion. They
acceded also to the corollaries of these principles: namely,
non-interference in the domestic affairs of States, and
respect for their sovereign equality.
5. But, sad to say, the political history of these twenty-four
years of the Organization’s existence teaches us that
the proclamation of noble objectives at San Francisco did
not necessarily protect the world against the threat of grave
dangers caused by the intolerance of certain States towards
others, by the great Powers’ thirst for supremacy, by the
confiscation here and there of the rights and freedoms of
individuals, by the selfishness of developed and industrialized
countries in the face of the marked poverty of the
less-favoured, by the arms race between certain States, and
by these States’ possession of weapons of mass destruction.
I shall say no more.
6. Rwanda’s permanent policy and course of action are
still based on unconditional loyalty to the principles I have
stated, in the face of the world’s many past and present
critical situations, and are still unswervingly aimed at the
maintenance of that peace and security which are so dear to
us all, and at co-operation between States, particularly for
economic and social development.
7. To Rwanda the human personality is sacred, its
freedom is inviolable and the fundamental freedoms are
guaranteed to all our citizens; all are equal before the law
without distinction of race, tribe, colour, sex or religion.
Our Constitution, in its Part II, Chapter I, guarantees public
freedoms.
8. It is with all the deeper distress that we see in the
southern part of our African continent — by which I mean
Angola, Mozambique, Namibia, Southern Rhodesia and the
Republic of South Africa — that these freedoms which we
are all proud of enjoying and to which we are so deeply
attached are utterly denied to a vast number of individuals,
and that the United Nations has not yet succeeded in
finally eradicating those destructive cankers, colonialism
and apartheid.
9. We must, of course, pay tribute to the worthy attacks
that our Organization, urged by the countries of the third
world and especially by those of Africa and Asia, constantly
makes on the forces of evil in that part of the world.
Nevertheless, no matter how noble our Organization’s
action, and no matter how apt our resolutions may be, they
are always blocked by a conspiracy among the imperialist
and racist forces of Portugal, Southern Rhodesia and the
Republic of South Africa, which are encouraged by the
plotting of the great economic and financial interests of
certain Powers.
10. In Angola and Mozambique the shameless, base and
anachronistic policy of Portugal grows more refined and
continues to set at defiance the fighting spirit of the
African patriots and the international public feeling which
backs their cause.
11. In addition to these two territories, Portugal’s criminal
policy is aimed at the adjacent countries. We recall that in
July 1969 Portugal violated the territorial integrity of
Zambia, a sovereign country and a Member of the United
Nations, in order to sow death and affliction among the
people there. Are we to believe that Security Council
resolution 268 (1969) on this matter, which my country
unreservedly supports, will remain a dead letter in the
history of our Organization?
12. In Rhodesia Ian Smith, leader of the tribalist and
racist minority, under cover of the hesitant and constantly
procrastinating policy of the United Kingdom, has repeatedly
succeeded in cynically preventing the application of
resolutions of this Assembly and of the Organization of
African Unity, and has even gone so far as to set up the
so-called Republic of Southern Rhodesia after pretending
to consult the people.
13. in Namibia, the imperialist policy of the Republic of
South Africa continues to wreak havoc despite the important
decision taken by our Organization to place that
territory under the direct control of the United Nations.
14. In South Africa racial discrimination, established as a
State religion, is still absolute. The reactionary forces of
Southern Rhodesia are being taught in that unhappy school
so thoroughly that, if we are not careful, South African
racism will soon make sorry conquests in that part of the
world. Indeed, do not the facts show clearly enough that
South Africa is trying to throw a dangerous cordon round
the independent neighbouring countries?
15. Rwanda has never swerved from its duty to denounce
publicly racist, colonialist and repressive policies like those
instituted by South Africa and by Portugal in Angola and
Mozambique and now inspiring the usurpers of Southern
Rhodesia. Accordingly it stresses once more its deep
concern at these explosive situations which, beyond question,
directly threaten peace and security in southern
Africa. It again adjures the Portuguese and South African
Governments to understand the meaning of history and to
co-operate with our Organization.
16. Speaking more particularly of Namibia, Rwanda can
never repeat often enough that the United Nations has a
very special obligation to lose no time in enabling the
peoples of that Territory to regain their stolen sovereignty
and govern themselves in freedom and dignity. In other
words, it should take appropriate and effective measures to
induce the Republic of South Africa to abandon its evil
policy in Namibia and withdraw completely. My country
for its part has spared and will spare no effort to make its
full contribution to the pursuit of the Organization’s
burdensome task, for it is convinced that none of us may
shirk the responsibilities that history imposes upon us all.
17. It is also important that Member countries which love
peace and freedom, in their efforts to combat colonialism,
particularly in Africa, should both recognize and support
the action pursued so nobly and tirelessly, and under such
difficult conditions, by the Organization of African Unity.
18. But colonialism and racial segregation are not, unfortunately,
the only distressing problems of our time. There is
also the civil war which is laying waste Nigeria; there is the
problem of Viet-Nam, not to mention the thorny question
of the Middle East.
19. With regard to the civil war in Nigeria, no man with
any heart can remain unmoved by the terrible suffering it
causes the civilian population on both sides. We have always
appreciated the efforts of the Organization of African
Unity Consultative Committee on Nigeria to find an
adequate solution. The philanthropic action taken by
certain States and international organizations to relieve the
misery caused by the war likewise compels the admiration
of us all.
20. The fact remains, nevertheless, that the Nigerian
question is far from being solved, Hence it is up to our
Organization — since it is not entitled to intervene directly in
the matter — to encourage and support the action being
taken by the Organization of African Unity. In the view of
the Government of Rwanda, the basis for the settlement of
this question would be first to stop the fighting, and then
to seek a mutually-acceptable solution.
21. As for the Viet-Namese problem, Rwanda, while
deploring that the negotiations in Paris are merely marking
time, is gratified nevertheless to note the glimmers of
agreement that are appearing on the horizon and the
decision solemnly taken by the President of the United
States of America to begin “de-escalation” by reducing the
numbers of military personnel stationed in Viet-Nam,
notwithstanding the existence of international commitments
undertaken by the United States towards South
Viet-Nam. We venture to hope that the voices of reason and
conscience will replace the clash of arms as swiftly as
possible, and that the various parties in the conflict will
accept negotiations as the only valid means of settling this
dispute which has for so many years so cruelly lacerated
that region of the world.
22. I come now to a no less painful question: that of the
Middle East. My country, which has real ties of friendship
and co-operation with both parties to the conflict, has
never concealed its concern at a situation in which violence
seems to have become the only way of life. That is why,
from this same rostrum and in other similar circumstances,
we have never ceased to maintain that only a dialogue
between the parties can lead to an honourable solution.
23. In my Government’s view there is no case so weak as
that of “those States“ which persist in ignoring the
existence of the State of Israel although it is a fully-fledged
Member of the United Nations. There can be no such thing
as a holy war; is there, perhaps, such a thing as a just war
when it is justified by self-defence? The appropriate
course, therefore, is for Israel and the Arab countries to try
to meet in order to discuss face to face the dispute that
divides them.
24. There is another problem of equal concern to my
Government: the problem of China. There is a good reason
for this: the question continues to be brought up and
debated at length at every session of our Assembly, and
each time various points of view are expressed. My
Government’s position is established and well known.
Rwanda recognizes the existence of only one Chinese
people, which is legitimately represented within the United
Nations and in the Security Council. As for the other
aspects of the question, my Government is convinced that
they are within the jurisdiction of this same people and
should be settled by it alone. To speak in more practical
terms, Taipei and Peking should direct their attention to
the search for a political formula that might fulfil the
necessary conditions for the concerted development of that
great nation.
25. I should also like to touch on the fate of two other
divided countries, Germany and Korea.
26. With regard to Germany, my government supports all
efforts to bring about the reunification of the German
people. Such reunification presupposes that the people of
the eastern part of that great country would be enabled to
express their will freely.
27. Turning to the problem of Korea: Rwanda ardently
desires to see the people of that country reunited on a
freely-negotiated basis, but still considers it necessary to
retain both the United Nations Commission for the
Unification and Rehabilitation of Korea and the United
Nations Force until the two parties agree on a modus
vivendi which would fully guarantee peace and security in
the country.
28. But would the abolition of colonialism and racial
segregation, and the elimination of sources of tension
throughout the world, be sufficient to give humanity hope
of lasting peace and security while the sword of Damocles
still hangs over our heads? I mean by that the spread of
nuclear weapons and the existence of stockpiles of weapons
of mass destruction.
29. My Government has made it a point of honour to
welcome the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear
Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII)], which it regards as a
very propitious step. It would have signed the Treaty; but
no guarantee was given to those countries that do not
possess such weapons, and, what is more, no assurance was
given that existing weapons would be destroyed. To borrow
an aphorism, the local consequence of this situation would
be “the disarmament of the disarmed”.
30. My country believes that international relations should
be founded less on the balance of reciprocal fear than on
mutual confidence among States and on co-operation in
various fields.
31. The vast sums that States, especially the great Powers,
devote to armaments would be better used in raising the
living standards of the populations of those parts of the
earth where people do not get enough to eat, or are stricken
by various diseases, or where even basic education is
inadequate.
32. However, no subject has ever commanded such sustained
attention as international co-operation. That is
because in the present-day world, where the mingling of the
human race has woven such close ties that the wealth or
poverty of one should be shared by the other, the many
bonds of interdependence ought to increase solidarity
among States. It is impossible to discuss this question
without immediately mentioning relations among the so-called
developing countries and their relations with the
industrialized and developed countries.
33. Political history teaches us that the camp of the
so-called developing countries is mainly composed of
territories which were at one time colonized and which, as a
result of the notorious Colonial Pact, had always served as a
reservoir of raw materials for the colonizing countries,
which sold their finished products back to them. As a
result, there has generally been considerable delay in setting
up genuine national industries in those territories; and even
when they have attained independence it has not been easy
for them to reorganize their internal economic structures
and readapt their systems of trade.
34. Rwanda was one of those countries which, in Geneva
in 1964 and in New Delhi in 1968, at the two international
conferences on trade and development, did not conceal
what they felt about the precarious economic situation of
the developing countries.
35. The United Nations itself was also concerned, so
deeply that it issued an appeal to the consciences of all
Member States. Thus in 1961 a number of specific
resolutions were adopted, establishing what has been called
the First United Nations Development Decade. Those
resolutions called on the wealthy countries in particular to
set aside each year 1 per cent of their national income for
the development of the countries that are still poor. Sad to
say, at the end of the Decade we find that — with perhaps
one exception, France — no country has been able to attain
that target of 1 per cent; and it is generally agreed that the
First Development Decade has been little short of a failure.
36. What are we promised by the Second Development
Decade, which is to begin in 1971? It is important to note
that one of the major obstacles to development in the poor
countries is the weakness of their domestic savings; because
of this they often resort to bilateral and multilateral
assistance. It would be appropriate during the Second
Development Decade to initiate more active co-operation
among the donor countries or organizations, in order tc
avoid competition among them, and between those countries
and organizations and the recipient countries. As part
of multilateral aid, it would also be appropriate to consult
the recipient countries as often as possible on the best ways
of using the aid they receive. It would thus be possible to
adjust the machinery for granting that aid in accordance
with needs and conditions, which indeed are not all alike
either in time or in place.
37. It is essential to bridge the gap dividing the developed
from the developing countries; for, as was said not long ago
by an authoritative African personality at the New Delhi
Conference:
“To confiscate 85 per cent of the world’s income for
the benefit of one quarter of the world’s population is the
greatest injustice of all time. To leave only 15 per cent of
the world’s income for 2,300 million out of 3,000 million
people is the greatest act of cruelty of all time. On top of
that to devote the sums confiscated to what we know to
be a vast expenditure on arms is the greatest absurdity
and the greatest aberration of all time.”
38. In a century in which human genius has carried out
the boldest scientific exploits, even to the point of enabling
man to set foot on the moon, is it not scandalous that on
the planet where he dwells hunger, disease and ignorance
still rudely defy him? But the poor nations themselves
must be convinced of the need to oppose a united front to
under-development. They should rise above narrow nationalism
and turn their attention to the creation of large
groups which would be more effective in promoting
development with a greater degree of regional or continental
integration and balance. It cannot be said too often that
poverty and hunger in the world threaten the security of
nations just as much as does the rattle of arms.
39. It was my delegation’s wish to draw the attention of
the Assembly to a number of problems which confront our
Organization and which the Government of Rwanda is
sparing no effort to solve, convinced as it is that the
maintenance of peace and security in the world and the
promotion of international co-operation are certainly not
tasks for a single State, or even for a few, but rather a duty
for all States.
40. During the twenty-four years of its existence the
United Nations has often proved impotent in the many
complex situations that the world has experienced. Nevertheless,
faith in the United Nations is more necessary than
ever, today even more than yesterday, and must continue
to be the force behind all our efforts to create better living
conditions and better chances of survival for present and
future generations.
41. In conclusion, Rwanda would like to express once
again its unshakable devotion to the purposes of the
Charter and its firm determination to make its full
contribution to the tireless efforts of our Organization.