90. Madam President, it gives me pleasure to begin my statement by expressing the great gratification of my delegation at your election to the presidency of the twenty-fourth session of the General Assembly, the more so when I recall that the only two ladies who have gained this confidence have come from Asia and Africa, the two continents whose peoples have been engaged in a bitter struggle for freedom, independence and self-determination for all oppressed peoples. 91. I should also like to take this occasion to express our sincere sorrow at the passing away of former President Emilio Arenales, who earned the confidence of the General Assembly at its last session, and who, in spite of ill health, discharged his duties admirably. 92. One year has passed since I addressed the General Assembly at its last session, quoting in my statement from the Secretary-General’s report, to the effect that no progress had been made towards an international order based on law and justice. I regret to state now that the year that has just passed has not been more favourable than the one preceding it, in banishing the atmosphere of anxieties and dangers that threaten the safety and security of nations. 93. This failure has been manifested in all its aspects in the Middle East, where Israel continues its aggression against the people of Palestine and its occupation of the territories of three Arab States, Members of the United Nations, before the eyes of the world Organization. Israel has been attempting by all methods to consolidate its colonialist, racist and expansionist existence in the Arab region, aided and abetted by world imperialism headed by the United States of America, in flagrant violation of the Charter of the United Nations. 94. During the past year and since the previous session of the General Assembly, a series of resolutions has been adopted and initiatives taken with varying degrees of seriousness and responsibility to find a solution, creating a basis for justice and the banishment of aggression from the region. In spite of all this, no noticeable improvement has been achieved and we have not seen any glimmer of hope for reaching a just solution of this problem that has been awaiting solution for the last twenty years. 95. It is high time to differentiate between causes and consequences and to confront the causes with the needed courage, objectivity and fairness. The basic cause is the denial to the Palestinian people, who have been living in tents for the past twenty years, of the right to live in their own homeland in freedom, sovereignty and peace. Any solution which does not take into full consideration the Palestinian people, the people directly concerned, will have no chance of success. The overriding reality which will remain alive in the conscience of the Arab nation and of the world is the rejection by the Palestinian people of their elimination as a distinct national entity, and their determination for national survival, regardless of the price, in common with other nations that have fought against occupation and extinction and achieved, through their just struggle, the goals of liberation and independence. 96. When Israel embarked upon the second stage of its expansionist designs by waging its. 1967 aggression and occupying large territories of the Arab States, it was determined to consolidate its occupation of those territories for the purpose of their annexation, in defiance of all the principles of the United Nations Charter, and thus to impose submission on the Arab States and the final liquidation of the Palestine question. 97. It is not difficult for those who are acquainted with Israeli methods to realize that Israel is endeavouring to employ all means to consolidate its occupation and to impose on the United Nations another fait accompli. This is neither surprising nor unexpected from an Israel, which has from the start based its existence upon acquisition by force and the presenting of that acquisition as an irrevocable fait accompli. This fact has been proved by what happened last year, and ever since Israel came into being, a fact deserving everyone’s attention so that measures may be taken to avoid its imposition upon the region and the world community. 98. At the end of its previous session, the General Assembly adopted resolution 2452 (XXIII) for the return of the evacuees who were forced to leave their homes as a result of the June 1967 aggression, and the United Nations reaffirmed its previous resolution concerning the right of the people of Palestine to return to their homeland. A year has now passed and not a single part of that resolution has been implemented. Furthermore, the General Assembly, at its last session, adopted resolution 2443 (XXIII) on respect for human rights in the occupied Arab territories, a resolution which was rejected by Israel right from the very beginning. The Security Council. on its part, adopted several resolutions condemning Israeli aggression against the Arab States, such as resolution 262 (1968) concerning Israel’s raid on Beirut International Airport, and resolution 265 (1969) regarding Israel’s attack upon the civilian population in Jordan. Other resolutions by the Security Council include resolution 267 (1969) declaring as invalid all Israeli measures to annex Arab Jerusalem and efface its Arabic character; also Security Council resolution 271 (1969), in which the Council reaffirmed its previous resolution on Jerusalem. 99. But all those resolutions were contemptuously and arrogantly rejected by Israel. On the other hand, the United Nations Human Rights Commission adopted its resolution 6 (XXV) for the establishment of a mission to investigate Israel’s inhumane measures against the civilian population in occupied territories. That mission was denied co-operation by Israel and even barred from entering the territories in question, as if such an attitude could blind the world to the persecution of civilians, the suppression of freedom, the economic hardships and the imposition of a brutal occupation upon the peoples of those territories. All these actions were condemned by the International Conference on Human Rights which was held at Teheran from 22 April to 13 May 1968. 100. We were not surprised at Israel’s persistence in such a policy and at its continuous contempt for United Nations resolutions. Our realization of this fact was based upon unquestionable and unmistakable indications which were further reinforced by well-known statements of various Israeli spokesmen. 101. Israel’s continued contempt for the Security Council resolutions is a result of its knowledge that those resolutions will not go beyond censure and condemnation because there are Powers that prevent the Organization from undertaking appropriate measures, under the Charter, to deal with situations similar to the Israeli aggression. Israel was certain that the United States of America, which has supported it since its creation with material and moral aid and which continues to provide it with the latest destructive weapons, even at a time when it is in occupation of the Territories of United Nations Member States, would block any effective action by the Organization. This is not surprising from the United States, which is the foremost imperialist Power in the world and from whose machinations no country has been safe. It is the same United States which called, through its President and from this rostrum a few days ago [1755th meeting], for alteration of the map of the Middle East to satisfy Israel and reward its aggression. 102. How could the United States allow itself — and how could the international community allow it — to play with the destinies of peoples and violate the sanctity of homelands? That declaration of the United States President creates a dangerous precedent in international relations, one which threatens the sovereignty of States and their territorial integrity, and it must be the concern of all Members of this Organization for the sake of their security and territorial integrity. 103. Supporting aggression, so forcefully and enthusiastically, by a great Power such as the United States — a permanent member of the Security Council which, according to the Charter, bears a special responsibility for keeping international peace and security — is a dangerous action which threatens the very future of this Organization and weakens whatever faith the peoples of the world may have in it. It is such actions which help to replace the rule of law by the law of the jungle. The United States must realize that force can never stand in the way of nations struggling for their legitimate aspirations. The changes that are taking place in Asia, Africa and Latin America are shining examples of the total failure of the policy of force. 104. This is the dark and negative side of the situation prevailing in the Middle East since 1948 which has further deteriorated since Israel’s June 1967 aggression. There is, however, the other side of the picture where there is a ray of hope and a gleam of optimism that a fundamental remedy is beginning to emerge. By this I mean the growing valiant resistance movement of the people of Palestine who, under the yoke of Israel’s occupation in the darkness of refugee tents and conscious of their homelessness, suffer from the world’s lack of conscience and the impotence of this Organization to find a solution for the plight in which they have been living for twenty years now. Last year witnessed the intensification of patriotic resistance in Palestine and all occupied Arab territories. This resistance has become the criterion for the effectiveness of the Arab struggle. 105. From this rostrum, I wish to affirm the support of the Iraqi Government and people for the legitimate struggle of the Palestinian people who ave resisting foreign occupation and striving for the right of self-determination. This struggle, by its example of bravery and sacrifice, has awakened the conscience of the world .and gained the sympathy of all freedom loving nations. The Iraqi Republic, convinced of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people as part of the Arab nation, will continue to support their struggle by all available means, both inside and outside this Organization. 106. It is for us a source of satisfaction that the number of States which have come to recognize this right has been growing. In this respect, I wish to recall the resolution of the consultative meeting of the non-aligned nations held at Belgrade from 8 to 12 July 1969 which was based upon the resolutions of the two non-aligned summit conferences held at Belgrade in 1961 and Cairo in 1964, supporting unequivocally the struggle of the Palestinian people against colonialism, racism and their efforts to regain their legitimate rights. 107. One of the most dangerous aspects of Israeli expansion is its attempts to extend its domination to citizens of other States on a purely religious basis. Israeli protective claims over world Jewry is a factor for confusion and disturbance in the world today. It is an encroachment upon the sovereignty of independent States and calls for dual loyalty and allegiance. 108. Today, religion is no longer a bond between the individual and the State. Therefore, Israel’s responsibility in exploiting religious feelings and inciting citizens to betray their countries as part of its aggressive designs is extremely dangerous. The tears it sheds for those victims of its wicked designs, in the name of defending semitism, are an act of tremendous cynicism. The events of recent years have uncovered many of Israel’s criminal acts. It is doubtful that the world would be deceived by its weeping for a few spies who betrayed their country while it continues to assassinate a whole nation. 109. The world was shocked by the burning of the Al Aqsa Mosque, one of the most holy Moslem places of worship and which constitutes a spiritual and historical monument for all mankind. This barbaric crime, perpetrated by the Zionists, reflects the decline of their moral and human values. In spite of all propaganda camouflages the world did not hesitate to show its anger and disgust and to lay the responsibility at Israel’s door as the occupying Power. 110. The continuation of the Zionist aggression against the Arab nations will lead to most serious consequences in the Middle East and will weaken the confidence in the United Nations, which bears a great responsibility in view of its failure to liquidate aggression and find a just solution for the Palestinian problem. 111. The Arab nation, which has placed its confidence in this Organization, is determined and entitled to use all legitimate means for the liberation of Arab lands from the racial Zionist occupation, regardless of the price to be paid. 112. The only way to deal with Israeli aggression is by its liquidation and by the refusal to recognize any territorial gain resulting from it. Israel must unconditionally withdraw from all Arab territories. This will not by itself normalize the situation or establish a just and lasting peace, because the June aggression is nothing but one of the direct consequences of the Zionist aggression against the people of Palestine. It is only by recognizing the rights of the people of Palestine for repatriation and self-determination and assuring their full participation that a successful solution can be reached. 113. The Israeli aggression and its consequences are not the only dangers to the peace and security in the Middle East. There is another problem which is of particular concern to my Government since it is a direct threat to Iraqi sovereignty, and to which the Foreign Minister of Iran referred yesterday [1776th meeting]. This is the problem which has been artificially created by our neighbour Iran, by its unilateral declaration abrogating the valid and legally binding boundary Treaty of 1937. The unilateral denunciation of this Treaty has no basis or support in law or fact. 114. The 1937 Treaty was concluded to settle and delineate, once and for all, the water and land boundaries between Iraq and Iran. The Treaty provided for the recognition of international instruments which were previously established for the delineation of the frontiers between the two countries. It was duly signed and ratified and the instruments of ratification were exchanged. The Treaty was registered with the League of Nations. 115. Although the conclusion of the Treaty was opposed by the Iraqi populace, as it provided for concessions from a part of Iraq’s territory in Shatt-al-Arab, nevertheless, once the Treaty was ratified and legal procedures were terminated Iraq abided by its provisions in compliance with its policy of honouring its international obligations and recognition of the sanctity of treaties and conventious. 116. To the regret of my Government, our neighbour Iran, in its attempt to evade the application of the valid and legally binding Treaty, deemed it fit to denounce it unilaterally, in violation of the principles of international law. The unilateral denunciation of the Treaty was accompanied by mass demonstrations of troops and naval and air forces along the boundaries of the two countries. To make matters worse, military force was actually used to violate Iraqi sovereignty, contrary to paragraph 4 of Article 2 of the United Nations Charter. Furthermore, Iran deliberately transgressed rules and regulations of Iraqi port authorities, endangering navigation in Shatt-al-Arab. 117. The Iraqi-Iranian boundary Treaty of 1937 is valid and binding on both parties, and any measure which was or could be taken contrary to its provisions is null and void. In the spirit of good-neighbour relations between Iraq and Iran and the binding force of international commitment, Iran should rescind its illegal measures and restore the status quo ante in the interest of both nations, with a view to preserving international peace and security in the region. My Government, however, motivated by the sincere desire for settling peacefully any dispute which may arise regarding the application of the provisions of the Treaty, declares its readiness to accept the jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice. 118. In this respect I should like to refer to a question relating to decolonization which has not received sufficient attention from the United Nations in the last few years; namely, the question of Oman. The people of Oman, who have continued to struggle against British colonialism to attain their liberation and progress, are awaiting justice from this world Organization to enable them to exercise their right to self-determination. The United Kingdom, which has already declared its intention to liquidate British bases and withdraw its troops from the Arab Gulf area, still prevents the people of Oman from achieving their aspiration, through the policies of intimidation and banishment, and in collaboration with the reactionary authorities of Muscat. The people of Oman, who were ruled by Britain for about a century and a half, are still leading a primitive life of isolation and are backward in the fields of economy and hygiene. The economic potentialities of that nation of about 3 million are being plundered by oil monopolies, and yet they still lack a single high school, or a hospital, or any aspect of modern society. Tens of thousands of Omanis are still living in exile, due to the policies of terror and persecution practised by colonialism and reactionists. The international community is called upon to bring pressure to bear upon the United Kingdom to implement the United Nations resolutions relative to the termination of the British colonial presence in Oman, and the liquidation of British military bases, and to put an end to the policies of repression and expulsion, practised by the British occupying forces in collaboration with the reactionary authorities of Muscat. It is necessary to recognize the rights of the people of Oman to their national wealth, which they desperately need to emerge from a way of life of unparalleled primitiveness. 119. The people of Iraq, who struggled gallantly for a long period of time against colonialism and foreign domination, support with all the means at their disposal the just struggle of the valiant people of Oman, and extend to them all the assistance and support needed to enable that part of our Arab homeland achieve its full right to freedom and sovereignty. 120. The determination of the Iraqi people in their full support of the struggle of the Arab nation for freedom and unity has not made us oblivious of the struggle of other nations in different parts of the world for their own legitimate rights against the forces of imperialism and aggression. We firmly believe that national struggle and collaboration of progressive forces all over the world is the only way for nations to achieve independence and liberty. The continuation of. American aggression in Viet-Nam and Zionist aggression in Palestine are but a single manifestation of colonialist policies, pursued by the United States and based upon its disregard of the rights of nations in its own selfish and monopolistic interests. 121. The struggle of the people of Viet-Nam has scored a brilliant victory against the forces of foreign occupation and domination, exemplified by the military and colonial aggression of the United States. The United States has used all its enormous military capacity in a daily operation of annihilation which is aimed at the subjugation of a great nation whose struggle has been regarded as an eternal symbol in the march of nations against the forces of oppression and domination. 122. The Republic of Iraq believes that permanent peace in Viet-Nam will not be obtained except by the unconditional withdrawal of the aggressive American troops from Viet-Namese territory; by strict non-interference in the affairs of the Viet-Namese people, and by enabling it to decide its own future. On this occasion the delegation of the Republic of Iraq salutes the emergence of the revolutionary provisional Government of South Viet-Nam and considers it the result of the gallant struggle of the people of Viet-Nam. One basic element in the foreign policy of Iraq is to foster the cause of national liberation and decolonization all over the world. Iraq, therefore, firmly supports the liberation movements in Angola, Mozambique and Guinea (Bissau), as well as the struggle of the peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia. 123. My Government observes a flagrant irregularity in the position of the United Nations which is one of the causes of its falling short of achieving its objectives. This irregularity is the prevention of the Chinese people from enjoying their legal right to be represented in this Organization, so that they may contribute to the efforts of Member States to safeguard international peace and security and. to consolidate international co-operation. 124. There is also another anomalous situation in the region of the Far East which the United Nations should not ignore nor allow to continue any longer, and that is the presence of the United States occupation forces in South Korea under the flag of the United Nations. My Government does not see any justification for the continuation of this anomalous state of affairs, and calls upon the United Nations to rid itself of this entanglement which not only does harm to the reputation of the international community but also thwarts the rightful aspirations of the Korean people for sovereignty and unity. 125. The German Democratic Republic, which represents an important section of the German people and enjoys wide political and economic relations with the majority of the international community, has been for twenty years deprived of representation in the United Nations and its specialized agencies. The realities of international life and the requirements for European peace and security prescribe that the German Democratic Republic should not be deprived of its right to be represented in the world Organization and the specialized agencies. 126. The agenda of the present session is replete with topics that deserve all our attention and consideration. My delegation will, in the first place, pay particular attention to the items which aim at the consolidation of international peace and security, and the strengthening of co-operation between Member States in order to achieve economic and social progress and the welfare of all peoples. In this connexion, we refer particularly to the question of disarmament and other related matters, and to the question of the reservation exclusively for peaceful purposes of the sea-bed and the ocean floor, and the subsoil thereof underlying the high seas beyond the limits of present national jurisdiction, and the use of their resources in the interests of mankind. We welcome the inclusion in the agenda of the item on the strengthening of international security and the item on the conclusion of a convention on the prohibition of the development, production and stockpiling of chemical and bacteriological (biological) weapons and on the destruction of such weapons. 127. It might be useful in this connexion to point out that Iraq has realized considerable progress in various economic fields during the First United Nations Development Decade. The reports published by the Economic and Social Council, entitled World Economic Survey, 1968, parts I and II indicate that Iraq has achieved an increase of 12 per cent in the national commodity production, compared with the period between 1960 and 1967. This percentage is one of the highest achieved by the developing countries. Iraq’s agricultural production has also increased by 12 per cent while its exports for 1968 increased by 40 per cent compared with the previous year. During the same period, Iraq’s imports decreased by 6 per cent. Iraq at present exploits all its energies and natural resources to assure the prosperity of its people and to raise their standard of living. Our policy in this respect emanates from our sovereignty over our natural resources and our right to exploit them directly for the national interest. 128. Iraq is greatly interested in the Second United Nations Economic Development Decade, and looks forward with great hopes to seeing that Decade achieve our expectations in developing the economy of the underdeveloped countries, raising the standards of living of their peoples, and closing the gap between the developed and developing countries. We also hope that the planning of the Second United Nations Development Decade is based on realistic objectives and an effective and practicable means of execution. 129. In spite of all the questions and problems which the United Nations and the entire world community face at present, and which obscure the horizon of international relations with dark and ominous clouds, there are, however, gleams of hope that inspire confidence in the ability of peace-loving mankind to overcome the forces of evil that attempt to impose their will on the peoples. These rays of hope that appear on the international horizon, through this Organization and its organs, ensure the possibility of opening wider fields of co-operation to achieve the welfare of all mankind. I am therefore pleased to conclude my statement by announcing my country’s support of all the noble efforts aimed at eradicating the negative aspects of international relations. We are prepared to take part in all attempts to realize mankind’s aspirations to live in peace and security, which alone can ensure the progress of the peoples in the fields of constructive and fruitful work for the prosperity and happiness of all.