1. Madam President, allow me first of
all to express to you the satisfaction of the Italian
delegation at seeing you preside over this Assembly. In you
we welcome the representative of a republic of ancient
traditions, the interpreter of the will and aspirations of a
continent, rich in youthful energies, destined to give new
impetus to the development of the international community — a
continent with which Italy feels itself linked by
ties of friendship and co-operation. To you personally I
wish to convey the sincere congratulations of the Italian
delegation on your election to the high office entrusted to
you. Your profound culture, your vast experience and your
great human sensitivity are a guarantee of the success of the
Assembly’s work.
2. I should also like to pay a sincere tribute to the
memory of your illustrious predecessor, Emilio Arenales,
who presided over the twenty-third session with such skill
and dedication. His passing has left within the great family
of the United Nations a sense of deep regret for his
exceptional qualities as a politician, diplomat and human being.
3. In the debate which is concluding today there has been
a recurring theme: a profound desire for peace, a general
longing for just and lasting solutions to the crises which
beset the international order. We also share those aspirations.
If we are to realize them, we must above all initiate a
new and more human system of international relations. In
other words, we must solve in an open spirit those problems
which for years have caused divisions and disputes, and we
must build the future on mutual respect, trust and
co-operation among peoples.
4. I have just come from Yugoslavia, where I had the
honour of accompanying the President of the Italian
Republic on a State visit to President Tito. That visit
represented the culmination of the excellent relations
which have developed since the war between two neighbouring
countries, between two peoples which, having
succeeded in making their real interests prevail over the
resentments and the rancours provoked by past conflicts,
are now enjoying the fruits of trustful co-operation.
Between Yugoslavia and Italy there is practically no
frontier. Every day it is open to goods, people and ideas
crossing by the thousands in one direction or another.
Peace reigns on both shores of the Adriatic.
5. We are acting in the same way with Austria. Indeed, we
believe that a solution of the Alto Adige problem is at
hand — a solution to which we have devoted all our efforts
for years in pursuance of United Nations resolutions. To
this end we have also established opportune contacts with
the intention of sounding out the reaction of the Austrian
Government to the measures to be adopted internally by
the Italian Government, on the basis of suggestions of the
special committee composed of 19 members established in
1961, under the circumstances and for the purposes
mentioned at that time in the General Assembly. Once the
dispute has bee: settled, it will be possible to proceed
toward forms of economic and cultural integration also
between Italy and Austria.
6. I have referred to the spirit underlying the relations
between Italy and these two neighbouring countries simply
in order to express the hope that the same desire for peace,
the same awareness of the genuine interest of peoples will
guide Governments in Europe, the Near East, South-East
Asia, Africa, Latin America, wherever conflicts, often
bloody, are taking place among and within States.
7. The Italian Government shares the profound anxieties
which have been repeatedly expressed from this rostrum, in
the face of the dramatic events from which no continent
appears, in one way or another, to be immune. Since
disorder is so widespread, we must begin the task of
building world peace as rapidly and as concretely as
possible. In my opinion, this objective must be pursued, in
its entirety, with a “global” vision of its multiple ramifications
because on this depends not only the balanced
development of the international community, but also
perhaps the survival of human society itself.
8. In the first place, the development of political relationships,
economic life and trade, the growth of communications
and of human contacts, the movement of history
itself, are bringing out more and more clearly the
interdependence of peoples. At the same time the danger is
growing of the propagation from one region to another, and
from one continent to another, of tensions and conflicts
which are exacerbated not only by political and military
interests, but also by racial hatred, hunger, poverty and
persistent economic and social injustices. Hence, war
cannot be considered solely as the result of a lack of
military equilibrium. It is a complex phenomenon with
multiple causes which often have not yet been fully
explored. A remedy, therefore, which would defend us
from the dissemination of weapons, would certainly be very
useful but would not be enough. We must therefore
identify and eliminate the root causes of war.
9. In the second place, the splitting of the atom, the
exploits in space and our great scientific and technological
conquests have enormously increased the power of man
over nature. We are about to enter a new phase of history.
We feel that we must make a great effort to adapt our
institutions, our spirits, our concept of international relations
to the immeasurable possibilities which today are
offered to us by science and technology. Yet we find
difficulty in freeing ourselves from the old schemes of
power politics and in accepting not only justice, but also
disarmament as a requirement of progress itself.
10. The obvious conclusion which is now forced upon us
is that, in the face of the threat of a nuclear holocaust, we
have only one choice: to create the permanent conditions
for peace — in other words, to achieve a peace in which not
only military and political crises, but also all the basic
problems of the modern world, can gradually find their solutions.
11. Peace-building must therefore acquire new dimensions.
This task cannot be reduced to preventing armed conflicts
and overcoming the political disputes likely to provoke
such conflicts. It involves much more: the gradual reduction
of all social, economic and technological “gaps” which
Operate as factors creating instability and disorder in
international life; the conversion of the forces which today
threaten us with destruction into instruments of creation,
progress and well-being. In short, we must fill the technological
and economic gap among and within States and
between scientific-technological development and political
concepts which are now worn out.
12. It is this integral conception of peace that I should like
to suggest as a subject for reflection to the Assembly. This
conception embraces the many fields in which the United
Nations system is already operating; but it requires a
comprehensive design, a more precise awareness of the
interdependence which exists among the various tasks of
the Organization and therefore new policies and new methods.
13. In this over-all perspective, I should like to explore the
general lines along which, to our way of thinking, action for
peace should be developed.
14. The first objective is to ensure, in any situation,
respect for international legality and for statutory obligations,
which consist in the prohibition of the use of force,
the safeguarding of the sovereignty and territorial integrity
of all States and the upholding of fundamental human rights.
15. The defence and the consolidation of international
legality as a preliminary basis for peace involve two requirements.
16. The first requirement is to have efficient machinery
for peace-keeping and security operations available, on the
organizational and financial level. I should therefore like to
stress the need to give to the work of the Committee of
Thirty-Three the necessary impulse so that constructive
conclusions may rapidly be achieved according to the
realistic proposals repeatedly put forward by the Italian
representative.
17. The second requirement is to ensure, by deepening
and clarifying the principles, that the rule of law is upheld
in the international order. The Italian Government is
therefore fully aware of the importance of a declaration
such as that which is being worked out by the Committee
entrusted with the study of principles of international law
concerning friendly relations and co-operation. We are
convinced that such a declaration, if it is drafted in
unequivocal terms and accepted by all Member States, or at
least by a large majority of them, will respond effectively to
the requirements of today’s international society.
18. The United Nations Conference on the Law of
Treaties, concluded in Vienna last May, has undoubtedly
made a substantial contribution to the stability of world
order. In particular, it has allowed the newly independent
States to participate actively in the codification of legal
standards which up to now have been left to customary law.
19. Peace presupposes the abolition of all forms of human
discrimination. The foundations of peace will therefore
remain fragile as long as the myth of racial superiority
prolongs the existence of absurd systems of apartheid and
of colonial regimes.
20. Italy, which has applied and will continue scrupulously
to apply the sanctions ordered by the Security
Council against the illegal Salisbury regime, is ready to
support all realistic proposals which may rapidly and
peacefully bring about the establishment of a new, human
and democratic order, in southern Africa. In this connexion,
we have read with interest the Lusaka Manifesto on
Southern Africa which was authoritatively presented by
the President of Cameroon [1756th meeting] and which,
we hope, will not go unheard. In the same spirit we look
forward to the completion, in all parts of the world, of that
irreversible historical process which requires the elimination
of the political and economic structures of colonialism.
21. The elimination of poverty in all its manifestations,
without at the same time sacrificing or repressing specifically
human values, is one of the most exacting tasks
involved in the building of peace.
22. As we in Italy see it, the problems of the economic
and social progress of the poor countries must be tackled in
a spirit of freedom and mutual respect, as an international
development strategy. This strategy requires, on the one
hand, the efficient economic and technical co-operation of
industrialized countries, through the completion of a
number of well planned stages; on the other hand, the
developing countries must undertake to adapt their own
structures to the requirements of economic development,
taking advantage of the possibilities offered by regional
programmes and organizing common economic systems. It
should be pointed out that the association of the European
Economic Community is already moving in this direction,
together with the African countries and Madagascar,
Tunisia, Morocco and the independent countries of East
Africa, Surinam and the Dutch West Indies. The various
groupings formed in Latin America are moving in the same
direction, as was confirmed at the recent Viña del Mar
meeting. In doing so, they were encouraged and inspired
by the continuing process of European economic integration.
23. Today’s experience, furthermore, shows that the
gradual reduction: and the trend towards elimination of the
economic gap between the industrialized countries and the
countries of the third world is necessary, but inadequate,
for the purposes of peace-building. We must also set in
motion economic, social and educational systems which
translate into terms of real life the basic principles of
human dignity, respect for and free expression of the
personality, eliminating the dangers of a society inspired
solely by criteria of productivity and giving an ideal content
to the life of the new generations.
24. The anxiety which even recently the Supreme Pontiff
has shown for this problem confirms that it has today
become one of the most essential in the modern world. The
United Nations cannot fail to contribute to its solution.
25. Disarmament, as I mentioned, is a compulsory choice,
imposed by the nuclear reality in which we live. With this
conviction, the Italian Government has made and is
continuing tenaciously to make its own contribution to the
search for and the conclusion of agreements in this sector.
26. In our opinion, collateral measures, such as the Treaty
on the partial cessation of nuclear tests, the space Treaty,
the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of the Nuclear
Weapons [see resolution 2373 (XXII)] and the drafts of the
treaties which are being drawn up concerning the sea-bed
and bacteriological and chemical weapons are certainly very
important, but they do not yet deal with the crux of the
problem, which is the initiation of an effective process of
arms reduction. This was clearly seen by the General
Assembly which, at its last session [resolution 2454 B
(XXIII)], recommended the resumption of discussions on
programmes of general and complete disarmament.
27. Precisely in response to the General Assembly’s
appeal, the Italian Government took the initiative at
Geneva and, in the form of a specific working document,
submitted a proposal for the discussion of an organic
disarmament programme. We aim at the opening of
discussions on a programme which establishes the directives
for the inauguration and successive development of the
disarmament process. In such a programme, which could
form part of a “Disarmament Decade”, which the Secretary-General
has so brilliantly proposed in the introduction
to his annual report [A/7601/Add.1, para. 42], we hope to
see plans made for the beginning of negotiations on arms
reduction, which should constitute the first phase of this process.
28. We are certain that the atmosphere of these discussions
will be particularly facilitated by the initiation of
talks between the two major nuclear Powers on the
limitation of strategic weapons, which could represent the
first effective step towards the cessation of the arms race.
29. A determining factor for the continuation of the
disarmament negotiations could be the full and complete
implementation of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of
Nuclear Weapons which contains precisely in Article VI an
undertaking to conduct such negotiations in good faith and
urgently in view of the priority aim of nuclear disarmament.
30. Another important factor which must be considered in
the building of peace is the establishment of forms of
co-operation which will ensure that all countries benefit
from scientific and technological progress in those sectors
which open up new and important prospects for the future
of mankind - I refer to the peaceful use of nuclear energy,
outer space and the sea-bed.
31. I should like to recall that the development of
international co-operation in the peaceful use of nuclear
energy is a specific objective of the non-proliferation
Treaty, an objective on which we are concentrating our
efforts since the harmonious co-operation among the
nuclear and non-nuclear States will depend on it. The
Italian Government has already had an opportunity of
expressing its views on this problem during the Conference
of Non-Nuclear-Weapon States held at Geneva from 29
August to 28 September 1968, whose continuity, we hope,
will be assured.
32. With the same aim we have proposed a change in the
structure of the executive organ of the International
Atomic Energy Agency, which is essential if we wish that
organization to be able to tackle the new and important
tasks which can be entrusted to it in the field of the
peaceful uses of nuclear energy.
33. The utilization of the sea-bed and of outer space must
be based on the principles that mankind as a whole must
benefit from it and that no exclusive advantage must be
appropriated by individual States. Such utilization must,
therefore, be regulated by legal institutions which cannot
be converted into de facto oligarchies and which guarantee
all countries equitable conditions of enjoyment.
34. Another aspect of the problem of progress as a factor
in peace-building is the protection of the human environment
and of basic human resources, particularly in the face
of forms of irrational exploitation as a result of
technological development and of the manufacture of nuclear
weapons. Italy is therefore following with particular
interest the preparations for the United Nations Conference
on the Human Environment which, as a result of the
Assembly’s decision, will be devoted to this problem in
1972 in Stockholm.
35. In submitting my views on ways and means of securing
peace I have also, by implication, indicated the programme
of action which, I feel, should be followed by our
Organization. In order to build peace, it is essential to have
a functional United Nations.
36. Unfortunately, the facts still show that our Organization
is not yet in a position to fulfil all the hopes that have
been placed in it. The system is imperfect, not only because
it still lacks the means and the machinery necessary for the
constant and vigilant maintenance of peace, and not only
because it is passing through a phase of institutional
growth, resulting in an inevitable dissipation of effort, but
also because it sometimes encounters resistance from
Member States which, though often invoking the principles
of the Charter, are not always ready to accept them.
37. The Assembly must take appropriate decisions concerning
preparations for the twenty-fifth anniversary. Let
us seize this opportunity to commit ourselves not only to
scrupulous adherence to our statutory principles but also to
the quest for more suitable means of attaining the
perfection of our system at the institutional, organizational
and methodological levels. We now have a chance to
evaluate carefully the experience of the past in order to
plan for the future and to ensure that the Organization
functions more effectively.
38. As regards the second subject for reflection — the
strengthening of the United Nations — Italy has contributed
some ideas and proposals to the document submitted, in
response to the Secretary-General’s invitation, in connexion
with the preparations for the twenty-fifth anniversary [see
A/7690, annex I].
39. First of all, we believe that an attempt should be made
to ensure close co-ordination of the various activities
undertaken throughout the entire United Nations system,
applying an over-all plan which takes into account all the
objectives entailed in the maintenance of world peace, in
such a way that the gradual attainment of goals in one area
is reflected in substantial progress in others.
40. A correlation of this kind — which Italy has been urging
for some time and which has also been advocated by the
Assembly — should be established between disarmament and
development. Thus the resources made available by the
gradual achievement of disarmament would be spent on
economic and technological assistance to the countries of
the “third world”.
41. In a broader sense, we believe that the resources
released by the disarmament process or by the use of outer
space and the sea-bed or by other means should be applied
to the progress of the developing countries, to the
peace-keeping tasks of the United Nations and to the
protection of the human environment and of nature.
42. Secondly, we must consider the problem of adapting
the structure and working methods of the main United
Nations organs to the new historical context within which
they are required to function. The agencies that were
established as a result of the Bretton Woods Agreements are
now, after five years of study, embarking on the changes
needed to adapt them to. present-day requirements. What is
possible for the international financial agencies in Washington
must surely also be possible for the United Nations.
43. I am aware of the difficulties inherent in a revision of
statutory norms. I believe, therefore, that appropriate
solutions might already, to some extent, consist in a more
functional interpretation and application of the Charter, in
its present form, pending an opportunity to undertake the
reforms which various other speakers have advocated before
me. Thus arrangements could be made for the constant
participation in the Security Council of States which are
capable of fully discharging the particular responsibilities
deriving from membership in that body. This result could
be achieved by implementing Article 23 of the Charter
forthwith. By applying the same criteria and making a few
changes in the rules of procedure, the functioning of this
Assembly could be improved in order to ensure that its
decisions are practical and effective, as befits the prestige of
a body responsible for the democratization of international life.
44. Lastly, the United Nations system needs to be
strengthened in the sphere of economic and social development.
45. The preparations for the Second United Nations
Development Decade and its realization will surely be a test
of the Organization’s ability to function adequately as a
focal point for the generation of ideas and initiatives, and
harmonization of different positions. In this context the
United Nations must therefore be able to act with agility,
be flexible in structure and have rational co-ordination in
its methods. Indeed, the strength of the institution is not to
be sought in the multiplicity of its organs or in the
complexity of its procedures. It resides instead in the
ability to act swiftly, judiciously and in an orderly manner.
In this way development assistance will flow more abundantly
in the broad multilateral channels of the United Nations system.
46. However, a strengthening of the United Nations, as we
see it, cannot come about unless the Organization attains
the universality which is appropriate to its institutional
responsibilities and to its very purpose and which is the
basis of its authority and world-wide influence.
47. The Italian Government therefore trusts that a solution
in keeping with this requirement will be reached on the
question of the representation of China.
48. We hope that, by following this course, the United
Nations may become the effective instrument of peace that
we all wish it to be. To achieve that aim the Organization
must also secure, within the international framework in
which it must operate, political, moral and psychological
conditions that will facilitate the progressive development
of its activities. The first step, therefore, must be to settle
regional crises and conflicts.
49. I am speaking firstly of the crises in the Middle East, a
region which Italy, because of its geographical position,
views with particular interest and concern. In that region
we have been witnessing for over two years a steady
intensification, in gravity and frequency, of incidents which
unfortunately are increasingly taking on the aspect of open
warfare. We feel that this is the time and place to make a
fervent appeal to the parties to refrain from the use of
violence and to all countries in the United Nations to act,
willingly and effectively, according to their responsibilities
and influence, to bring about a peaceful settlement. It is
unthinkable, in our view, that a solution could be achieved
by means of force; it can only come through a political
initiative. We can, therefore, guarantee our support for the
efforts that are being made by the permanent members of
the Security Council on the basis of the resolution of 22
November 1967 [242 (1967)] to clarify its dispositions and
win the consensus of the parties and thus break the present
deadlock. We could not conceive of any solution imposed
from above upon sovereign countries which are understandably
jealous of their independence. We feel that we should,
without being discouraged by the complexity of the
problems and difficulties involved, embark on a patient
search for new formulas and means of contact that would
enable the parties to arrive at substantial agreements.
50. To this end, the exploratory talks that are being
conducted within the United Nations, the work that is
being done by the four permanent members of the Security
Council, and the activities of Ambassador Jarring, could
prove most valuable because it should be possible, through
these channels, to remove the obstacles which are still
preventing in the entire area a final settlement based on
just, definite and secure boundaries recognized by all. It is
generally agreed, we believe, that all States have the right to
live in peace, with integrity and independence assured,
including the State of Israel, which is a Member of the
United Nations and maintains relations with a large number
of other countries. The acknowledgement of this enhances
the right to autonomy, independence and development of
the States in the area of conflict.
51. The tragic events of the past few years, which have
caused death, sorrow and waste of valuable efforts, lead us
to make an impressive assessment of the points on which
there is substantial agreement and to concentrate our
attention on those disagreements which can and must be
overcome. The just settlement which could thus be envisaged
would make it possible to restore peace and remove
the conditions and consequences resulting from the war and
from a state of insecurity and uncertainty that has lasted
for many years. In particular we cannot be insensitive to
the unhappy plight of the many Palestine refugees who
must be given back their faith in life, and in international
justice. The prolonged closure of the Suez Canal has to
some extent altered the geography of the world and has
made maritime communications between countries, which
previously seemed relatively near, more time-consuming
and costly. This is one further reason why an equitable and
enduring political settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict is
so desirable.
52. For our part, we are ready to support any initiative
taken in the United Nations to secure peace in the Middle
Eastern region and to contribute to it, if we are requested
to do so. We should also like the other Powers to appreciate
how necessary it is to halt the rising flow of arms in the
area as a first step, pending a final solution to the problem.
We feel we can make this plea in all conscience, as Italy has
as a matter of consistent policy refrained from sending
military supplies to any country involved in the conflict.
53. I should therefore like to express the wish and the
hope that the Mediterranean area, which throughout the
world’s history has provided a basic channel of communication
and a point of encounter for three continents and
great civilizations, may become an area of peace, solidarity
and progress and fulfil its special function for the benefit of
mankind.
54. Italy is also continuing to follow, with keen anxiety,
the trend of the war which is causing bereavement and
suffering in Viet-Nam. In our view, it is a matter of prime
concern that those peoples should be in a position to
choose their own destiny freely without outside interference
or pressure. Even though the Paris talks do not so
far seem to have made satisfactory progress, the slowing
down of military operations and the adoption of some
de-escalation measures gives cause for hope that the crisis
will soon enter the substantive phase of negotiations which
we have always advocated and favoured. These remain the
only valid means of restoring peace in that part of the world.
55. This tragic chronicle of crises must inevitably include
the conflict in Nigeria. Respecting the sovereignty of others
and convinced as we are that the solution is only to be
found within an African context, we have always refrained
from interference of any kind. Nevertheless, the very
principles underlying the United Nations and a feeling of
human concern prompt us to renew a heartfelt appeal in
this forum for a rapid cessation of hostilities, which has
now become an undelayable necessity, also for the sake of
alleviating the suffering of a defenceless people.
56. As this bloody fratricidal war continues, it is our
inescapable duty to ensure the continuity of all humanitarian
actions. A speedy and definitive settlement of the
graver regional crises is a pre-condition before we can
embark on a concrete programme for strengthening the
United Nations. But this is not the only requirement. It will
also be necessary for all Member States to support this
programme with specific political commitments, to renounce
from now on the allure of military strength, to set
aside racial hatred and national fanaticism and accept the
necessity, and also the benefits, of multilateral discipline in
international relations.
57. Finally, we must also create the psychological atmosphere
for the beginning of a continuous and fruitful
collaboration between all the regional groups and, in
particular, between the Member States which have the
heaviest responsibilities for the maintenance of peace. This
can only be the result of the relaxation of tension, which all
peoples long for and which is an essential requirement upon
which Italy has insisted for so many years.
58. In order to achieve this relaxation of tension, we must
solve those problems which, especially as regards Europe,
are closely linked with the search for co-operation and
security through the efforts of all the interested countries.
It is therefore a serious error of perspective to think that
individual acts of force, which violate the very principles of
the United Nations, are likely to consolidate the security of
individual States to the detriment of the general equilibrium
of the freedom of others.
59. For this reason, too, we cannot fail to note how much
more difficult the task of building up an atmosphere of
trust has become as a result of the grave upheaval in world
order caused by the events in Czechoslovakia, and how
much discouragement this has brought to those seriously
working for a relaxation of tension.
60. Mindful of the tragic experiences of the two world
wars, we are seeking to give our contribution towards a
system of peace and security in Europe. Indeed, for years we
have been working tenaciously for the creation, especially
among the countries of Western Europe, of a politically and
economically integrated community, open to a fruitful and
dignified dialogue with greater Europe and to co-operation
with the rest of the world. To be sure, we are still far from
that political and economic unification that we seek.
Certainly, we shall not give up these our most ambitious
objectives. The passage of time and the development of
world events will show that our frontiers and our national
sovereignties are anachronistic. It is only by advancing in
this direction that we can build a Western European group,
capable of contributing to a trustworthy collaboration of
the whole of Europe and thus constituting a factor for
equilibrium, stability and peaceful progress in international life.
61. With respect to the countries of the East, we want to
continue to seek points of understanding with a view to
achieving equitable solutions to the gravest problems which
exist, the essential one being that of friendly Germany. In
spite of certain objective uncertainties, we intend to
continue our efforts to relax tension, because no other
policy is imaginable as long as conditions for real progress
exist, even among so many difficulties. The policy of peace
today has no alternative.
62. We should like all the countries of our continent to
make a similar contribution to the relaxation of tension. We
should like them all to understand how sincere is our desire
for the achievement in Europe of an exemplary, trustworthy
and constructive coexistence. This condition is also
necessary if we are all to act together in the United Nations
in the service of world peace.
63. In his message on the occasion of the marvellous lunar
exploit of last July the Secretary-General stressed that the
plaque placed on the surface of the moon by the two United
States astronauts bore the inscription “We came in peace
for all mankind“. In these simple and human terms the
Secretary-General expressed the hope that the exploit
which has opened the way for the conquest of space will
inspire on earth a great upsurge of human solidarity.
64. I believe that the best contribution which the United
Nations can make to the realization of this hope is to work
with perseverance towards the creation of an international
order in which man’s growing control over the physical
world does not become a means of destruction but solely a
factor for progress and peace.
65. I would like therefore, for my own part, to express the
hope that the twenty-fifth anniversary of the United
Nations may stimulate our efforts and strengthen our
determination in the pursuit of the great task. With this
hope, Madam President, I confirm to you that the United
Nations can always count on the fervent support of the
Italian Government.