1. Madam President, allow me on my own behalf and on
behalf of my Government to join previous speakers in
conveying to you our warm congratulations upon your
election as President of the United Nations General
Assembly at its twenty-fourth session. Our satisfaction is all
the greater since the unanimous confidence displayed in
you by the Assembly at a tire when the international
situation is particularly difficult and complex is not only a
well-deserved tribute to your many personal and political
qualities and to your vast experience of the problems of the
United Nations, but also an honour for your continent,
which has always fully assumed its responsibilities and
demonstrated its firm determination to work for peace and
international co-operation. I can assure you, Madam President,
that my delegation will always be very happy to
afford you its full support and collaboration in the
discharge of your high functions.
2. I should like on this same occasion to express our
sorrow and condolences in connexion with the death of
Mr. Emilio Arenales, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of
Guatemala and President of the General Assembly at its last
session. My delegation will always remember the determination
and courage displayed by Mr. Arenales when he
decided to continue in office despite the serious operation
he had to undergo in the middle of the session. We wish to
pay from this rostrum a tribute to his memory and to
express our deep sympathy to his country and his family.
3. Despite the remarkable space exploits accomplished this
year and the great promise they hold for mankind, we note
with regret that the international community is still
confronted with very serious problems. Many armed conflicts
and crises of all kinds continue to affect various
regions of the world. The General Assembly will thus have
to contend with a particularly disquieting situation and will
be called upon to discuss all the questions in dispute and to
give serious thought to appropriate solutions. We are all
aware of the obstacles in the way of attaining those
objectives, and we are all conscious that the United Nations
is today facing a severe test, in which its authority, prestige
and future are at stake. We sincerely hope that each of us
fully realizes that the United Nations is at a decisive
turning-point and that we shall take the necessary steps to
enable it finally to solve the world’s problems.
4. In our opinion, the General Assembly should devote
particular attention to the explosive situation in the Middle
East. As we all know, tension has been rising in this region
since the Zionist aggression of June 1967. For more than
two years Israel, by its daily raids against civilian targets in
neighbouring countries, has been gradually turning its
expansionist designs into deeds and its aggressive instincts
into a fixed policy. There is no need to demonstrate that its
systematic air bombardments and brutal military attacks
are, as it has carefully planned, gradually paralysing the
economy of the Arab countries, terrorizing their populations
and forcing their leaders to capitulate and accept
imposed solutions.
5. In the occupied territories, where violations of human
rights are greatly increasing, the Israeli authorities are
subjecting the population to a rule of terror. Once again the
purpose is clear: they wish to dismantle the economy of
those territories and change their specifically Arab character.
6. In Jerusalem, Israel is using the same methods with even
greater cynicism and obstinacy. It has no scruples in
proclaiming the annexation of the Arab parts of the Holy
City and in applying measures to change the City’s legal
Status, notwithstanding the repeated unanimous condemnations
of the Security Council. The burning of the Al Aqsa
mosque has confirmed, if there was any need for confirmation,
the real threat that the Zionist occupation represents
for the security and future of the Holy Places. His Majesty
the King and the Moroccan people, who were greatly
indignant when they learned of the heinous crime committed
against that holy place, have vigorously condemned
the violation of the religious rights of Moslems and
Christians in the Holy City. My Government is gratified in
this connexion to note the spontaneous expression of
support and active solidarity throughout Islam, and the
indignation aroused throughout the world by the sacrilege
of the criminal burning of the Al Aqsa mosque.
7. After this atrocious act, no attempt at propaganda by
the Israelis can conceal the reality. Pushing its arrogance
and its crimes beyond all limits, Israel still refuses to apply
the Security Council resolution of November 1967
[242 (1967)]; it is blocking the Jarring mission, preventing
agreement among the four great Powers, rejecting the
warnings and condemnations of the competent organs of
the United Nations and opposing any settlement whose
terms and conditions it has not dictated. The situation that
now prevails in the Middle East seems to us more serious
and more explosive than in June 1967.
8. In contrast with Israel’s intransigence, the Arab countries
most directly concerned are displaying great patience
and are busy seeking a solution capable of ensuring peace in
the region. Most of them have accepted the Security
Council resolution of November 1967 as a basis for settling
the conflict, even though it has been shown not to accord
with all their legitimate interests.
9. The anxiety felt for peace in the Middle East, where
there is a danger of a wider confrontation, impels the
world, which wishes to see justice done, to condemn the
Israeli aggression and to demand the restoration of the
usurped territories to the Arab peoples. It is high time,
therefore, that the United Nations also accepted its
responsibilities, since the present worsening of the crisis is
due in large measure to its failure to implement its own
resolutions. It is therefore bound to halt the Israeli
aggression and thus take up the challenge which threatens
to compromise its prestige and authority. Any negative
attitude on its part will only further encourage the Zionist
State to pursue with impunity its attacks, which are
increasingly assuming the proportions of veritable genocide.
10. My Government denounces this practice, which is
unworthy of our age, and firmly believes that the true
solution to the tragedy of the Middle East is to attack the
root causes of the problem. Refusal to recognize this reality
would only uselessly delay settlement of the crisis, which in
my Government’s view, cannot be settled fully unless the
Palestinians are closely associated with the solution. They
cannot accept indefinitely the denial of their rights and the
alienation of their personality by the presence of foreign
usurpers in their homeland. The Moroccan people salute
with admiration the heroic struggle of the Palestinians and
recognize the legitimacy of their fight for national liberation.
Henceforth, any final settlement of the problem is
inconceivable without the participation of this people,
whose rights must not be sacrificed or ignored. Thus there
can be no concrete solution to the Middle East crisis that
does not truly meet the Palestinians’ aspirations and fall
within the precise framework of the relevant United
Nations resolutions.
11. As is well known, the Moslem countries, aware of the
highly dangerous situation which threatens to engulf that
region once again and anxious to see peace restored there,
have just taken at the close of the historic Conference of
their Heads of State and Government at Rabat a series of
decisions concerning both the future of the Holy City of
Jerusalem and the situation in Palestine and the Middle
East. Or. behalf of more than 600 million Moslems, deeply
affected by the sacrilegious act that seriously damaged the
Al Aqsa mosque, the 25 Moslem States unanimously
affirmed that the continuing threats to the sanctuaries of
Islam at Jerusalem were direct consequences of the occupation
of the city by the Israeli forces. Their Governments are
equally determined to reject any solution of the Palestine
problem that would not guarantee the return of the City to
its status preceding the Israeli aggression of June 1967.
They also expressed their desire to see all Governments,
particularly those of the four great Powers, consider the
deep devotion of the faithful of Islam to the Holy City and
their solemn vow to fight for its liberation.
12. Confronted by the Middle East problem and the
steady deterioration of the situation in that region, the
Rabat summit conference also decided to launch an urgent
and anguished appeal to the international community to
make every effort to bring about the prompt withdrawal of
Israeli military forces from all the occupied territories,
pursuant to the relevant resolutions of the United Nations,
which reject any acquisition of territory by military
conquest. Having considered the Palestine tragedy, the
Conference expressed its firm determination to give its full
support to the Palestine people in its struggle for national
liberation and the restoration of its usurped rights.
13. His Majesty’s Government sincerely hopes that the
important contribution thus made by the Governments and
peoples of Islam in the search for a peaceful and equitable
solution to the problems of the Middle East will win the
widest possible measure of understanding and support from
all countries that desire to preserve peace and safeguard
security and justice in the world.
14. As in the Middle East, there has been little or no
improvement of the situation in the colonial territories of
Africa. The people of these territories continue, as in the
past, to be oppressed and to suffer harsh and implacable
foreign domination. The anachronistic policy of colonialism
and racial discrimination is one of the most flagrant
violations of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights
and of the principles of the United Nations Charter.
15. Thus in South Africa the behaviour of the Pretoria
regime, based on a denial of racial equality, is considered so
serious as to endanger peace and security in Africa and
throughout the world. This same concern applies also to
Namibia. There too decisions taken by the Security Council
have been ignored and scorned by the Pretoria leaders; and
it is regrettable that the decisions of the United Nations
have not been backed by any effective measures.
16. In Southern Rhodesia the minority regime of Ian
Smith also continues to subject the indigenous population
to the most inhuman acts of repression and discrimination.
It is even trying to consolidate its hold by imposing on the
Zimbabwe people a regime based on an illegal and
anachronistic constitution designed to perpetuate the concept
of the racial superiority of the white minority. The
development of the situation since the Unilateral Declaration
of Independence in 1965 confirms the ineffectiveness
of the economic sanctions advocated by the United
Kingdom and approved by the United Nations.
17. In any event, the African countries must become
deeply aware of the serious threat to their sovereignty and
independence posed by the consolidation of racist minority
regimes in Africa.
18. Portugal is relentlessly pursuing its policy of occupation
and violence against the peoples of Mozambique,
Angola and Guinea (Bissau). My country has always
condemned that policy of force and deplored the assistance
which Lisbon receives from its NATO allies. Determined
action should be taken against Portugal in this connexion,
so that the principles of self-determination, freedom and
independence may be applied without delay in the Territories
under Portuguese occupation, in accordance with the
purposes and provisions of the Charter of the United Nations.
19. Before concluding this sorry account of colonialism, I
have something to say on a question of direct concern to
my country. I should like to inform this Assembly of
developments in the territorial dispute between Morocco
and Spain. During this year the Moroccan and Spanish
Governments have engaged in direct, frank, friendly but
none the less difficult negotiations which have led to the
conclusion of a treaty on the return of the Territory of Ifni
to the Kingdom of Morocco. The settlement of that
problem, under which we conceded certain advantages in
our desire to facilitate implementation of the relevant
recommendations adopted by the United Nations, has
confirmed and strengthened the two countries’ desire to
resolve their problems by peaceful means. My Government
wishes to take this opportunity to express its satisfaction
and thanks to all the competent organs of the United
Nations, and in particular the Committee of Twenty-Four,
for the positive role they played in the search for a
satisfactory settlement of that problem.
20. Since that part of the dispute was thus settled, my
Government hoped that the Spanish Government would
also, in the same spirit of goodwill, take appropriate steps
to apply the General Assembly’s recommendations concerning
the Sahara. It was all the more convinced that this
objective could be attained because the Spanish Government
had given its full support to the relevant General
Assembly resolutions at the 1967 and 1968 sessions
[resolutions 2354 (XXII) and 2428 (XXIII)]. Unfortunately
that hope was to be dashed by events. The
economic, political and military measures taken by the
administering Power indicate that the course being followed
is in no way leading to the emancipation of the Territory.
Public opinion is even becoming concerned about the scope
and consequences of some of these measures, particularly
those aimed at strengthening the military potential of
so-called Spanish Sahara, the intensification of pressures
and preparations for the unilateral organization of a
referendum, the publicity given to speeches and official
statements in the Spanish Cortes, and pressing appeals for
foreign financial assistance in exploiting the mineral wealth
of that Territory. My Government, which has always placed
great hopes in the self-determination of peoples, is surprised
by this behaviour, which runs counter to the obligations
devolving upon the administering Power.
21. Nevertheless, my Government, aware of the Spanish
Government’s interest in the work of decolonization and
taking into account its approval of the United Nations
resolutions, continues to hope that an appropriate settlement
of this problem will soon be reached. For our part we
remain convinced that, in the light of the understanding,
wisdom and sincere friendship uniting our two Heads of
State, His Majesty King Hassan II and His Excellency
General Franco, our two countries will continue their
efforts and their dialogue with a view to strengthening their
historic ties of friendship and promoting fruitful co-operation
between them in all fields.
22. With regard to the situation in Gibraltar, my Government
fears that continued tension in the relations between
Spain and the United Kingdom concerning the future of
that Territory is likely to postpone a peaceful settlement of
the problem. It hopes that, in the interest of peace in this
particularly sensitive area, the parties concerned will resume
their dialogue, with a view to implementing the relevant
United Nations resolutions on the decolonization of the Territory.
23. The African continent is once again being sorely tried.
For more than two years our brother country Nigeria has
been threatened by an attempt at secession. This crisis
affects it painfully and causes us Africans deep concern. My
Government believes that the decisions taken by the
summit conference of the Organization of African Unity in
an attempt to restore peace, effect national reconciliation
and preserve the unity and territorial integrity of Nigeria
are likely to pave the way to a peaceful and just settlement
of the problem.
24. Similarly, in Asia a cruel war has been going on for
over 20 years in Viet-Nam. My Government has never failed
to deplore this grave situation and at the same time to
express its hope of seeing peace restored in that afflicted
area. Thus, while sympathizing with the courageous people
of Viet-Nam, my country last year welcomed in this
Assembly the step taken towards peace by the cessation of
the bombings of the territory of the Democratic Republic
of Viet-Nam and the opening of the Paris negotiations. My
Government therefore fervently hopes that the process of
peace already started will be quickened, so as to enable the
people of Viet-Nam to achieve its aspirations by freely
determining its future without any foreign interference. We
are convinced that with the restoration of peace and
security in that country the prospects for solving other
problems in Asia and in the world will be more promising.
25. If peace is restored in this area and elsewhere, it will
be possible to view the fundamental question of disarmament
with more optimism. We cannot ignore the increased
intensity of the arms race. We are all agreed that the past
year has not brought any notable progress towards disarmament.
The Secretary-General, whose sustained efforts in
this field we greatly appreciate, pointed out in his message
to the Committee on Disarmament that there has been no
halt or even slow-down in the arms race. On the contrary,
total military expenditure has reached a record level of over
$200,000 million a year. My country, which has recently
had the honour of becoming a member of the Committee
on Disarmament, realizes the capital importance and
extreme complexity of the problem. It is convinced that
positive results can be obtained only if all parties show
proof of their political will and make sustained efforts. For
our part, as His Majesty King Hassan II stated in his recent
message to the Committee on Disarmament.
”We ... have made [disarmament] a constant element
of Our foreign policy and We have supported unremittingly
every initiative designed to limit and reduce military
potentials, whoever may promote or possess them.”
26. Conscious of its new and important responsibilities as
a member of the Committee on Disarmament, my country
will give this question its undivided attention and will
participate in all efforts to achieve positive results.
27. Although we are fully aware of the difficulties in the
way of general and complete disarmament under international
control, we must pursue our efforts in fields where
agreements — even partial agreements — are possible. This
process has already yielded significant results in the
conclusion of several treaties.
28. Despite these efforts we are still faced by other
problems, including the total prohibition of nuclear tests,
demilitarization of the sea-bed and ocean floor, and the
prohibition of chemical and biological weapons. In this last
matter my country will continue to support, as in the past,
any decision promoting the universal application of the
Geneva Protocol of June 1925. In any event, His Majesty’s
Government will support any initiative guaranteeing a just
and lasting peace for the international community.
29. The questions which we have just examined are not,
however, the only ones retaining our interest and attention.
Other problems, such as the limitation of offensive and
defensive strategic weapons, the entry into force of the
Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons
[resolution 2373 (XXII)] and co-operation in the peaceful
uses of atomic energy are considered by my delegation to
be extremely important. We shall have occasion to deal
with them in detail in the appropriate committees.
30. We are convinced that these complex problems can
only be solved by frank international co-operation, which is
also essential to ensure a balanced development of our
society. Whereas in 1967 the world economy was marked
by an almost general stability, in 1968, on the other hand,
there was a rather remarkable upsurge. World production
increased marginally in all regions, whether of market or
planned economies; and the rate of international trade was
double that of the previous year. This led to a general
increase in national income, both for the developed and for
all the developing countries.
31. However, this favourable situation, far from reducing
the gap between these two groups of countries, has only
deepened it further. Strange though it may seem, the gap
between the wealthy and the developing countries is
constantly widening, in periods alike of difficulty and of
abundance. Thus a considerable decline in international
exports began during 1968 to the detriment of the
developing countries and has now become regular and
permanent. This quantitative inequality is particularly
alarming since it is accompanied by a qualitative inequality
which increasingly affects the purchasing power derived
from those exports. We are therefore faced on the one hand
with unstable and declining prices for products from
developing countries supplying raw materials, and on the
other, with a steady increase in the price of capital goods
supplied by industrialized countries. This imbalance adds to
the difficulties of the third world, which is confronted with
a steady worsening of its trade balance and becomes less
and less capable of satisfying its requirements tor capital
goods.
32. It is thus clear that, as a result of the international
trade structures and terms of trade imposed by the rich
countries, the operations of developing countries are
steadily contracting. The bulk of the profitable transactions.
are therefore carried out in a closed circuit among the
industrialized countries; and the developing countries enter
the picture only as suppliers of raw materials at prices
unilaterally determined by the industrial purchaser.
33. In the world of finance, for more than a year the
international community has been following with some
concern the upheavals in the international monetary system.
The calm of the last few months is not sufficient to
eradicate the deep-rooted causes of the deficiencies of the
system now in force, despite the pragmatic remedies which
have been applied here and there. We attach particular
importance to placing the system on a sounder footing and
to stabilizing currencies. This is why we are following with
some apprehension the negotiations of the international
monetary clubs; and we hope, as a developing country, that
the decisions taken by these bodies will not ignore our
lawful rights to participate in any attempt to reform the
international monetary system. In our view, the international
community should henceforth act in such a way that
the contribution which each member of the community is
able to make is taken into consideration. While we
recognize that small meetings might be technically more
effective, we must not forget that any solution devised
without the participation of those concerned will be
doomed to failure.
34. So far as the development of the more backward
regions of the world is concerned, we have noted that in
1968 the international community made greater efforts on
their behalf than in 1967. Thus there was an increase of 14
per cent in the flow of capital from the industrialized
countries invested in the developing countries either
through bilateral channels or through multilateral agencies.
Last year in this Assembly [1683rd meeting] I expressed
the hope of seeing the insufficiency of public aid offset by
an increase in private investment. The trends recorded in
1968 do indeed show an upturn in private-sector activities
in the third world. However, it is not yet possible to assess
from the component elements of this activity the effectiveness
of the inflow of capital into the development sector.
The main effort made in this connexion seems to have been
in aid to exports, which has increased by about $700
million, representing almost 25 per cent of private-sector
activities as a whole. While recognizing the effectiveness of
this effort, we nevertheless note a very significant drop in
public aid, which has decreased by a further 8 per cent in
relation to 1967 and by 11 per cent in relation to the
average for the previous years. This downward trend is
continuing to worsen at the expense of the developing
countries, since aid as a whole has decreased considerably in
relation to previous years.
35. Despite the appeals that have been made for several
years to set international co-operation on a proper footing
and thus make it possible to define a new development
strategy, no progress has been made in modifying the
structures of world trade or the nature of development aid.
The only matter for satisfaction as far as we are concerned
is the commitment made by the World Bank Group to
increase its activities in the years to come. We are all the
more encouraged by the fact that Africa seems to have been
given its proper place in the developing world.
36. We believe that it is impossible to envisage a new
development strategy without a candid and fair political
decision by all the parties concerned.
37. In stressing the need for more active international
co-operation, and aware of the difficulty of implementing
the development policy, my delegation would like to see
every opportunity used for that purpose. It is clear that the
major responsibility for the efforts to be undertaken in
pursuit of that end must lie first and foremost with the
developing countries themselves. It is for this reason that
the activities of the Government of His Majesty King
Hassan II have always been aimed at mobilizing the full
domestic potential of the country and, for this purpose, at
carrying out planning adapted to the specific situation in
Morocco. This planning has yielded all the expected results,
since in the first two years of its implementation the
forecasts have been fulfilled, both in the public sector,
where programmes are all-important, and in the private
sector, where planning is only indicative.
38. These results have been achieved by the mobilization
of all the State’s resources and the policy of local
co-operation with all our bilateral and multilateral, public
and private partners. Our Convention of Association with
the European Economic Community, the efforts being
made at the Maghreb level and the interest shown in our
policy by the World Bank Advisory Group are all encouraging
factors for us. That is why we believe ourselves to be on
the right road and hope to see the confidence placed in us
by our partners serve as a basis for our international
relations, in the interest of a sound and comprehensive development.
39. As we have already stated, the General Assembly must
assume increased responsibilities in the present international
situation. The Charter calls upon it, in such circumstances,
to take all necessary decisions for the maintenance
of peace and security in the world. I should like on this
occasion to remind the Assembly, above all, of its primary
duty to find an urgent solution to the serious problem of
the Middle East. Time is of the essence, and my Government
fears that the situation will only deteriorate further
and thus escape from all control. We urge the States
Members of the United Nations to take cognizance of this
danger and to co-operate fully with the Organization in
order to enable it to discharge its obligations and apply
suitable decisive measures to restore peace in that grievously
troubled region. Convinced of the justice of this cause
and with every confidence in the future of mankind
Morocco still hopes to see the ideals of peace, freedom and
justice finally prevail in this troubled world.