90. Madam President, it gives
me pleasure to begin my statement by expressing the great
gratification of my delegation at your election to the
presidency of the twenty-fourth session of the General
Assembly, the more so when I recall that the only two
ladies who have gained this confidence have come from
Asia and Africa, the two continents whose peoples have
been engaged in a bitter struggle for freedom, independence
and self-determination for all oppressed peoples.
91. I should also like to take this occasion to express our
sincere sorrow at the passing away of former President
Emilio Arenales, who earned the confidence of the General
Assembly at its last session, and who, in spite of ill health,
discharged his duties admirably.
92. One year has passed since I addressed the General
Assembly at its last session, quoting in my statement from
the Secretary-General’s report, to the effect that no
progress had been made towards an international order
based on law and justice. I regret to state now that the year
that has just passed has not been more favourable than the
one preceding it, in banishing the atmosphere of anxieties
and dangers that threaten the safety and security of nations.
93. This failure has been manifested in all its aspects in the
Middle East, where Israel continues its aggression against
the people of Palestine and its occupation of the territories
of three Arab States, Members of the United Nations,
before the eyes of the world Organization. Israel has been
attempting by all methods to consolidate its colonialist,
racist and expansionist existence in the Arab region, aided
and abetted by world imperialism headed by the United
States of America, in flagrant violation of the Charter of
the United Nations.
94. During the past year and since the previous session of
the General Assembly, a series of resolutions has been
adopted and initiatives taken with varying degrees of
seriousness and responsibility to find a solution, creating a
basis for justice and the banishment of aggression from the
region. In spite of all this, no noticeable improvement has
been achieved and we have not seen any glimmer of hope
for reaching a just solution of this problem that has been
awaiting solution for the last twenty years.
95. It is high time to differentiate between causes and
consequences and to confront the causes with the needed
courage, objectivity and fairness. The basic cause is the
denial to the Palestinian people, who have been living in
tents for the past twenty years, of the right to live in their
own homeland in freedom, sovereignty and peace. Any
solution which does not take into full consideration the
Palestinian people, the people directly concerned, will have
no chance of success. The overriding reality which will
remain alive in the conscience of the Arab nation and of the
world is the rejection by the Palestinian people of their
elimination as a distinct national entity, and their determination
for national survival, regardless of the price, in
common with other nations that have fought against
occupation and extinction and achieved, through their just
struggle, the goals of liberation and independence.
96. When Israel embarked upon the second stage of its
expansionist designs by waging its. 1967 aggression and
occupying large territories of the Arab States, it was
determined to consolidate its occupation of those territories
for the purpose of their annexation, in defiance of all
the principles of the United Nations Charter, and thus to
impose submission on the Arab States and the final
liquidation of the Palestine question.
97. It is not difficult for those who are acquainted with
Israeli methods to realize that Israel is endeavouring to
employ all means to consolidate its occupation and to
impose on the United Nations another fait accompli. This is
neither surprising nor unexpected from an Israel, which has
from the start based its existence upon acquisition by force
and the presenting of that acquisition as an irrevocable fait
accompli. This fact has been proved by what happened last
year, and ever since Israel came into being, a fact deserving
everyone’s attention so that measures may be taken to
avoid its imposition upon the region and the world community.
98. At the end of its previous session, the General
Assembly adopted resolution 2452 (XXIII) for the return
of the evacuees who were forced to leave their homes as a
result of the June 1967 aggression, and the United Nations
reaffirmed its previous resolution concerning the right of
the people of Palestine to return to their homeland. A year
has now passed and not a single part of that resolution has
been implemented. Furthermore, the General Assembly, at
its last session, adopted resolution 2443 (XXIII) on respect
for human rights in the occupied Arab territories, a
resolution which was rejected by Israel right from the very
beginning. The Security Council. on its part, adopted
several resolutions condemning Israeli aggression against the
Arab States, such as resolution 262 (1968) concerning
Israel’s raid on Beirut International Airport, and resolution
265 (1969) regarding Israel’s attack upon the civilian
population in Jordan. Other resolutions by the Security
Council include resolution 267 (1969) declaring as invalid
all Israeli measures to annex Arab Jerusalem and efface its
Arabic character; also Security Council resolution
271 (1969), in which the Council reaffirmed its previous
resolution on Jerusalem.
99. But all those resolutions were contemptuously and
arrogantly rejected by Israel. On the other hand, the United
Nations Human Rights Commission adopted its resolution
6 (XXV) for the establishment of a mission to
investigate Israel’s inhumane measures against the civilian
population in occupied territories. That mission was denied
co-operation by Israel and even barred from entering the
territories in question, as if such an attitude could blind the
world to the persecution of civilians, the suppression of
freedom, the economic hardships and the imposition of a
brutal occupation upon the peoples of those territories. All
these actions were condemned by the International Conference
on Human Rights which was held at Teheran from 22 April to 13 May 1968.
100. We were not surprised at Israel’s persistence in such a
policy and at its continuous contempt for United Nations
resolutions. Our realization of this fact was based upon
unquestionable and unmistakable indications which were
further reinforced by well-known statements of various
Israeli spokesmen.
101. Israel’s continued contempt for the Security Council
resolutions is a result of its knowledge that those resolutions
will not go beyond censure and condemnation
because there are Powers that prevent the Organization
from undertaking appropriate measures, under the Charter,
to deal with situations similar to the Israeli aggression.
Israel was certain that the United States of America, which
has supported it since its creation with material and moral
aid and which continues to provide it with the latest
destructive weapons, even at a time when it is in occupation
of the Territories of United Nations Member States, would
block any effective action by the Organization. This is not
surprising from the United States, which is the foremost
imperialist Power in the world and from whose machinations
no country has been safe. It is the same United States
which called, through its President and from this rostrum a
few days ago [1755th meeting], for alteration of the map
of the Middle East to satisfy Israel and reward its aggression.
102. How could the United States allow itself — and how
could the international community allow it — to play with
the destinies of peoples and violate the sanctity of
homelands? That declaration of the United States
President creates a dangerous precedent in international
relations, one which threatens the sovereignty of States and
their territorial integrity, and it must be the concern of all
Members of this Organization for the sake of their security
and territorial integrity.
103. Supporting aggression, so forcefully and enthusiastically,
by a great Power such as the United States — a
permanent member of the Security Council which, according
to the Charter, bears a special responsibility for keeping
international peace and security — is a dangerous action
which threatens the very future of this Organization and
weakens whatever faith the peoples of the world may have
in it. It is such actions which help to replace the rule of law
by the law of the jungle. The United States must realize
that force can never stand in the way of nations struggling
for their legitimate aspirations. The changes that are taking
place in Asia, Africa and Latin America are shining
examples of the total failure of the policy of force.
104. This is the dark and negative side of the situation
prevailing in the Middle East since 1948 which has further
deteriorated since Israel’s June 1967 aggression. There is,
however, the other side of the picture where there is a ray
of hope and a gleam of optimism that a fundamental
remedy is beginning to emerge. By this I mean the growing
valiant resistance movement of the people of Palestine who,
under the yoke of Israel’s occupation in the darkness of
refugee tents and conscious of their homelessness, suffer
from the world’s lack of conscience and the impotence of
this Organization to find a solution for the plight in which
they have been living for twenty years now. Last year
witnessed the intensification of patriotic resistance in
Palestine and all occupied Arab territories. This resistance
has become the criterion for the effectiveness of the Arab
struggle.
105. From this rostrum, I wish to affirm the support of
the Iraqi Government and people for the legitimate struggle
of the Palestinian people who ave resisting foreign occupation
and striving for the right of self-determination. This
struggle, by its example of bravery and sacrifice, has
awakened the conscience of the world .and gained the
sympathy of all freedom loving nations. The Iraqi Republic,
convinced of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people
as part of the Arab nation, will continue to support their
struggle by all available means, both inside and outside this
Organization.
106. It is for us a source of satisfaction that the number of
States which have come to recognize this right has been
growing. In this respect, I wish to recall the resolution of
the consultative meeting of the non-aligned nations held at
Belgrade from 8 to 12 July 1969 which was based upon the
resolutions of the two non-aligned summit conferences held
at Belgrade in 1961 and Cairo in 1964, supporting
unequivocally the struggle of the Palestinian people against
colonialism, racism and their efforts to regain their legitimate
rights.
107. One of the most dangerous aspects of Israeli expansion
is its attempts to extend its domination to citizens of
other States on a purely religious basis. Israeli protective
claims over world Jewry is a factor for confusion and
disturbance in the world today. It is an encroachment upon
the sovereignty of independent States and calls for dual
loyalty and allegiance.
108. Today, religion is no longer a bond between the
individual and the State. Therefore, Israel’s responsibility in
exploiting religious feelings and inciting citizens to betray
their countries as part of its aggressive designs is extremely
dangerous. The tears it sheds for those victims of its wicked
designs, in the name of defending semitism, are an act of
tremendous cynicism. The events of recent years have
uncovered many of Israel’s criminal acts. It is doubtful that
the world would be deceived by its weeping for a few spies
who betrayed their country while it continues to assassinate
a whole nation.
109. The world was shocked by the burning of the
Al Aqsa Mosque, one of the most holy Moslem places of
worship and which constitutes a spiritual and historical
monument for all mankind. This barbaric crime, perpetrated
by the Zionists, reflects the decline of their moral
and human values. In spite of all propaganda camouflages
the world did not hesitate to show its anger and disgust and
to lay the responsibility at Israel’s door as the occupying Power.
110. The continuation of the Zionist aggression against
the Arab nations will lead to most serious consequences in
the Middle East and will weaken the confidence in the
United Nations, which bears a great responsibility in view
of its failure to liquidate aggression and find a just solution
for the Palestinian problem.
111. The Arab nation, which has placed its confidence in
this Organization, is determined and entitled to use all
legitimate means for the liberation of Arab lands from the
racial Zionist occupation, regardless of the price to be paid.
112. The only way to deal with Israeli aggression is by its
liquidation and by the refusal to recognize any territorial
gain resulting from it. Israel must unconditionally withdraw
from all Arab territories. This will not by itself normalize
the situation or establish a just and lasting peace, because
the June aggression is nothing but one of the direct
consequences of the Zionist aggression against the people of
Palestine. It is only by recognizing the rights of the people
of Palestine for repatriation and self-determination and
assuring their full participation that a successful solution
can be reached.
113. The Israeli aggression and its consequences are not
the only dangers to the peace and security in the Middle
East. There is another problem which is of particular
concern to my Government since it is a direct threat to
Iraqi sovereignty, and to which the Foreign Minister of Iran
referred yesterday [1776th meeting]. This is the problem
which has been artificially created by our neighbour Iran,
by its unilateral declaration abrogating the valid and legally
binding boundary Treaty of 1937. The unilateral denunciation
of this Treaty has no basis or support in law or fact.
114. The 1937 Treaty was concluded to settle and
delineate, once and for all, the water and land boundaries
between Iraq and Iran. The Treaty provided for the
recognition of international instruments which were previously
established for the delineation of the frontiers
between the two countries. It was duly signed and ratified
and the instruments of ratification were exchanged. The
Treaty was registered with the League of Nations.
115. Although the conclusion of the Treaty was opposed
by the Iraqi populace, as it provided for concessions from a
part of Iraq’s territory in Shatt-al-Arab, nevertheless, once
the Treaty was ratified and legal procedures were terminated
Iraq abided by its provisions in compliance with its
policy of honouring its international obligations and recognition
of the sanctity of treaties and conventious.
116. To the regret of my Government, our neighbour Iran,
in its attempt to evade the application of the valid and
legally binding Treaty, deemed it fit to denounce it
unilaterally, in violation of the principles of international
law. The unilateral denunciation of the Treaty was accompanied
by mass demonstrations of troops and naval and
air forces along the boundaries of the two countries. To
make matters worse, military force was actually used to
violate Iraqi sovereignty, contrary to paragraph 4 of
Article 2 of the United Nations Charter. Furthermore, Iran
deliberately transgressed rules and regulations of Iraqi port
authorities, endangering navigation in Shatt-al-Arab.
117. The Iraqi-Iranian boundary Treaty of 1937 is valid
and binding on both parties, and any measure which was or
could be taken contrary to its provisions is null and void. In
the spirit of good-neighbour relations between Iraq and Iran
and the binding force of international commitment, Iran
should rescind its illegal measures and restore the status quo
ante in the interest of both nations, with a view to
preserving international peace and security in the region.
My Government, however, motivated by the sincere desire
for settling peacefully any dispute which may arise regarding
the application of the provisions of the Treaty, declares
its readiness to accept the jurisdiction of the International
Court of Justice.
118. In this respect I should like to refer to a question
relating to decolonization which has not received sufficient
attention from the United Nations in the last few years;
namely, the question of Oman. The people of Oman, who
have continued to struggle against British colonialism to
attain their liberation and progress, are awaiting justice
from this world Organization to enable them to exercise
their right to self-determination. The United Kingdom,
which has already declared its intention to liquidate British
bases and withdraw its troops from the Arab Gulf area, still
prevents the people of Oman from achieving their aspiration,
through the policies of intimidation and banishment,
and in collaboration with the reactionary authorities of
Muscat. The people of Oman, who were ruled by Britain for
about a century and a half, are still leading a primitive life
of isolation and are backward in the fields of economy and
hygiene. The economic potentialities of that nation of
about 3 million are being plundered by oil monopolies, and
yet they still lack a single high school, or a hospital, or any
aspect of modern society. Tens of thousands of Omanis are
still living in exile, due to the policies of terror and
persecution practised by colonialism and reactionists. The
international community is called upon to bring pressure to
bear upon the United Kingdom to implement the United
Nations resolutions relative to the termination of the
British colonial presence in Oman, and the liquidation of
British military bases, and to put an end to the policies of
repression and expulsion, practised by the British occupying
forces in collaboration with the reactionary authorities
of Muscat. It is necessary to recognize the rights of the
people of Oman to their national wealth, which they
desperately need to emerge from a way of life of
unparalleled primitiveness.
119. The people of Iraq, who struggled gallantly for a long
period of time against colonialism and foreign domination,
support with all the means at their disposal the just struggle
of the valiant people of Oman, and extend to them all the
assistance and support needed to enable that part of our
Arab homeland achieve its full right to freedom and sovereignty.
120. The determination of the Iraqi people in their full
support of the struggle of the Arab nation for freedom and
unity has not made us oblivious of the struggle of other
nations in different parts of the world for their own
legitimate rights against the forces of imperialism and
aggression. We firmly believe that national struggle and
collaboration of progressive forces all over the world is the
only way for nations to achieve independence and liberty.
The continuation of. American aggression in Viet-Nam and
Zionist aggression in Palestine are but a single manifestation
of colonialist policies, pursued by the United States and
based upon its disregard of the rights of nations in its own
selfish and monopolistic interests.
121. The struggle of the people of Viet-Nam has scored a
brilliant victory against the forces of foreign occupation
and domination, exemplified by the military and colonial
aggression of the United States. The United States has used
all its enormous military capacity in a daily operation of
annihilation which is aimed at the subjugation of a great
nation whose struggle has been regarded as an eternal
symbol in the march of nations against the forces of
oppression and domination.
122. The Republic of Iraq believes that permanent peace
in Viet-Nam will not be obtained except by the unconditional
withdrawal of the aggressive American troops from
Viet-Namese territory; by strict non-interference in the
affairs of the Viet-Namese people, and by enabling it to
decide its own future. On this occasion the delegation of
the Republic of Iraq salutes the emergence of the revolutionary
provisional Government of South Viet-Nam and
considers it the result of the gallant struggle of the people
of Viet-Nam. One basic element in the foreign policy of
Iraq is to foster the cause of national liberation and
decolonization all over the world. Iraq, therefore, firmly
supports the liberation movements in Angola, Mozambique
and Guinea (Bissau), as well as the struggle of the peoples
of Zimbabwe and Namibia.
123. My Government observes a flagrant irregularity in the
position of the United Nations which is one of the causes of
its falling short of achieving its objectives. This irregularity
is the prevention of the Chinese people from enjoying their
legal right to be represented in this Organization, so that
they may contribute to the efforts of Member States to
safeguard international peace and security and. to consolidate
international co-operation.
124. There is also another anomalous situation in the
region of the Far East which the United Nations should not
ignore nor allow to continue any longer, and that is the
presence of the United States occupation forces in South
Korea under the flag of the United Nations. My Government
does not see any justification for the continuation of
this anomalous state of affairs, and calls upon the United
Nations to rid itself of this entanglement which not only
does harm to the reputation of the international community
but also thwarts the rightful aspirations of the
Korean people for sovereignty and unity.
125. The German Democratic Republic, which represents
an important section of the German people and enjoys wide
political and economic relations with the majority of the
international community, has been for twenty years deprived
of representation in the United Nations and its
specialized agencies. The realities of international life and
the requirements for European peace and security prescribe
that the German Democratic Republic should not be
deprived of its right to be represented in the world
Organization and the specialized agencies.
126. The agenda of the present session is replete with
topics that deserve all our attention and consideration. My
delegation will, in the first place, pay particular attention to
the items which aim at the consolidation of international
peace and security, and the strengthening of co-operation
between Member States in order to achieve economic and
social progress and the welfare of all peoples. In this
connexion, we refer particularly to the question of disarmament
and other related matters, and to the question of
the reservation exclusively for peaceful purposes of the
sea-bed and the ocean floor, and the subsoil thereof
underlying the high seas beyond the limits of present
national jurisdiction, and the use of their resources in the
interests of mankind. We welcome the inclusion in the
agenda of the item on the strengthening of international
security and the item on the conclusion of a convention on
the prohibition of the development, production and stockpiling
of chemical and bacteriological (biological) weapons
and on the destruction of such weapons.
127. It might be useful in this connexion to point out that
Iraq has realized considerable progress in various economic
fields during the First United Nations Development Decade.
The reports published by the Economic and Social Council,
entitled World Economic Survey, 1968, parts I and II
indicate that Iraq has achieved an increase of 12 per cent in
the national commodity production, compared with the
period between 1960 and 1967. This percentage is one of
the highest achieved by the developing countries. Iraq’s
agricultural production has also increased by 12 per cent
while its exports for 1968 increased by 40 per cent
compared with the previous year. During the same period,
Iraq’s imports decreased by 6 per cent. Iraq at present
exploits all its energies and natural resources to assure the
prosperity of its people and to raise their standard of living.
Our policy in this respect emanates from our sovereignty
over our natural resources and our right to exploit them
directly for the national interest.
128. Iraq is greatly interested in the Second United
Nations Economic Development Decade, and looks forward
with great hopes to seeing that Decade achieve our
expectations in developing the economy of the underdeveloped
countries, raising the standards of living of their
peoples, and closing the gap between the developed and
developing countries. We also hope that the planning of the
Second United Nations Development Decade is based on
realistic objectives and an effective and practicable means
of execution.
129. In spite of all the questions and problems which the
United Nations and the entire world community face at
present, and which obscure the horizon of international
relations with dark and ominous clouds, there are, however,
gleams of hope that inspire confidence in the ability of
peace-loving mankind to overcome the forces of evil that
attempt to impose their will on the peoples. These rays of
hope that appear on the international horizon, through this
Organization and its organs, ensure the possibility of
opening wider fields of co-operation to achieve the welfare
of all mankind. I am therefore pleased to conclude my
statement by announcing my country’s support of all the
noble efforts aimed at eradicating the negative aspects of
international relations. We are prepared to take part in all
attempts to realize mankind’s aspirations to live in peace
and security, which alone can ensure the progress of the
peoples in the fields of constructive and fruitful work for
the prosperity and happiness of all.