55. On behalf of the
Government of Malta I wish to associate myself with
previous speakers in extending sincere congratulations to
the President on her election to the presidency of this
Assembly. It is an honour which she highly deserves. I also
venture to express the hope that during her tenure of office
a more positive and constructive contribution will be made
to the vital work of this Organization.
56. I should also like to express my sincere regret over the
death of our former President, Mr. Arenales, who so ably
presided over the last session of this Assembly.
57. The problems that this Assembly will be considering
during the current session are many and varied. In dealing
with them, however, the Assembly has one aim: the pursuit
of peace and stability and, as a corollary, the promotion of
the economic and social progress of all mankind which is
essential for the maintenance of international peace and security.
58. I propose to touch mainly on the subjects more
closely related to those objectives. Representatives will find
in my statement repetition of what has been said before.
Are not the problems facing us today virtually the same as
those that beset man in his persistent search for peace and
justice? Those problems may have increased in magnitude
and complexity and they are certainly brought home to us
more vividly and more painfully than before; but in essence
they remain the same. What is even worse is that the
remedies are as elusive as ever. There may perhaps be today
a more general awareness of the causes behind this unrest in
the world at large, and the terrifying weapons man has
created have made us more appreciative of the need to steer
away from the precipice we could be heading for. We have
done little to turn that realization into positive action.
59. The war in Viet-Nam continues; in the Middle East
hardly a day passes without the cease-fire being violated;
the death rate in Nigeria shows no signs of abating; the
integrity of smaller nations is trampled upon with impunity.
While the old problems remain unresolved and fester,
new tensions arise and develop in the framework of a world
divided into highly armed military blocs.
60. In the field of economic and social advancement our
record is hardly any better. It is enough to say that we still
witness a world in which two thirds of the population is
destitute and underfed, in which thousands are dying daily
of starvation and malnutrition and where efforts to
introduce greater equity between nation and nation have
not yet achieved the success essential for the maintenance
of peace.
61. It is for those reasons that from the very beginning of
our participation in the work of this Organization we have,
with others, sought to make a particular contribution to the
solution of problems relating to disarmament and have
striven to help to find means of increasing the sources of
development capital for the advancement of the poorer
areas of the world. Indeed these two objectives are closely
interrelated: for, as is known, the national resources applied
to the production of armaments could well be directed
towards the relief of poverty and the raising of the living
standards of all men.
62. The achievements in the field of disarmament are
regrettably conspicuous by their inadequacy. A number of
resolutions have largely gone unheeded; the Conference of
the Committee on Disarmament, now enlarged, has made
no significant progress during the eight years of its
existence; indeed there may be some doubt about the value
of this Committee as a mechanism for the conduct of
disarmament: negotiations in the future. The Treaty on the
Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution
2373 (XXII)] has, up to now, simply frozen the membership
of the nuclear club and left vertical proliferation undisturbed.
63. The non-proliferation Treaty — which was never intended
to be, and could not be, an end in itself — cannot in
reality have much appeal to non-nuclear States, particularly
those that have achieved nuclear-weapon capability, unless
it is followed by greater efforts on the part of the nuclear
Powers to reach agreement on effective measures for
nuclear disarmament as well as for general disarmament. No
State can be expected to rely indefinitely on other States
for its security; the more so since the nuclear Powers are
also the major conventional weapons States. Guarantees
cannot therefore be confined to nuclear weapons but must
comprise assurances in regard to any kind of military force.
The evidence at the moment is that no agreement between
the super-Powers and within the nuclear club is yet in sight,
and the position of mainland China tends to complicate
matters still further. In these circumstances one cannot but
urge a more earnest effort on the part of the major Powers
to discuss and to reach agreement on the underlying
political questions which are a determinant cause both of
the nuclear arms race and of the arms races among
non-nuclear-weapon States.
64. A comprehensive test-ban treaty remains for us, as it
does for others, a matter of first priority. We note,
however, that discussions on nuclear arms control have
tended to be overshadowed by the attention which is now
being devoted to chemical and biological weapons. Chemical
and biological weapons are in a sense potentially more
dangerous than nuclear weapons. As the Secretary-General
said in his very useful report on the subject:
“they do not require the enormous expenditure of
financial and scientific resources that are required for
nuclear weapons .. . [because] they can be manufactured
quite cheaply, quickly and. secretly in small laboratories
or factories”.
“The danger of the proliferation of this class of
weapons applies as much to the developing as it does to
developed countries.”
In their report, the consultant experts have added this
ominous warning:
“Were these weapons ever to be used on a large scale in
war, no one could predict how enduring the effects would
be and how they would affect the structure of society
and the environment in which we live.“
65. It is with some not unjustifiable pride that I recall that
my country was among the first to bring this matter to the
attention of the United Nations in 1967. We are happy that
our modest effort has borne some fruit and we welcome the
draft Convention presented by the United Kingdom to the
Conference of the Committee on Disarmament as a
preliminary step in dealing with a very difficult and
complex problem. We have also noted with interest the far
more ambitious draft [see A/7655] presented to this
Assembly by the Soviet Union which, in our view, has some
unfortunate omissions. At the appropriate time we hope to
venture some friendly suggestions on this subject.
66. While disarmament negotiations are proceeding laboriously
in Geneva, we are becoming increasingly perturbed
by the development of new dimensions in technology
which are permitting new dimensions in the arms race — I
refer here to the progress being made in the development of
radiological weapons.
67. At the same time, of more immediate concern
perhaps, in the field of conventional arms the problems are
becoming more difficult to solve. Particularly disturbing is
the unrestricted traffic in conventional but highly sophisticated
arms and their supply to political friends. As a result,
regional or limited wars not only flare up with disheartening
regularity but take on proportions they could never
have reached without outside support.
68. The conflict in the Middle East is but one painful
example. The confrontation in that highly sensitive area of
the world has assumed an extremely dangerous pattern; and
major Powers are not entirely blameless. We are in fact
witnessing a state of affairs in which great Powers are
becoming more deeply involved and which could escalate
into a potentially catastrophic struggle for strategic and
political advantage. We cannot but hope that those same
Powers will apply their best efforts to ensure that good
counsel will prevail.
69. It is our firm belief that the sale of armaments
generally should be drastically reduced; and we again urge
as a first step an initiative designed to elaborate a
comprehensive and fair system effectively to publicize the
transfer of arms between States. If the extent of the trade
in armaments were brought out into the open it could have
the salutary effect of limiting, and indirectly controlling,
this always dangerous traffic which becomes an even greater
menace when poor countries are used as a dumping ground
for the obsolescent but still sophisticated arms of big Powers.
70. The call for disarmament will remain a cry in the
wilderness until the conditions are such that large-scale
reductions in arms are not only desirable but also feasible in
the context of the world-wide balance of power. One must
assume that nuclear-weapon States would be willing to rid
themselves of the terrible and heavy burden they carry.
Mistrust continues and unequal resources and opportunities
in various fields tend to compel nations to compete with
one another for superiority in armaments. The instinctive
belief that dominance is necessary for survival still prevails,
as does the century-old way of thinking embodied in the
famous si vis pacem, para beilum philosophy. The fact that
these concepts still exist defeats the very fundamental
purpose of this Organization.
71. The restraint exercised so far is clear evidence of the
realization that the alternative is disaster. That restraint,
however, which we call coexistence, is bred from fear and
under these conditions there can be little hope of a
substantial reduction in armaments. We are of course
thankful for that restraint, and we support détente in spite
of setbacks and disappointments. Restraint based on
mutual fear, however, can never be the basis of lasting
peace. A more positive approach is required. From coexistence
we must pass to active co-operation between the
major centres of world power in reducing world tension and
in creating conditions favourable to disarmament.
72. Almost equal in importance to progress towards a
general and comprehensive disarmament programme is the
advancement of the less fortunate areas. The main causes of
world tension and unrest are the grave social and economic
inequalities that divide the world into rich and poor and
into strong and weak. This is both morally and politically
intolerable; and before these causes are eradicated man
cannot hope to live in peace.
73. It follows that disarmament would have little meaning
and would very likely remain sterile if it were not
accompanied by a wider and more equitable distribution of
wealth, by a sharing of the benefits of technological
advance and, generally, by a greater impetus to the
advancement of less developed countries. Somehow the
uncomfortably wide gap that separates the richer and more
industrialized countries from their poorer neighbours must
be narrowed and where possible bridged.
74. I need not recall this Assembly’s resolution
[1837 (XVII)] taken as far back as 1962 concerning the
conversion to peaceful needs of the resources released by
disarmament, except to add another reminder that the
resolution, not unlike many others, has remained a dead
letter. The painful truth is that the arms race, instead of
slowing down, is gradually extending to countries still in
the process of development and whose limited resources are
desperately needed for economic and social improvement.
75. In the meantime, other sources of development capital
are not being tapped. My country has drawn attention, for
instance, to the fact that the almost inexhaustible resources
of the sea-bed beyond national jurisdiction could be
exploited for the benefit of mankind.
76. This means first that the largest possible area of the
sea-bed and of the ocean floor must be reserved for
peaceful purposes; and in that connexion we are happy that
agreement on initial steps to that end has been reached
between the United States and the Soviet Union. A second
requirement is that the area beyond national jurisdiction is
defined clearly and in a way that is acceptable to the
international community. This is a matter which may take
some time but is nevertheless of great urgency. Therefore
the Maltese delegation will introduce during the course of
this session a proposal which, it is hoped, will set in motion
the process of clarification of the definition of the legal
continental shelf. Finally, an effective international machinery
is necessary to administer the sea-bed beyond national
jurisdiction in the interest of all and equitably to distribute
the benefit obtained from exploitation.
77. While I am naturally gratified by the interest shown
and the steps already taken by the Organization in this
field, I cannot conceal my concern that, while we are still
discussing general principles, technology is advancing rapidly
and actions are being taken by individual States which
are encroaching on what legitimately should belong to all mankind.
78. As matters stand, however, few resources are likely to
be released by disarmament in the immediate future, nor
will any benefit be available to mankind from the exploitation
of the resources of the sea-bed until the international
community has reached a decision on a régime applicable to
this area. In this situation international assistance derived
from the foreign aid budgets of donor countries, supplemented
by private investment, must continue to be the
main source of external assistance to developing countries.
79. As the representative of a recipient country I wish to
express the gratitude of my people for the technical and
preinvestment assistance we are receiving. This has contributed
in no small measure to the progress registered in Malta
since the attainment of independence five years ago.
Viewing the matter in its wider perspective, I must in
fairness confess that I am not satisfied with the record so
far achieved by the United Nations. The goal set for the
first United Nations Development Decade, namely, an
over-all 5 per cent rate of growth of the national income of
developing countries, has not been attained. International
aid has remained practically static despite the increased per
capita income of developed countries and is in most cases
still short of the proposed level of 1 per cent of their gross
national product. The expectations that had been entertained
when the first development programme was inrugurated
in 1960 have gradually changed to disenchantment.
80. The flow of international aid depends to a large extent
on the response of the donor countries; the application of a
substantial part of those resources, however, is a matter for
which this Organization is responsible. Mindful of the fact
that international aid will for some time remain the main
source of external assistance to developing countries and of
the unlikelihood that the size of that aid will expand
appreciably, this Organization must make greater efforts to
ensure that the limited resources available should reach the
recipient countries untouched by excessive overhead costs
and be utilized by those countries to their fullest possible
advantage.
81. Of the many activities of the United Nations family
the promotion of economic and social advancement has
been the most rewarding. The work in this field is the
strongest and most fertile link of the international system
with the realities of everyday life. The results can be felt
and seen, and much can be done despite the stagnation of
international aid. There is, however, plenty of room for
improvement, particularly in the measures to be taken to
ensure the most efficient and rational utilization of the
resources available; and it is earnestly hoped that the plans
for the Second United Nations Development Decade are
conditioned to that end and to the political realities of the world.
82. The basic objectives of the international system in the
economic and social fields have been changing over the
years; the structure of the system must obviously change to
meet present requirements and to enable the United
Nations and its specialized agencies to have a prompt,
effective and flexible response to the needs of Member
States. Should the total resources of the international
system be mobilized, break-throughs in priority areas could
be achieved. This strongly suggests the establishment of a
unified budget for the system or at least a centrally
determined level of expenditure for the system in accordance
with medium-term plans.
83. We also again urge a shifting of manpower and
financial resources from elaborate headquarters activities to
field work. Substantive activities could be made more
directly relevant to the needs of developing countries. Thus,
for example, the establishment of an international investment
promotion institute actively seeking sources of private
investment for Member States would have a practical value
superior to that of dozens of theoretical studies on ways of
making such private investment flow to those States.
84. The fragmentation of competence with regard to
several major problems between the United Nations and
many specialized agencies is a serious difficulty. It is
particularly evident in such areas as the problems of
environment and the activities conducted by the United
Nations system in the ocean. There are at least half a dozen
specialized agencies dealing at the international level with
pollution of the sea. We believe it is time means of
integrating these activities were studied.
85. Too much stress cannot be laid on the advantages for
recipient countries to rely increasingly on their own
resources for development, and available aid should mainly
be directed at a properly organized mobilization of indigenous
forces. The achievement of better results in this field
by the United Nations family, apart from the benefits that
would directly accrue to developing countries, would
encourage donor States to channel more of the limited aid
available through international institutions. This is important
for several reasons; not least of these is the release, or
at least a relief, of recipient countries from the external
political and other undue pressures that only too often
accompany bilateral aid programmes.
86. The United Nations system has rightly given considerable
attention to the problems of youth. Society however is
in constant flow, each age having its own problems. The
problems of the elderly and the aged have so far received
comparatively little attention at the international level.
Even at the national level, the needs of the elderly and the
aged and their potential contribution to their communities
and to society have often been overlooked. We are hopeful
that the United Nations will agree to the study of this
question as a basis for international action.
87. The United Nations will shortly be celebrating the
twenty-fifth anniversary of its foundation. This has been a
chequered period of history: years of victory and of
rehabilitation from the effects of war; years which have
witnessed the end of colonialism and the beginning of
regional and world-wide attempts to establish a better and a
fuller life. On the debit side, we have been plagued by an
uninterrupted series of limited wars and we have lived in a
continuous state of tension under the shadow of a cold war
punctuated by crises which at times have threatened to
break out into a world holocaust. An arms race of
unprecedented proportions has been the result, and partly
the cause; vast resources which could have alleviated the
sufferings of many have instead been used to cause further
pain and death.
88. At the moment the magic word is “détente“: but we
must do a lot better than that. We must actively co-operate
in all fields of human endeavour and change restraint into
positive co-operation. In the words of our Charter we must
Strive to “live together in peace with one another as good
neighbours”. For that we need a change of heart, a change
of attitude and a change in our behaviour towards our neighbours.