86. Madam President, in my
official capacity as leader of the delegation of Thailand and
in my personal capacity as a former colleague of yours in
the Trusteeship Committee, I have great pleasure in offering
you our heartfelt congratulations. It has been my proud
privilege to have been associated with you as representative
of your great country, Liberia, and an illustrious daughter
of Africa, as well as with your distinguished predecessor,
Mr. Arenales of Guatemala, in the worthy endeavour to
help dependent peoples enjoy the inherent right to lead the
life of freedom. This Organization, the people of Guatemala,
and all of us who were his friends mourn the
untimely and grievous loss of Mr. Arenales, whose eminent
qualities of moral courage and remarkable intellectual
competence will be long remembered. Today, however, we
are gratified that your high feminine merits, Madam
President, and your outstanding ability and dedication have
been recognized by this august Assembly. We wish you
complete success in your momentous task which lies ahead.
87. As the General Assembly of the United Nations once
again begins its annual deliberations, there seem to be few
signs of improvement in the tense international situation.
The war in Viet-Nam is still raging, interrupted, however,
by a few occasional lulls during which the pace of fighting
slows down relatively. Likewise, some fifty thousand North
Vietnamese regular troops, in flagrant violation of the
Geneva Agreement of 1962, continue to wage a war of
destruction and attrition against the legitimate Government
of Laos, whose only desire is to live in peace and neutrality.
88. In the Middle East the conflict is still smouldering
while frequent clashes and outbursts threaten to erupt at
any time into a more prolonged and widespread conflict.
Meanwhile, even places of worship have not been spared
and the burning of the Al Aqsa Mosque by fanatics should
be deeply deplored.
89. In Nigeria the civil war in the eastern part continues to
bring misery and suffering to a vast number of people — a
face which has been of increasing concern to the international
community.
90. In other parts of the world not directly affected by
armed confrontation, disturbances and unrest break the
peace between persons of differing races or religious faiths.
Confusion has become widespread too among an increasing
number of people who seem to have lost their mental and
psychological balance, reversing normal values of good and
evil, right and wrong, justice and injustice. Although the
majority of people confronted with the burning issues of
our time have not succumbed to such impairment of the
reasoning faculty, not a few of them have reached the
extreme aberration of not knowing who their friends are.
They have come to worship their foes and tread on those
who work closely with them for mutual interests in
attaining the cherished goals of freedom and human
dignity.
91. However, in our part of the world we strive with all
the physical and spiritual strength at our command to
dissipate the clouds in our skies as well as in our minds, to
keep our heads clear of illusion as well as disillusionment.
Our compass is pointed towards the objectives of restoring
the shattered peace, strengthening the threatened freedom
and independence, and realizing the maximum benefits for
the well-being of millions of impoverished people.
92. We are not disheartened, and still less alarmed, by
those who are frustrated by the lack of decisive and
constructive results of their efforts or fatigued by responsibilities
which they feel they have shouldered for too long
and, therefore, aspire to withdraw into their quieter
parochial corners. Now, more than ever, we realize in the
depth of our hearts and minds that our strength lies within
ourselves, our nations and our ancient lands. Outsiders
come and go; they do not take roots, while we, the people
of Asia, are anchored unalterably to our eternal soil. We,
and we alone, have and will always have the primary
responsibility for making it fertile, peaceful and prosperous.
This is exactly what we have set ourselves to do and what
we intend to do to the best of our ability. That is why we
have devoted our time, energy and dedication to forge a
much needed sense of solidarity and cohesiveness, to lay
the basis for working positively together, and to replace the
outmoded imperialistic concepts of domination and subjection
by the humane and progressive philosophy of co-operation
and partnership.
93. As a result of these efforts a number of organizations
for regional co-operation, such as the Asian and Pacific
Council and the Association of South-East Asian Nations,
have sprung up. Undoubtedly, they are still in their initial
and almost experimental stage. However, with the passage
of time and accumulation of experience, they will gradually
gain strength and will be consolidated to offer maximum
benefits and services to member nations. These regional
groupings stress a close working relationship between the
participants who share similar ideas and aspirations. Ultimately,
they aim at encompassing all nations of the area
even though they may have dissimilar international and
domestic policies as well as different political, economic
and social systems. They also envisage co-operation with
nations outside the area provided that the latter agree to
work with them on the basis of equality and partnership,
sharing equitably advantages and obligations.
94. While it is true that the countries of Asia, as indeed
those of Europe, Africa and the Western Hemisphere, are
increasingly concentrating their efforts and attention on
their own immediate problems, they do not shut their eyes
to the outside world and to issues and difficulties confronting
the international community. On the contrary, they are
following with varying degrees of interest the developments
unfolding in various parts of the earth. In this connexion, I
wish to offer the views and suggestions of my delegation
concerning various questions affecting this Organization
and its Members which come from the four corners of this
planet.
95. In Asia, as indeed in the rest of the world, Viet-Nam
still remains a harrowing problem which not only continues
to cost far too many human lives and valuable material
resources but also presents a danger to the tenuous fabric of
international peace and the national freedom of smaller
nations. Had it not been for this conflict, instigated by the
new imperialists seeking to prolong the outmoded form of
domination, the nations of South-East Asia would have
been moving further along the road of greater freedom and
more secure independence. For these reasons, nations like
Thailand with an uninterrupted tradition of sovereign
statehood could not remain indifferent before the onslaught
to subjugate a small nation struggling to remain free
to follow its own destiny. The role that Thailand has been
playing, either on its own or in concert with other
like-minded nations, has been solely motivated by the
desire to stem the tide of aggression and to ensure for the
nations of South-East Asia the prospect of leading a
peaceful and progressive life with freedom and dignity. In
so doing, the Thai people have endured grievous sacrifices
in the loss of human lives and material resources and have
had to undergo too many regrettable experiences, less at
the hands of the enemy than at the hands of those within
friendly ranks whose judgement has been corrupted by
mental aberrations as well as by devious propaganda. The
sooner the Viet-Nam war can be brought to a just and
satisfactory conclusion and the traumatic effects on many
nations removed, the better for all concerned. At this
juncture, although many conciliatory and concrete measures
to de-esculate the war have been taken by the
defending side, the North Viet-Namese and their allies, who
are stubbornly bent on consummating their conquest, have
shown themselves to be unyielding and uncompromising.
96. As in the case of Viet-Nam, Laos has been suffering
for many long years from the expansionist North Viet-Namese
aggressors who have relentlessly been waging an
illegal and immoral war on the peace-loving Laotian people,
in complete contravention of the Geneva Agreements which
their representatives duly signed in 1954 and 1962. Indeed,
all the nations and peoples of the world that are dedicated
to peace and freedom, and particularly the co-Chairmen of
the Geneva Conference, who are entrusted with the duty of
ensuring the observance of the said agreements, should
exert more meaningful efforts to enjoin the Hanoi régime
to respect the obligations it has voluntarily accepted and
withdraw its military forces from the Kingdom of Laos.
97. The situation in the Middle East still offers a gloomy
picture on the international scene. A series of violent and
prolonged skirmishes which the Secretary-General has
qualified as a virtual state of war continues to inflame
passions, and a new round of hostilities does not seem too
remote a possibility. Furthermore, the quiet and patient
efforts of Ambassador Jarring and the flurry of political
consultations, both multilateral and bilateral, between
representatives of the major Powers here in New York and
elsewhere appear to have produced little, if any, concrete
result. No significant headway has in fact been made
towards uncovering a procedure for defusing the explosive
situation. In our view, prompt adherence to the spirit and
letter of the United Nations resolutions, particularly that of
the Security Council of 22 November 1967 [242 (1967)],
would seem to afford the only plausible way out of the
present dangerous impasse.
98. The delegation of Thailand is gratified at the recent
completion of the Act of Free Choice in the territory of
West Irian, which marked the implementation of the final
part of the Agreement between the Republic of Indonesia
and the Kingdom of the Netherlands concerning West New
Guinea (West Irian) signed in New York on 15 August 1962
under the aegis of the United Nations. The nations
concerned, as well as the United Nations, are to be
congratulated on having successfully demonstrated their
determination to settle this complex matter in such a
smooth and constructive manner. The Government of
Indonesia, in particular, has shown its good faith towards
the obligations incumbent upon it as a member of the
international community and has accordingly upheld and
strengthened the principle of self-determination for all
people.
99. Although the circumstances are different, the German
question — a central problem of the East-West confrontation
in Europe — is primarily the concern of the German people
themselves. Any settlement of the question must necessarily
be found on the basis of the right of self-determination
and within the framework of the efforts to safeguard
European security and to create an equitable and lasting
peace arrangement.
100. As we salute the success of the American nation in
realizing the age-old dream of landing a man on the moon,
perhaps it is also time to express our hope that such
technological advancement and peaceful co-operation may
be brought down from space to prevail on earth for more
palpable benefits to mankind. Sophisticated science and
technology should now be turned away from purely
theoretical and especially destructive purposes and channelled
instead into more peaceful pursuits to serve the
needs of countless millions of people everywhere.
101. While we are realistic enough to admit that, in the
final analysis, significant steps to achieve disarmament must
depend on the decisions of the great Powers concerning the
level of their own security, we regret that the long-awaited
talks between the United States and the Soviet Union on
strategic arms limitation have not started or even definitely
been scheduled.
102. We also consider it necessary to join the rising chorus
of developing nations which demand that the industrially
advanced nations should concurrently dedicate a substantial
part of their efforts towards the betterment of human
conditions, rather than the glorification of their scientific,
industrial or technological achievements, they should
indeed devote greater attention and resources to help
improve the appallingly low standard of living of a large
part of humanity.
103. That is why, of all the various questions of disarmament
on the agenda, the delegation of Thailand places the
sea-bed item on its priority list, for it typifies the kind of
technological co-operation that is needed and which, given
a reasonable amount of general goodwill, could lead to the
implementation of the concept of “common heritage of
mankind”. We regret, therefore, the slow progress of the
deliberations of the United Nations sea-bed Committee.
We certainly hope to contribute our energy and will
actively participate in the efforts to bring about worthwhile
progress on this item during the present session of the
General Assembly.
104. Ever since the disruption of the nineteenth session of
the General Assembly caused by the basic disagreement on
the principles directly related to the peace-keeping function
of the United Nations, the delegation of Thailand has often
had occasion to point out candidly that progress seems
abnormally slow in finding a satisfactory solution to this
vital problem in the United Nations. We are therefore
gratified that at last some small progress seems to have been
made by the Special Committee on Peace-keeping Operations;
it has attempted to present a detailed study of
observer missions as set up by the Security Council, as well
as agreed in principle to undertake an even more important
study of the United Nations military units established or
authorized by the Security Council for peace-keeping
purposes pursuant to Council resolutions.
105. As a member of the aforesaid Special Committee, the
delegation of Thailand fully realizes that such an advance
does not mean the narrowing of the gap between fundamental
differences. This is testified to by the fact that an
atmosphere of rising optimism in the Committee was
dashed at the last moment by the failure of conflicting
parties to come to an agreement on the presentation of the
first and relatively uncomplicated model. It thus becomes
apparent that unless interested parties are prepared to let
established positions evolve and to come to perceive that
national interests could be made compatible with international
obligations in some ways, there could not be any
substantial progress in this matter.
106. Just as we are all looking forward to the significant
celebration of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the founding
of the United Nations, it is highly appropriate that at the
same time we should look forward to celebrating the tenth
anniversary of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence
to Colonial Countries and Peoples, for, with all its
much publicized virtues and loopholes, nobody could fail
to be impressed by the record of the United Nations in its
decolonizing efforts, and among the many milestones in the
United Nations history a very high place must be reserved
for the Declaration.
107. In the early years after its inception, the Declaration
on decolonization was an effective instrument in pressuring
the governing Powers to liberate their colonial Territories
and peoples. However, progress in that direction has
become slower in the past few years, despite the fact that at
least one major area of an important continent still remains
under a blatant form of colonialism and continuous efforts
by the United Nations to decolonize it seem to have had
very little practical consequences. Therefore, as we
approach the tenth anniversary of the Declaration on
decolonization, the obvious focal point of our efforts
should rest on the situation still obtaining in the southern
part of Africa.
108. During the general debate of the last session [1689th
meeting], I indicated the views of the Government of
Thailand that the colonial situation in the southern part of
Africa was closely linked with, as well as aided and abetted
by, the apartheid policy. Having deplored and condemned
that racist policy as being contrary to the norms of
humanity and human nature, the Government of Thailand
is further saddened to see no significant change in the
attitude of its proponents.
109. The delegation of Thailand is particularly concerned
in this direction with the plight of the people of Namibia.
Thailand has taken a keen interest in this case from the very
beginning as its representative served for many years in the
five-nation Committee set up by the General Assembly
[resolution 449 (V)] to implement an Advisory Opinion of
the International Court of Justice in 1950, and was
Chairman of the seven-member Committee established by
General Assembly resolution 749 (VIII) in 1953. The
delegation of Thailand also took an active part in all
subsequent United Nations efforts to restore supervision of
that unfortunate nation to the United Nations, with the
ultimate objective of placing it in the hands of its rightful
and sovereign people. We have been gratified by the various
United Nations resolutions relating to this matter and the
United Nations Council for Namibia established to guide
the nation towards full sovereignty and independence. It is
with great regret, therefore, that we see this task still
unfinished.
110. In the same area, the illegitimate régime of Jan Smith
also continues to breathe the air of insubordination in
Southern Rhodesia, and that unruly white minority, having
usurped governmental authority and unconstitutionally
arrogated to itself the means to dominate the larger
segments of the population, has now gone on to commit
other excesses in order to strengthen the yoke of its racist
minority rule. It is thus seen to follow closely the policy of
apartheid, which may eventually be used more and more as
the main weapon for perpetuating and extending this
deplorable form of colonialism over a large part of southern
Africa. The crux of the problem is whether the Ian Smith
régime and others wish to continue to adhere to their
dogmatic isolationism and racialism of old or whether their
policies should be adapted-in an attempt to bring them in
line with the realities and demands of the contemporary world.
111. As for the Government of Thailand, it has faithfully
carried out all the sanctions by the United Nations in
connexion with those régimes and their policies, despite the
reluctance of many important commercial Powers to
observe the United Nations resolutions. Though we cannot
help feeling somewhat dismayed that these sanctions have
so far not achieved the desired result, we continue to be
firmly convinced of their values and will continue to fulfil
all our existing obligations, as well as to support any other
similar measures which the General Assembly may agree
upon in future.
112. The world economic situation, regrettably, still
remains a matter of serious and constant concern to all
Members of the United Nations, and, in particular, to those
countries which, like my own, are engaged in the perennial
struggle for self-sustaining economic growth. They have to
cope with the numerous and complex problems of underdevelopment.
In fact, the need for rapid development has
never been more urgent or more desperate than at the
present time. Despite persistent and organized efforts on a
global scale, progress towards development and modernization
by the less-privileged two thirds of mankind - over two
thousand million people — has been, to say the least,
disappointing. These poorer people still remain caught in a
tragic web of circumstances that drastically restrict their
legitimate right to a more decent life. They are trapped in
the grip of hunger, malnutrition, inadequate education,
dwindling opportunity and deepening poverty, while the
other third of mankind lives in countries which have
advanced economies and in an environment of priority and
abundance.
113. These goals which were set for the First United
Nations Development Decade, as is now well known to all,
seemed modest and within reach at the time when the
Decade was launched. Apart from setting the target of a
5 per cent annual growth-rate in national income for the
developing countries by 1970, the goals of the Decade also
called for an annual contribution by the rich nations of
merely 1 per cent of their gross national product to make it
possible. Indeed, we had, at the beginning of the 1960s,
entertained a confident hope that a global campaign to
bridge the chasm between the rich and the poor nations
would lead to success. The rich nations then seemed willing
and prepared to help while the poor nations themselves
seemed determined to make a stride within the limited
resources at their disposal.
114. Unfortunately, the United Nations Development
Decade, which began on a note of glorious hope, is drawing
to a close on a note of disenchantment, and it is now often
being referred to as the “decade of disillusionment”. The
5 per cent rate of growth of national income has been
achieved by only a handful of nations, including Thailand,
and not by the majority of the developing countries. The
rich nations do not seem to be exerting maximum efforts to
adopt all the necessary measures likely to help the
developing nations in their efforts towards economic
progress and social well-being, Further endeavours must
therefore be pursued by both the developed and the
developing countries to carry on preparatory work for the
Second United Nations Development Decade, with the
hope of doing better in the future.
115. We particularly trust that the more affluent nations
will demonstrate both farsightedness and genuine political
will, and that the developing countries, for their part, will
also show a greater sense of realism, so that the Second
United Nations Development Decade can be a decade of
practical success. We believe that the next Development
Decade, to which the Third World is looking with renewed
hope and confidence, should not become only a matter of
drawing up commitments. It should, in equal terms, be a
question of how to put into practical effect the means and
resources at the disposal of the international community.
Of equal importance is our realization that the preparations
for the new Decade must be made in a harmonious
atmosphere of active co-operation between the developed
and the developing countries. It is only through the
genuinely co-operative endeavour of both groups that
fruitful results can be expected and achieved.
116. I need hardly emphasize again that the widening gap
between the developed nations on the one hand, and the
developing world comprising Asia, Africa and Latin
America on the other, continues to be a matter of grave
concern to every nation on earth. Such a sad state of affairs
cannot fail to have unfavourable repercussions on international
relations. International stability can hardly be
achieved unless concrete and positive measures are taken to
bridge the gap between those two groups of nations sharing
the same world. It is true that the national efforts of the
developing countries are of primary significance. Such
efforts alone are not and can never be sufficient to make
those differences disappear; what is needed is the co-operation
of all concerned.
117. In this connexion the delegation of Thailand welcomes
the programme of international co-operation in the
survey of natural resources by earth satellites, as proposed
by His Excellency the President of the United States of
America before this Assembly the other day [1755th
meeting]. The project may be regarded as one of the many
possible areas of peaceful collaboration on a worldwide
scale in the exploration, exploitation and utilization of the
abundant wealth lying untapped on our own planet, and as
a promising initiative by a technologically more advanced
nation for the benefit of the common people the world over.
118. It is apparent from the foregoing that what the
present troubled world lacks most is perhaps not so much a
purely materialistic advancement in science and technology
as a more human consciousness of co-operation and
harmony among nations and peoples. Our Organization, as
can readily be seen, can provide a sufficiently efficient and
effective machinery for peace. If it cannot do better to
resolve the conflicts and disturbances among nations, the
cause may be found not so much in the inadequacy of the
machinery as in the unwillingness and unreadiness on the
part of nations to accept necessary adjustments of their
divergent national interests. The course for all of us to
pursue in the future seems to be that, while persevering in
working out the strategy of the Second Development
Decade, we should likewise initiate a new decade of
co-operation and harmonization among nations. In the
realm of peace-building, our efforts should be directed
towards instilling the urgency of reasonable compromises
and adjustments, of a worldwide give-and-take, and of
forging the will to live in harmony with one another,
bearing in mind the differences in human nature and
characteristics and the political and social creations of the
human mind. If steps are taken in that direction, the
nations of this earth may be embarking not only on a
periodic peace, not on a passing pax romana, but on an
enduring pax orbis for the present and future generations of
human beings.