122. Allow me, Madam President, to
extend to you my warmest congratulations on your
election as President of the twenty-fourth session of the
General Assembly. Your election to this high office
represents a source of particular pleasure and satisfaction to
my delegation, not only because it is most fitting that a
person of your standing, a distinguished representative of
Liberia, one of the African founding Members of the
United Nations, should lead the affairs of the Assembly,
but also because your election will further enhance the
status of women and the recognition of the contributions
which they can make to the world community and the
resolution of its problems.
123. In your election, we thus celebrate the victory of a
cause signifying freedom from past burdens, as well as hope
for the future. Let us draw strength from this auspicious
beginning to face the issues before us in a spirit of
solidarity, determination and hope.
124. The untimely death of your predecessor, the late
Mr. Arenales, has caused us deep sorrow. We admired the
courage, candour and devotion which he showed during the
last session of the Assembly, and his memory will live with
us for a long time.
125. This year marks the beginning of a new era in the
history of mankind. A great dream, long cherished by man,
has been realized. For centuries, the moon has inspired
philosophical thoughts, lyrics and faith. It has been
portrayed by man as a mystery beyond his reach. Today, it
inspires human solidarity and peace because the brave men
who first set foot upon it did so in the name of all mankind.
126. This fantastic feat represents not only the rapidity of
change in the world today but, more important, the fact
that man is capable of realizing his most ambitious dreams.
We owe the United States a particular vote of thanks for
this historic and tremendous achievement. We express once
again our congratulations to the American Government and
people and, in particular, to those men and women whose
contributions turned the Apollo 11 project into a living
reality. Similarly, our congratulations must also go to the
Soviet Union for its outstanding contributions in the same field.
127. As man plans to move to Mars and throughout the
solar system, more than half of the world’s people continue
to suffer under conditions of poverty, injustice and
oppression in a world torn with strife and armed conflict,
Our efforts to tackle these problems have made little or no
headway.
128. While man’s flight to the moon demonstrates his
genius in overcoming physical problems of great magnitude
and complexity, the sad state of affairs prevailing in the
world today is a vivid but tragic reminder that man is still
afflicted with shortcomings in the social and political fields,
which hamper him from coping with the age-old problems
of peace and security with justice.
129. Détente is beginning to take shape despite passing
setbacks. Many of the concepts and policies that had
shackled progress towards understanding and co-operation
between the great Powers are diminishing in importance.
Yet, seeking to limit the areas of friction, the great Powers
face the same dilemmas on the road to peace as in the past.
The war in Viet-Nam keeps harvesting young lives in both
camps. The search for peace in the Middle East remains
blocked. War in Nigeria goes on.
130. This year we have also witnessed the development of
a new situation. Tension over the Sino-Soviet border poses
a new menace to the peace and stability of the world.
131. I should like, therefore, to turn my attention briefly
to some of these areas and to begin, specifically, with a
conflict that has torn down the foundation of peace in our
own region.
132. The situation in the Middle East has gone from bad
to worse and represents a grave threat to peace and
security. At the turn of the year, some hopes were raised by
the prospect of talks among the four permanent members
of the Security Council. It was hoped that the assistance
which the four Powers were to render would break the
deadlock and lead to a settlement of the present precarious
and explosive situation. However, these hopes were soon to
be dashed, while Ambassador Jarring has all but abandoned
his search for settlement. As a result, Arab territories are
still under occupation. In its attempt to keep its hold on
Jerusalem and parts of other occupied Arab territories,
Israel is missing a central point: that lasting peace cannot be
built on a victor-vanquished basis.
133. I have on a number of occasions, from this rostrum
as well as in other forums, urged the need for withdrawal of
Israeli forces from Arab territories, as it is essential to the
establishment of a just and lasting peace. I have also
stressed that we reject resorting to force as a means of
settling disputes, and we have reaffirmed our conviction
that titles obtained by force could not be recognized as
valid. No State must be allowed to extend its frontiers as a
result of war.
134. We were filled with a sense of deep shock and
repulsion at the burning of the Al Aqsa Mosque, one of the
holiest shrines in the Moslem world. This criminal act has
also destroyed irreplaceable relics dating back to the
beginning of Islam. The anger and sense of indignation of
people throughout the Moslem world were profound. In
voicing the deep sense of grief of the Iranian people, cause
by the calamity which has befallen the Moslem world, my
august Sovereign offered Iran’s assistance to meet the
situation, particularly for the rebuilding and repair of the
mosque. At the same time, together with other Moslem
countries, we took the necessary steps in the Security
Council for the safeguarding of the holy shrines.
135. This act of arson, through deplorable, was the spark
that led to the first Islamic Summit Conference, held at
Rabat from 22 to 25 September 1969. The Conference
ended with positive results and laid the foundations for
future co-operation among the various Islamic nations. It
also fostered solidarity among the Moslems of the world.
My Government supports the Declaration of the Rabat
Islamic Conference, which is in conformity with the
resolutions adopted by the General Assembly and the
Security Council of the United Nations to which we have
already subscribed.
136. Now a word about Jerusalem. While restoration
efforts must continue, we must also address ourselves to the
root cause of the problem, which is the occupation of the
old section of Jerusalem by Israeli forces. Efforts to change
the status of Jerusalem have met with the strong opposition
of the overwhelming majority of Members of the General
Assembly and the unified stand of the Security Council.
Israel has been instructed by those two organs to rescind all
measures taken to change the status of Jerusalem.
137. We believe that Israel should be made to implement
those decisions. We also continue to believe that only
through the implementation of the decisions of the
Security Council, in particular the Security Council resolution
[242 (1967)] of 22 November 1967, is it possible to
reach a peaceful settlement. We further maintain that the
four-Power negotiations could make valuable contributions
to arriving at a settlement.
138. The tragic war in Viet-Nam continues to exact a
heavy toll of human life and property. The diplomatic
initiatives taken by the parties involved to break the
deadlock in the Paris talks are significant. We certainly hope
that the present trend, in particular the partial evacuation
of United States troops, will lead to meaningful discussions
and a final settlement. Nevertheless, our concern for
international peace and security has not diminished. I wish
to express once again our earnest hope for a speedy
settlement of the armed conflict.
139. Our preoccupation with problems of war and peace
should not distract our attention from a score of important
issues before our Organization; neither should we fail to
note its achievements.
140. This year marked the successful conclusion of work
begun some years back in the International. Law Commission.
The Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties,
which has already received the signatures of more than
thirty States, is the fruit of years of co-operative efforts by
a body of distinguished international jurists. In codifying
recognized principles of international law the Conference
did not fail to devote time and attention to the progressive
development of international law in the spirit of Article 13
of the Charter. Principles such as freedom of consent and
that of prohibition of force, coercion and threat, in the
conclusion of treaties, were provided with an international
legal context for the first time. The Convention no doubt
will strengthen the friendly relations among States and
promote international understanding and co-operation.
141. Let me turn now to the question of peace-keeping
operations. Iran follows developments in this field with the
same interest as that which prompted us, some years ago, to
offer to place a detachment of our armed forces at the
disposal of the United Nations. It is in this spirit that we
welcome the progress made on some minor aspects of this
important issue. The slow pace of progress should, in our
view, be judged tolerantly in the light of the nature of the
issues involved and the differences on major aspects of this
matter. Looked at from this angle, the question of United
Nations military observers presents itself as the end to a
beginning.
142. There is, of course, a long way to go. We should
continue with patience and vigour to try to overcome
divergences through detailed and businesslike discussions
of the issues. In doing so, we must continue to be guided by
fidelity to the provisions of the Charter of the United
Nations and respect for past experience in this field.
143. In the course of the past year, progress in the field of
arms control and disarmament dropped to a disquieting
low. More aptly this period might be described as one
whose potential productivity remained untapped. It will be
noted less for its achievements than for its failures. The
continued postponements of the strategic arms talks tend
to increase the difficulty inherent in the issues that form
the substance of those talks. The reasons behind that delay
still remain unknown.
144. The super-Powers, which have managed to become
both the champions and the arbiters in the disarmament
game, remain reluctant to discuss, and even more so to
resolve, the issues which have been accorded the highest
priority by this Assembly. Instead they discuss their own
priorities within their self-designed negotiating forum. In a
constructive spirit of self-discipline, we are willing to ignore
this as long as the outcome serves, though in varying
degrees, the interest of all. It is in this spirit that we hope
and expect that out of the present negotiations in Geneva
an agreement will emerge to bar the extension of the arms
race to the sea-bed and the ocean floor. It is also our hope
that a consensus will be reached on the issue of prohibition
of chemical and biological weapons and methods of
warfare.
145. I should like to take this opportunity to pay tribute
to our Secretary-General for the constructive proposal
made in the introduction to his annual report to the
General Assembly, to designate the 1970s as the Disarmament
Decade [A/7601/Add.1, para. 42]. We see in that
proposal the customary merit of his timely warnings on the
issues facing the world community. Iran is glad to associate
itself with that proposal.
146. The drive by the United Nations to promote respect
for human rights has continued to meet massive resistance.
Our rhetoric does nothing to reduce the misery of men
living under the scourge of apartheid. Despite efforts to
bring colonialism to. an end, millions of people still suffer
under its yoke in one form or another. Blended with racism
and the denial of human rights, colonial domination in
southern Africa has created a situation that poses net only
a challenge to the authority and prestige of our Organization,
but also a threat to world peace and stability.
147. We continue to condemn the policies of apartheid,
suppression and exploitation of colonial Territories and
peoples. We continue to endorse their legitimate struggle to
restore their fundamental rights, freedom and independence
in accordance with the provisions of the Charter, the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and the Declaration
on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples.
148. It is the hope of my delegation that as we approach
the tenth anniversary of the historic Declaration contained
in General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV), the world
community will intensify its efforts, not only to eliminate
the last vestiges of colonialism but also to restore the
legitimate rights of those nations who, in the course of
colonial domination, were victimized by arrangements
contrary to international laws and justice.
149. I wish now to turn to certain questions of particular
concern to my country. In line with cur national independent
policy in international relations, Iran enjoys cordial
and friendly relations with all countries, irrespective of
their social and political systems, and in particular with its
neighbours. There is one unhappy exception; the recent
developments in our relations with Iraq.
150. The Government of Iraq persists in interfering with
the free navigation of vessels bound for Iranian ports on the
Shatt-al-Arab, the river that flows between the two countries
to the Persian Gulf. On 15 April 1969 Iraq went so far
as to threaten to board vessels sailing to Iranian ports and
flying the Iranian flag. It further threatened to use force
should the Iranian merchant vessels not comply with its
demands. I should add that this threat has not been carried
out due to the fact that Iran stands alert in defence of its
inalienable and legitimate rights. Nevertheless, there have
been increasing acts of interference, resulting in serious
discouragement to shipping to Iranian ports on the Shatt-al-Arab.
151. Iraq bases its claim of absolute sovereignty over the
Shatt-al-Arab on a treaty imposed by colonial interests and
which Iraq itself has for thirty-two years refused to carry
out. It is inconceivable that in the second half of the
twentieth century a country should rest its case on the
doctrine of exclusive domain on a river of this size, which
runs some eighty miles along the shores of our two countries.
152. A river with such characteristics cannot, on the basis
of established rules and principles of international law,
come under the jurisdiction and absolute sovereignty of any
one country. More than half the waters of the Shatt-al-Arab
originated from Iranian sources. Moreover, from the general
tone of the 1937 Treaty, and the real significance of the
Protocol attached to it, it is clearly and fully understood
that the Shatt-al-Arab is not and cannot be under the
absolute sovereignty of Iraq.
153. Iraq, by its refusal to carry out its commitments
under the 1937 Treaty, has forfeited any rights it acquired
under that Treaty, which, moreover, due to its colonialistic
aspect is null and void. Consequently, the boundary set in
the Shatt-al-Arab reverted to mid-channel or the thalweg.
The issue between the two Governments is whether the
Shatt-al-Arab should be a barrier or a bridge. Iran has
offered to work out with Iraq a treaty for co-operative
administration of the Shatt-al-Arab with free navigation
throughout the entire river.
154. We have informed the President of the Security
Council of our position, and have proposed a number of
constructive alternatives for the peaceful settlement of this
dispute in accordance with Article 33 of the United Nations
Charter. It is our earnest hope that Iraq will respond
positively and in the same spirit of co-operation and
understanding for a satisfactory solution of this problem.
155. Another matter of concern to my country is the
situation in the Persian Gulf. We are bound to this area by
history and geography. The Persian Gulf is part of our past,
and its entire northern shore constitutes Iranian territory.
Under these circumstances we attach the greatest importance
to the developments in this area, and are destined to
share with other Persian Gulf States and Territories the
fortunes of the region.
156. Ever since the announcement by the British that they
would withdraw from the Persian Gulf, we have made it
clear that it is not enough only to advocate that an old era.
is dying out and a new one is setting in. We maintain that
this withdrawal should be real and genuine. The people of
the Persian Gulf should be left free to determine their own
future and to evolve the necessary co-operative arrangements
suited to the new evolving pattern.
157. We believe now, and we continue to believe, that
conditions of security and stability in the Persian Gulf area
can be maintained only if the historical rights and interests
of all the littoral States are preserved.
158. I now wish to turn to a matter of equal importance
to peace and security in the world; the question of
economic development. As to the need for concerted action
and co-operative efforts to deal with problems of under-development
increases, there appears to be less willingness
on the part of the developed countries to take the resolute
steps required to translate lofty objectives into living
realities. At a time when affluence is rapidly becoming the
prevailing condition of whole countries or regions of the
world, the large majority of humanity continues to live in
conditions of poverty, disease and hunger. Surely, the time
has come, through global partnership, to deal effectively
with this paradoxical and intolerable situation.
159. It is tragic to note that when development aids are
beginning to yield results, the political will in the developed
countries for international aid seems to be faltering.
Perhaps this may be partially due to the realization that the
fight against poverty and want in the domestic field has
been neglected. Nevertheless, no matter how much progress
towards establishing conditions of affluence is made in the
domestic realm, the war against injustice and want will not
be won if it is neglected in the international field.
160. In this regard, we were gratified to learn this morning
that a distinguished world personality, Mr. Lester Pearson, a
former President of this Assembly, and other distinguished
experts have so ably reflected the needs of the developing
countries in their report to the World Bank. It is our
sincere hope that their recommendations will receive active
and positive consideration.
161. Closely linked with the problem of securing the
necessary resources for development programmes is the
question of manpower shortage, which is acute in most of
the developing countries. In this area, however, conditions
are rather favourable. Here, the enthusiasm of youth
provides an enormous source of energy which is still largely
untapped. Should we not then try to channel the idealism
of youth into the fight against poverty, disease, and
illiteracy on a global scale?
162. It was in view of these considerations that the
Shahanshah Aryamehr took the initiative in suggesting the
creation of an international corps of volunteers. The
response of the General Assembly at its last session and its
unanimous vote is encouraging in this regard. It is equally
gratifying to note that at its last summer session, the
Economic and Social Council adopted, without a dissenting
vote, a resolution [1444 (XLVII)] based on that proposal.
163. It gives me a great pleasure to express the thanks of
my delegation for the cordial words of support expressed
by many of those at the Economic and Social Council
meeting for the initiative of my august Sovereign.
164. The approval by the Economic and Social Council is
ample proof that there is a recognized need to afford young
people an opportunity to participate in the global quest for
peace as well as for development within an international
framework. Here, I should like to stress that we attach the
greatest importance to a volunteer corps which has a
genuine international character, operating under the United
Nations supervision and administration. It goes without
saying that national schemes may also make their contributions
to the international volunteer corps, but that once
they are made, they fall within the jurisdiction and under
the authority of the United Nations.
165. For our part, we have oriented our social programmes
towards economic prosperity. The focus of our
fourth development programme is on the industrial sector,
an institution of far-reaching social reforms which provides
necessary impetus for rapid growth. Last year, our economy
enjoyed another twelve per cent expansion. This was
achieved with relative price stability.
166. In other areas, the use of army conscripts in literacy,
health and development programmes continues to yield
important results.
167. We shall soon be marking the twenty-fifth anniversary
of the founding of our Organization. As we approach
it, we cannot expect to recapture the first hopes that went
with the signing of the Charter. We must draw the lesson of
twenty-five years’ experience of success and failure. If,
from that mixed history, one bit of wisdom is to be gained,
it is that the principles of the Charter remain the bedrock
on which to build a peaceful and prosperous world. If we
have not made greater progress toward building it, the fault
lies in ourselves.
168. What is required from each of us is a sober resolve,
when dealing with our common problems, to see them in a
wide, indeed a global, perspective. This would mean
abandoning excessive preoccupation with the achievement
of narrow national interests. It would mean seeking to
conduct our international relations so that everyone gains,
not so that some profit at the expense of others.
169. It is my hope that, already at this session of the
Assembly, we shall see a new birth of such a co-operative
spirit in the approach to our trying problems.