1. Madam President, allow me on my own behalf and on behalf of my Government to join previous speakers in conveying to you our warm congratulations upon your election as President of the United Nations General Assembly at its twenty-fourth session. Our satisfaction is all the greater since the unanimous confidence displayed in you by the Assembly at a tire when the international situation is particularly difficult and complex is not only a well-deserved tribute to your many personal and political qualities and to your vast experience of the problems of the United Nations, but also an honour for your continent, which has always fully assumed its responsibilities and demonstrated its firm determination to work for peace and international co-operation. I can assure you, Madam President, that my delegation will always be very happy to afford you its full support and collaboration in the discharge of your high functions. 2. I should like on this same occasion to express our sorrow and condolences in connexion with the death of Mr. Emilio Arenales, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Guatemala and President of the General Assembly at its last session. My delegation will always remember the determination and courage displayed by Mr. Arenales when he decided to continue in office despite the serious operation he had to undergo in the middle of the session. We wish to pay from this rostrum a tribute to his memory and to express our deep sympathy to his country and his family. 3. Despite the remarkable space exploits accomplished this year and the great promise they hold for mankind, we note with regret that the international community is still confronted with very serious problems. Many armed conflicts and crises of all kinds continue to affect various regions of the world. The General Assembly will thus have to contend with a particularly disquieting situation and will be called upon to discuss all the questions in dispute and to give serious thought to appropriate solutions. We are all aware of the obstacles in the way of attaining those objectives, and we are all conscious that the United Nations is today facing a severe test, in which its authority, prestige and future are at stake. We sincerely hope that each of us fully realizes that the United Nations is at a decisive turning-point and that we shall take the necessary steps to enable it finally to solve the world’s problems. 4. In our opinion, the General Assembly should devote particular attention to the explosive situation in the Middle East. As we all know, tension has been rising in this region since the Zionist aggression of June 1967. For more than two years Israel, by its daily raids against civilian targets in neighbouring countries, has been gradually turning its expansionist designs into deeds and its aggressive instincts into a fixed policy. There is no need to demonstrate that its systematic air bombardments and brutal military attacks are, as it has carefully planned, gradually paralysing the economy of the Arab countries, terrorizing their populations and forcing their leaders to capitulate and accept imposed solutions. 5. In the occupied territories, where violations of human rights are greatly increasing, the Israeli authorities are subjecting the population to a rule of terror. Once again the purpose is clear: they wish to dismantle the economy of those territories and change their specifically Arab character. 6. In Jerusalem, Israel is using the same methods with even greater cynicism and obstinacy. It has no scruples in proclaiming the annexation of the Arab parts of the Holy City and in applying measures to change the City’s legal Status, notwithstanding the repeated unanimous condemnations of the Security Council. The burning of the Al Aqsa mosque has confirmed, if there was any need for confirmation, the real threat that the Zionist occupation represents for the security and future of the Holy Places. His Majesty the King and the Moroccan people, who were greatly indignant when they learned of the heinous crime committed against that holy place, have vigorously condemned the violation of the religious rights of Moslems and Christians in the Holy City. My Government is gratified in this connexion to note the spontaneous expression of support and active solidarity throughout Islam, and the indignation aroused throughout the world by the sacrilege of the criminal burning of the Al Aqsa mosque. 7. After this atrocious act, no attempt at propaganda by the Israelis can conceal the reality. Pushing its arrogance and its crimes beyond all limits, Israel still refuses to apply the Security Council resolution of November 1967 [242 (1967)]; it is blocking the Jarring mission, preventing agreement among the four great Powers, rejecting the warnings and condemnations of the competent organs of the United Nations and opposing any settlement whose terms and conditions it has not dictated. The situation that now prevails in the Middle East seems to us more serious and more explosive than in June 1967. 8. In contrast with Israel’s intransigence, the Arab countries most directly concerned are displaying great patience and are busy seeking a solution capable of ensuring peace in the region. Most of them have accepted the Security Council resolution of November 1967 as a basis for settling the conflict, even though it has been shown not to accord with all their legitimate interests. 9. The anxiety felt for peace in the Middle East, where there is a danger of a wider confrontation, impels the world, which wishes to see justice done, to condemn the Israeli aggression and to demand the restoration of the usurped territories to the Arab peoples. It is high time, therefore, that the United Nations also accepted its responsibilities, since the present worsening of the crisis is due in large measure to its failure to implement its own resolutions. It is therefore bound to halt the Israeli aggression and thus take up the challenge which threatens to compromise its prestige and authority. Any negative attitude on its part will only further encourage the Zionist State to pursue with impunity its attacks, which are increasingly assuming the proportions of veritable genocide. 10. My Government denounces this practice, which is unworthy of our age, and firmly believes that the true solution to the tragedy of the Middle East is to attack the root causes of the problem. Refusal to recognize this reality would only uselessly delay settlement of the crisis, which in my Government’s view, cannot be settled fully unless the Palestinians are closely associated with the solution. They cannot accept indefinitely the denial of their rights and the alienation of their personality by the presence of foreign usurpers in their homeland. The Moroccan people salute with admiration the heroic struggle of the Palestinians and recognize the legitimacy of their fight for national liberation. Henceforth, any final settlement of the problem is inconceivable without the participation of this people, whose rights must not be sacrificed or ignored. Thus there can be no concrete solution to the Middle East crisis that does not truly meet the Palestinians’ aspirations and fall within the precise framework of the relevant United Nations resolutions. 11. As is well known, the Moslem countries, aware of the highly dangerous situation which threatens to engulf that region once again and anxious to see peace restored there, have just taken at the close of the historic Conference of their Heads of State and Government at Rabat a series of decisions concerning both the future of the Holy City of Jerusalem and the situation in Palestine and the Middle East. Or. behalf of more than 600 million Moslems, deeply affected by the sacrilegious act that seriously damaged the Al Aqsa mosque, the 25 Moslem States unanimously affirmed that the continuing threats to the sanctuaries of Islam at Jerusalem were direct consequences of the occupation of the city by the Israeli forces. Their Governments are equally determined to reject any solution of the Palestine problem that would not guarantee the return of the City to its status preceding the Israeli aggression of June 1967. They also expressed their desire to see all Governments, particularly those of the four great Powers, consider the deep devotion of the faithful of Islam to the Holy City and their solemn vow to fight for its liberation. 12. Confronted by the Middle East problem and the steady deterioration of the situation in that region, the Rabat summit conference also decided to launch an urgent and anguished appeal to the international community to make every effort to bring about the prompt withdrawal of Israeli military forces from all the occupied territories, pursuant to the relevant resolutions of the United Nations, which reject any acquisition of territory by military conquest. Having considered the Palestine tragedy, the Conference expressed its firm determination to give its full support to the Palestine people in its struggle for national liberation and the restoration of its usurped rights. 13. His Majesty’s Government sincerely hopes that the important contribution thus made by the Governments and peoples of Islam in the search for a peaceful and equitable solution to the problems of the Middle East will win the widest possible measure of understanding and support from all countries that desire to preserve peace and safeguard security and justice in the world. 14. As in the Middle East, there has been little or no improvement of the situation in the colonial territories of Africa. The people of these territories continue, as in the past, to be oppressed and to suffer harsh and implacable foreign domination. The anachronistic policy of colonialism and racial discrimination is one of the most flagrant violations of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and of the principles of the United Nations Charter. 15. Thus in South Africa the behaviour of the Pretoria regime, based on a denial of racial equality, is considered so serious as to endanger peace and security in Africa and throughout the world. This same concern applies also to Namibia. There too decisions taken by the Security Council have been ignored and scorned by the Pretoria leaders; and it is regrettable that the decisions of the United Nations have not been backed by any effective measures. 16. In Southern Rhodesia the minority regime of Ian Smith also continues to subject the indigenous population to the most inhuman acts of repression and discrimination. It is even trying to consolidate its hold by imposing on the Zimbabwe people a regime based on an illegal and anachronistic constitution designed to perpetuate the concept of the racial superiority of the white minority. The development of the situation since the Unilateral Declaration of Independence in 1965 confirms the ineffectiveness of the economic sanctions advocated by the United Kingdom and approved by the United Nations. 17. In any event, the African countries must become deeply aware of the serious threat to their sovereignty and independence posed by the consolidation of racist minority regimes in Africa. 18. Portugal is relentlessly pursuing its policy of occupation and violence against the peoples of Mozambique, Angola and Guinea (Bissau). My country has always condemned that policy of force and deplored the assistance which Lisbon receives from its NATO allies. Determined action should be taken against Portugal in this connexion, so that the principles of self-determination, freedom and independence may be applied without delay in the Territories under Portuguese occupation, in accordance with the purposes and provisions of the Charter of the United Nations. 19. Before concluding this sorry account of colonialism, I have something to say on a question of direct concern to my country. I should like to inform this Assembly of developments in the territorial dispute between Morocco and Spain. During this year the Moroccan and Spanish Governments have engaged in direct, frank, friendly but none the less difficult negotiations which have led to the conclusion of a treaty on the return of the Territory of Ifni to the Kingdom of Morocco. The settlement of that problem, under which we conceded certain advantages in our desire to facilitate implementation of the relevant recommendations adopted by the United Nations, has confirmed and strengthened the two countries’ desire to resolve their problems by peaceful means. My Government wishes to take this opportunity to express its satisfaction and thanks to all the competent organs of the United Nations, and in particular the Committee of Twenty-Four, for the positive role they played in the search for a satisfactory settlement of that problem. 20. Since that part of the dispute was thus settled, my Government hoped that the Spanish Government would also, in the same spirit of goodwill, take appropriate steps to apply the General Assembly’s recommendations concerning the Sahara. It was all the more convinced that this objective could be attained because the Spanish Government had given its full support to the relevant General Assembly resolutions at the 1967 and 1968 sessions [resolutions 2354 (XXII) and 2428 (XXIII)]. Unfortunately that hope was to be dashed by events. The economic, political and military measures taken by the administering Power indicate that the course being followed is in no way leading to the emancipation of the Territory. Public opinion is even becoming concerned about the scope and consequences of some of these measures, particularly those aimed at strengthening the military potential of so-called Spanish Sahara, the intensification of pressures and preparations for the unilateral organization of a referendum, the publicity given to speeches and official statements in the Spanish Cortes, and pressing appeals for foreign financial assistance in exploiting the mineral wealth of that Territory. My Government, which has always placed great hopes in the self-determination of peoples, is surprised by this behaviour, which runs counter to the obligations devolving upon the administering Power. 21. Nevertheless, my Government, aware of the Spanish Government’s interest in the work of decolonization and taking into account its approval of the United Nations resolutions, continues to hope that an appropriate settlement of this problem will soon be reached. For our part we remain convinced that, in the light of the understanding, wisdom and sincere friendship uniting our two Heads of State, His Majesty King Hassan II and His Excellency General Franco, our two countries will continue their efforts and their dialogue with a view to strengthening their historic ties of friendship and promoting fruitful co-operation between them in all fields. 22. With regard to the situation in Gibraltar, my Government fears that continued tension in the relations between Spain and the United Kingdom concerning the future of that Territory is likely to postpone a peaceful settlement of the problem. It hopes that, in the interest of peace in this particularly sensitive area, the parties concerned will resume their dialogue, with a view to implementing the relevant United Nations resolutions on the decolonization of the Territory. 23. The African continent is once again being sorely tried. For more than two years our brother country Nigeria has been threatened by an attempt at secession. This crisis affects it painfully and causes us Africans deep concern. My Government believes that the decisions taken by the summit conference of the Organization of African Unity in an attempt to restore peace, effect national reconciliation and preserve the unity and territorial integrity of Nigeria are likely to pave the way to a peaceful and just settlement of the problem. 24. Similarly, in Asia a cruel war has been going on for over 20 years in Viet-Nam. My Government has never failed to deplore this grave situation and at the same time to express its hope of seeing peace restored in that afflicted area. Thus, while sympathizing with the courageous people of Viet-Nam, my country last year welcomed in this Assembly the step taken towards peace by the cessation of the bombings of the territory of the Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam and the opening of the Paris negotiations. My Government therefore fervently hopes that the process of peace already started will be quickened, so as to enable the people of Viet-Nam to achieve its aspirations by freely determining its future without any foreign interference. We are convinced that with the restoration of peace and security in that country the prospects for solving other problems in Asia and in the world will be more promising. 25. If peace is restored in this area and elsewhere, it will be possible to view the fundamental question of disarmament with more optimism. We cannot ignore the increased intensity of the arms race. We are all agreed that the past year has not brought any notable progress towards disarmament. The Secretary-General, whose sustained efforts in this field we greatly appreciate, pointed out in his message to the Committee on Disarmament that there has been no halt or even slow-down in the arms race. On the contrary, total military expenditure has reached a record level of over $200,000 million a year. My country, which has recently had the honour of becoming a member of the Committee on Disarmament, realizes the capital importance and extreme complexity of the problem. It is convinced that positive results can be obtained only if all parties show proof of their political will and make sustained efforts. For our part, as His Majesty King Hassan II stated in his recent message to the Committee on Disarmament. ”We ... have made [disarmament] a constant element of Our foreign policy and We have supported unremittingly every initiative designed to limit and reduce military potentials, whoever may promote or possess them.” 26. Conscious of its new and important responsibilities as a member of the Committee on Disarmament, my country will give this question its undivided attention and will participate in all efforts to achieve positive results. 27. Although we are fully aware of the difficulties in the way of general and complete disarmament under international control, we must pursue our efforts in fields where agreements — even partial agreements — are possible. This process has already yielded significant results in the conclusion of several treaties. 28. Despite these efforts we are still faced by other problems, including the total prohibition of nuclear tests, demilitarization of the sea-bed and ocean floor, and the prohibition of chemical and biological weapons. In this last matter my country will continue to support, as in the past, any decision promoting the universal application of the Geneva Protocol of June 1925. In any event, His Majesty’s Government will support any initiative guaranteeing a just and lasting peace for the international community. 29. The questions which we have just examined are not, however, the only ones retaining our interest and attention. Other problems, such as the limitation of offensive and defensive strategic weapons, the entry into force of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXII)] and co-operation in the peaceful uses of atomic energy are considered by my delegation to be extremely important. We shall have occasion to deal with them in detail in the appropriate committees. 30. We are convinced that these complex problems can only be solved by frank international co-operation, which is also essential to ensure a balanced development of our society. Whereas in 1967 the world economy was marked by an almost general stability, in 1968, on the other hand, there was a rather remarkable upsurge. World production increased marginally in all regions, whether of market or planned economies; and the rate of international trade was double that of the previous year. This led to a general increase in national income, both for the developed and for all the developing countries. 31. However, this favourable situation, far from reducing the gap between these two groups of countries, has only deepened it further. Strange though it may seem, the gap between the wealthy and the developing countries is constantly widening, in periods alike of difficulty and of abundance. Thus a considerable decline in international exports began during 1968 to the detriment of the developing countries and has now become regular and permanent. This quantitative inequality is particularly alarming since it is accompanied by a qualitative inequality which increasingly affects the purchasing power derived from those exports. We are therefore faced on the one hand with unstable and declining prices for products from developing countries supplying raw materials, and on the other, with a steady increase in the price of capital goods supplied by industrialized countries. This imbalance adds to the difficulties of the third world, which is confronted with a steady worsening of its trade balance and becomes less and less capable of satisfying its requirements tor capital goods. 32. It is thus clear that, as a result of the international trade structures and terms of trade imposed by the rich countries, the operations of developing countries are steadily contracting. The bulk of the profitable transactions. are therefore carried out in a closed circuit among the industrialized countries; and the developing countries enter the picture only as suppliers of raw materials at prices unilaterally determined by the industrial purchaser. 33. In the world of finance, for more than a year the international community has been following with some concern the upheavals in the international monetary system. The calm of the last few months is not sufficient to eradicate the deep-rooted causes of the deficiencies of the system now in force, despite the pragmatic remedies which have been applied here and there. We attach particular importance to placing the system on a sounder footing and to stabilizing currencies. This is why we are following with some apprehension the negotiations of the international monetary clubs; and we hope, as a developing country, that the decisions taken by these bodies will not ignore our lawful rights to participate in any attempt to reform the international monetary system. In our view, the international community should henceforth act in such a way that the contribution which each member of the community is able to make is taken into consideration. While we recognize that small meetings might be technically more effective, we must not forget that any solution devised without the participation of those concerned will be doomed to failure. 34. So far as the development of the more backward regions of the world is concerned, we have noted that in 1968 the international community made greater efforts on their behalf than in 1967. Thus there was an increase of 14 per cent in the flow of capital from the industrialized countries invested in the developing countries either through bilateral channels or through multilateral agencies. Last year in this Assembly [1683rd meeting] I expressed the hope of seeing the insufficiency of public aid offset by an increase in private investment. The trends recorded in 1968 do indeed show an upturn in private-sector activities in the third world. However, it is not yet possible to assess from the component elements of this activity the effectiveness of the inflow of capital into the development sector. The main effort made in this connexion seems to have been in aid to exports, which has increased by about $700 million, representing almost 25 per cent of private-sector activities as a whole. While recognizing the effectiveness of this effort, we nevertheless note a very significant drop in public aid, which has decreased by a further 8 per cent in relation to 1967 and by 11 per cent in relation to the average for the previous years. This downward trend is continuing to worsen at the expense of the developing countries, since aid as a whole has decreased considerably in relation to previous years. 35. Despite the appeals that have been made for several years to set international co-operation on a proper footing and thus make it possible to define a new development strategy, no progress has been made in modifying the structures of world trade or the nature of development aid. The only matter for satisfaction as far as we are concerned is the commitment made by the World Bank Group to increase its activities in the years to come. We are all the more encouraged by the fact that Africa seems to have been given its proper place in the developing world. 36. We believe that it is impossible to envisage a new development strategy without a candid and fair political decision by all the parties concerned. 37. In stressing the need for more active international co-operation, and aware of the difficulty of implementing the development policy, my delegation would like to see every opportunity used for that purpose. It is clear that the major responsibility for the efforts to be undertaken in pursuit of that end must lie first and foremost with the developing countries themselves. It is for this reason that the activities of the Government of His Majesty King Hassan II have always been aimed at mobilizing the full domestic potential of the country and, for this purpose, at carrying out planning adapted to the specific situation in Morocco. This planning has yielded all the expected results, since in the first two years of its implementation the forecasts have been fulfilled, both in the public sector, where programmes are all-important, and in the private sector, where planning is only indicative. 38. These results have been achieved by the mobilization of all the State’s resources and the policy of local co-operation with all our bilateral and multilateral, public and private partners. Our Convention of Association with the European Economic Community, the efforts being made at the Maghreb level and the interest shown in our policy by the World Bank Advisory Group are all encouraging factors for us. That is why we believe ourselves to be on the right road and hope to see the confidence placed in us by our partners serve as a basis for our international relations, in the interest of a sound and comprehensive development. 39. As we have already stated, the General Assembly must assume increased responsibilities in the present international situation. The Charter calls upon it, in such circumstances, to take all necessary decisions for the maintenance of peace and security in the world. I should like on this occasion to remind the Assembly, above all, of its primary duty to find an urgent solution to the serious problem of the Middle East. Time is of the essence, and my Government fears that the situation will only deteriorate further and thus escape from all control. We urge the States Members of the United Nations to take cognizance of this danger and to co-operate fully with the Organization in order to enable it to discharge its obligations and apply suitable decisive measures to restore peace in that grievously troubled region. Convinced of the justice of this cause and with every confidence in the future of mankind Morocco still hopes to see the ideals of peace, freedom and justice finally prevail in this troubled world.