126. The delegation of the Kingdom of Cambodia,
which is taking part in the work of this twenty-fourth
session of the General Assembly, would very much have
liked to be able to express some optimism this year
regarding the development of the world situation: Unfortunately,
we are compelled to note that none of the grave
issues has yet been satisfactorily resolved and that we are
confronted today with increasingly numerous and distressing problems.
127. Peaceful and neutral Cambodia, with its 2,000 years
of tumultuous history and its Buddhist civilization, wishes
to draw the attention of the Assembly once again to some
of the dangers that are threatening mankind. We shall do so
without rancour, in all humility and fully aware of the very
small voice that we have.in the concert of the great Powers
and their allies. We shall do so also because our independence
of thought cannot be challenged, because we serve no
other cause than that of the search for truth, justice and peace.
128. First of all, I should like to stress that Cambodia has,
after all, an enviable position in the third world, especially
in South-East Asia. It has succeeded in remaining at peace,
both internally and externally, although not without
suffering repercussions from the war in Viet-Nam. Like all
the developing countries, and other countries as well, it is
experiencing economic and financial difficulties, but it has
escaped those caused by poverty, famine, undernourishment,
epidemics, illiteracy and the like. In short, I would
say that we ourselves have enough to live on, if not in a
superabundance of material goods, at least in a state of
well-being still sought in vain by others more favoured than
us. We depend for our national existence entirely on
ourselves and that is why we can express ourselves freely
here, regardless of whether others are pleased or displeased
by what we say.
129. Our increasing apprehension is caused by the conflicts
which are continuing, are breaking out or are
threatening to break out at many points of the globe, as
well as the neglect of the essential principles of the Charter,
which should form the basis of the actions of all Members
of the United Nations as well as of other countries.
130. For many years, eminent statesmen, famous scientists
and religious leaders have stated or written that the
world is heading for a catastrophe, since, at any moment,
some armed confrontation may lead to a third world war.
People believe, however, or feign ta believe, that such a
possibility is excluded by the balance of nuclear power.
Quite apart from the fact that this confidence is undoubtedly
unjustified, we believe it immoral to accept the
continuation in different parts of the world of “local” wars
which afflict millions of human beings. The most tragic
example of these “local” wars is the war in Viet-Nam.
131. Cambodia has recognized the Government of the
Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam and the Provisional
Revolutionary Government of South Viet-Nam as the true
representatives of the Viet-Namese people. In fact, it is
obvious that the claims to a representative character and
legitimacy of the Saigon authorities, which are kept in place
by a foreign military occupation force, are absurd, as the
course of events will prove.
132. We give full and constant support to the position of
the true Viet-Nam in favour of a return to peace and we do
so, not for ideological reasons as some allege, but because
that position is a just one and consistent with United
Nations principles, to which we shall remain attached in all
circumstances. The only reasonable and honourable
outcome of the war in Viet-Nam, which has lasted far too
long, is the total and unconditional withdrawal of foreign
troops and bases from South Viet-Nam and effective
respect for the right of the Viet-Namese people to settle
their own affairs, including reunification, without foreign
intervention or interference. Therefore, the proposals of the
Democratic Republic of Viet-Nam and the global solution
submitted by the National Liberation Front of the South
undoubtedly constitute the only just and acceptable basis
for an agreement between the parties concerned.
133. We greeted hopefully the declared aim of President
Nixon to put an end to the war in Viet-Nam, the first
measures of de-escalation and the more understanding
attitude adopted by the United States towards Cambodia,
which then decided to agree to the re-establishment of
Khmer-American diplomatic relations. We also took as an
encouraging sign the consideration given to reconstruction
and economic development projects for the post-war
period. From this very rostrum, on 18 September [1755th
meeting], President Nixon reaffirmed his determination to
arrive at a peaceful solution which would enable the South
Viet-Namese people to exercise its right to self-determination.
134. All the peoples of the world, and not least the people
of Viet-Nam, entirely agree with President Nixon in
insisting on respect for their right to self-determination. Is
it conceivable, however, that that right could be truly
exercised under foreign occupation? We certainly do not
believe that it could. Free elections in South Viet-Nam
cannot be organized by authorities whose power is based
solely on the presence of a foreign army of occupation.
They cannot be held in normal conditions until the foreign
armed forces are withdrawn from South Viet-Nam.
135. We trust that President Nixon will no longer hesitate
to take the wise decisions which the world is awaiting,
namely, total withdrawal of American troops from South
Viet-Nam and respect for the right of the Viet-Namese
people to full independence. No one will regard such
decisions as a defeat for the United States, but rather as a
victory for reason and common sense.
136. Once again, this year, the General Assembly will have
to consider the question of the representation of China in
the United Nations. I should like to draw attention to the
fact that this question has been on our agenda for the last
20 years and that the legitimate Government of a country
of 800 million inhabitants is still being excluded arbitrarily
from the Organization.
137. The refusal to permit China to occupy its seat in the
United Nations and in the Security Council is a flagrant
denial of justice and a violation of the principles we claim
to uphold. But that China’s seat should still be occupied by
the representatives of Chiang Kai-shek goes beyond the
limits of absurdity, the more so since no one attaches the
slightest significance to their participation in our work.
138. Nine years ago, from this very rostrum [877th
meeting], our Chief of State, Samdech Norodom Sihanouk,
pointed out that the United Nations needed the presence of
China far more than China needed its seat in the United
Nations. Events have confirmed that observation, since
China has become a nuclear Power and is making great
strides in every field. It is obvious to every thinking person
that none of the major world problems, and a fortiori the
major Asian problems, can be solved without China or
against its will.
139. Some countries would like to see recognized the
existence of two Chinas, each with a seat in the United
Nations. There is no justification for that, since the island
of Taiwan, in which Chiang Kai-shek has taken refuge, is a
Chinese province under the sovereignty of the Chinese
Government, as all Members of the United Nations both
know and acknowledge. The fact that this Chinese island is
administered by a so-called nationalist Government, thanks
to the military protection of a major foreign Power,
certainly does not give it the status of an independent and
sovereign State. In any event, the problem of Taiwan is an
internal Chinese problem which would have long since been
solved if the United States had not, with its armed force,
opposed such a solution.
140. China’s return to the United Nations will be opposed
again this year by those who accuse that great nation of
being a warmonger. Yet the truth of the matter is that there
is no Chinese armed force or military base outside China,
whereas so-called peace-loving Members of the United
Nations are making shameless use of their military power
against countries wishing to recover or maintain their
independence or simply to defend their territorial integrity.
We therefore believe it is necessary to assume that the
judgement criteria applied are based on facts and not on
hatreds.
141. Another matter which should claim our attention is
the situation in Korea. After the Second World War, that
country was divided into two States, for no other reason
than that it suited the pleasure, or the interests, of the great
Powers, and that division has now lasted for some 25 years.
In accordance with the principles and ideals which are the
raison d’étre of the United Nations, we request that the 40
million Koreans should at long last be allowed freely to
achieve the reunification of their country, without any
outside intervention or interference, including that of the
United Nations. Such reunification presupposes the evacuation
of foreign armed forces from South Korea, the Korean
people being left complete freedom to settle its domestic
affairs as it wishes and as is its right. Once again, the
Cambodian delegation wishes to make it clear that it is not
siding with any ideology, but simply supports those
national rights which are the same in every country of the world.
142. There is another problem to which the attention of
the Assembly will be turned and that is the explosive
situation in the Middle East. The Israeli-Arab conflict is a
tragic example of the powerlessness of this Organization to
ensure respect for the territorial integrity of its Members.
The State of Israel undoubtedly has a right to exist, but the
territories occupied after the so-called Six-Day War must
clearly be returned to their legitimate Arab owners, and
measures in keeping with the resolution of the Security
Council should be put into effect without delay with
respect to the Palestinians and their rights. Otherwise, it is
to be feared that a new war will break out, the consequences
of which would be catastrophic for our sorely-tried world.
143. The delegation of Cambodia now wishes to touch
upon a question which it considers to be the gravest issue of
our time. As Samdech Norodom Sihanouk recently wrote:
“humanity is living through a tragedy: the widening of the
gap between the so-called developed countries and the
countries which are not developed”. Our eminent
Secretary-General has just recently voiced his distress at the
rapid development of this situation.
144. We speak today of “developing countries” and no
longer of “under-developed” countries. Likewise, the
expression “and aid and assistance from the highly-developed
countries to the poorer countries” has been
replaced by the word “co-operation”. But, whatever the
terminology used, the facts remain the same. The truth of
the matter is that, for the majority of the nations of the
third world, there is no prospect of development adequate
to close, even partially, the gap separating them from the
wealthy nations. The figures are there, and each year they
are more overwhelming.
145. Over the last 15 years, Cambodia has made substantial
progress by dint of constant effort and considerable
sacrifices. It must be recognized, however, that it is now
even further removed from the over-developed countries
than it was 15 years ago. Yet, our country has something of
a privileged position in the Afro-Asian and Latin American
world. if we are making progress despite our difficulties,
that does not mean that we can blind ourselves to the fact
that other countries are stagnating or even losing ground. It
is alleged in certain circles that “we want everything - now”
whereas the Western Powers took a century to achieve their
present prosperity. It would be wrong, however, to think
that we are unaware of the hardships of development or
refuse to follow the rough road leading to it. Moreover, a
country such as Cambodia is in no way jealous of the
overwhelming wealth of certain countries and seeks nothing
more than a worthy and peaceful life.
146. The growing imbalance between the rich and the
poor countries nevertheless leads us to pose a fundamental
question: can we assure coexistence between satiated
peoples and starving peoples, between countries overflowing
with luxuries and those living in poverty? The
history of the world has already provided the answer and it
is inconceivable that, in the not too distant future, over
three quarters of mankind will passively accept a growing
inequality in the distribution of wealth.
147. The solution lies, of course, in international solidarity.
To date, alas, such solidarity has been more than
disappointing. The great Powers are more concerned with
conquering outer space or with their nuclear arms programmes
than with the problems of the hunger and poverty
of the third world. As for their participation in the development
of the poorer countries, it is far from adequate in the
circumstances.
148. The assistance of the highly developed countries of is
both camps — or, if you will, their “co-operation” with us — is
all too often unsuited to our needs and more favourable to
their own interests than to ours. Like any another
country of the third world, Cambodia has learned that fact
through bitter experience. True, we must recognize that the
assistance of some friendly countries — particularly that of
France—has been most useful and even beneficial to us. But
we encounter some types of “co-operation” with the
wealthy countries which are of no value to us and which
sometimes even hinder development. Co-operation, as
understood by such countries, is something in the nature of
the co-operation between a coachman and his horse and the
“mutual advantages” to which reference is constantly made
are distributed in a curious fashion.
149. There is, for example, the case of the major projects
receiving foreign assistance, generally of an international nature.
150. First of all, it can happen — and often does happen — that
such a project is worked out in the abstract of
somewhere or other and its practical implementation proves
a failure, without any lesson being learnt for the future.
Even in the best of circumstances, however, we find that
the funds provided by generous donors, or rather the loans
which they grant on which interest is payable, melt away in
payments for study missions and for the many trips made
by their technicians and contractors. Consequently, when
we draw up the balance-sheet of the project, we discover
that it is we, ourselves, who carried the greatest burden of
the financing.
151. We have also the case of foreign investors, whom we
encourage with conditions and guarantees at least equal to
those they would receive in Western countries. It is,
however, a fact that a poor country is required to allow
infinitely greater advantages and profits which are sometimes
twice, three times or even four times as large as those
granted by a wealthy country. Capitalists are of course not
philanthropists and we are prepared to allow them a normal
rate of return on their investments. They, however, wish to
take the lion’s share and leave us simply a few bones to gnaw.
152. In the case of foreign loans, we are given a choice.
Some propose loans at rates of interest which are prohibitively
high for a country with limited resources; others are
ready to grant us medium-term credits at reasonable rates,
but on condition that we agree to use the loans for the
purchase of obsolete industrial or other equipment, which
is no longer of any use to them, at prices equal to those
asked for the best and most modern equipment.
153. The super-developed world is full of good and
generous intentions towards the world of the poor. But the
facts and the figures confirm that development aid is a
myth and that it will remain so until the major Powers have
the wisdom to renounce their imperialism and to give up
their territorial, economic and ideological expansionism at
the expense of the third world.
154. The delegation of Cambodia considers that the
General Assembly should tackle this question with all the
seriousness it deserves. A great debate between the clan of
the privileged and the under-developed camp can still be
held in relatively satisfactory conditions. In a few years’
time, it will undoubtedly be too late. The rise of passions
and antagonisms is leading to a division and a break
between the white world of abundance and the coloured
world of poverty. We, for our part, pray that mankind may
be spared such a confrontation.
155. In conclusion, I should like to address our respectful
congratulations to our President on her election to preside
over the twenty-fourth session of the General Assembly. We
are gratified at the tribute paid to her generous efforts in
favour of peace and justice and we hail with admiration her
campaign for the independence of countries still under
colonial rule and for the emancipation of African women.
We ask her to accept our best wishes for complete success
in the noble task entrusted to her.