91. Madam President, I begin
my speech with the very pleasant act of congratulating you
on your election as President of the General Assembly at
this session. It is not only a tribute to your country—which
was one of the Founding Members of the United Nations,
and also a Member of the League of Nations—but it is a
tribute to you personally. You have for many years played
a prominent and constructive part in the work of this
Organization, particularly in relation to dependent Territories.
Australian representatives have enjoyed the most
friendly relations with you and have benefited from your
counsel and advice on a number of occasions. We have had
the pleasure of welcoming you in Australia, and we hope
that you will visit us again.
92. I turn now to the business before the General
Assembly, set out formally in the agenda. One’s heart sinks
when one reads through the list of items—not simply
because of the large number of them, but because many
have been before this body for a long time and show every
sign of being there before us for years to come. But we
must remember that some of them represent problems that
are not in themselves readily soluble and, indeed, are often
matters which are never going to be wound up once and for
all. Sometimes what we have to aim at is to help establish
and maintain conditions under which neighbouring countries
can jog along together, taking account of the facts of
geography and history and relative strengths and interests,
without coming to blows.
93. Sometimes the discussions in the United Nations,
unproductive as they might seem, are an alternative to more
violent acts. Sometimes, too, though the movement might
seem to be at the speed of a glacier, there is undoubted
movement. Disarmament and arms control provide an
example. On disarmament the international community
moves by fits and starts, rather than by steady advance; but
there is indeed movement, and it is vital for the future of
mankind that it should continue.
94. Some problems are particularly intractable. In this
regard one thinks particularly of the Middle East, where
armed warfare has been waged twice in the last fifteen
years, and where sporadic guerilla fighting, infiltration, and
acts of sabotage and violence have taken place over many
years. A settlement will have to provide for the acceptance,
in some way, of territorial boundaries, an agreed understanding
about the rights and future of refugees, recognition
of rights through waterways, and protection of areas of
deeper concern to three of the world’s great religions.
95. Everyone is concerned about regional hostilities
endangering world peace and leading to wider conflict. We
deplore the violent interference with civil aviation which is
endangering the lives of persons in no way involved in the
Middle East strife. But, as Foreign Ministers and diplomatists,
we must never forget, too, that human beings in
the countries of the region are suffering: farmers and other
civilians in several countries threatened by raids and by
infiltrators—refugees who have long been homeless, and
who face an unknown future with either resignation or
desperation.
96. A number of items on the agenda relate to Africa.
Whatever directly concerns so many of our Members must
also concern other countries, even those remote from that
continent. There are still questions relating to Territories
not yet independent. Other items illustrate that independence
in itself does not solve all problems. Tasks of
economic development and political conciliation and adaptation
still face the peoples of the countries concerned; and
in facing and grappling with them, those countries rightly
look to the United Nations for understanding. Australia
regards with sympathy the efforts which are being made in
a number of instances to find peaceful solutions, in
accordance with United Nations principles, to situations
which are of such concern to so many Members. We shall
continue to do what we can to assist the United Nations to
attain its objectives in Africa, but we doubt that there are
any short-cuts, and we reject solutions that would involve
violent means.
97. Faced with all the items on the agenda, some of them
long-standing and persistent because they are so difficult,
we must nevertheless press on and refuse to throw in our
hand. Sometimes—if I might speak with brutal frankness—
the Assembly will seem merely to go through the motions
of handling the items. Speeches will be made along the
pattern of earlier years, and resolutions will be adopted that
do little more than repeat what has been said before. This
in itself is not necessarily a bad thing, if it helps to gain
time or to damp down passions and keep open the way to
solutions. Sometimes, with the passage of time, solutions
do become possible, as new generations emerge, or as
relationships: among the great Powers or other countries
change, or as technical progress alters the significance of
factors which have dominated particular problems. But we
must guard against getting automatically into a rut or
rejecting an idea or proposal simply because it is novel.
98. We must also guard against the temptation to adopt
resolutions which might command a majority in the
General Assembly but prove an impediment to solutions. It
is not only the size of the majority that counts, but the
composition of that majority. If that majority does not
include the countries most directly concerned or the
countries whose co-operation is needful, then the resolution
might prove to be an actual impediment to a settlement. It
might discourage some of the parties concerned from
looking for constructive compromises. It might inflame
opinion, or create political and other rigidities back home.
We must never lose sight of the fact that our objective here
is not a resolution as an end in itself; a resolution is a means
to an end. Our objective here is to widen areas of
agreement, to establish conditions where conciliation can
be pursued, and to encourage the economic and social
progress that in the long run will be the basis for the sort of
world which the Charter envisages.
99. I shall now say something about the region of which
Australia is a part—Asia and the Pacific—whose stability,
security and progress will help to determine the future of
the whole world and not simply of the peoples of that
region. There are 600 million people in the Indian
sub-continent; there are 250 million people in South-East
Asia; there are 700 million people in China; and there are
130 million in Japan and Korea. In numbers alone this is a
great proportion of the world’s population. Compared with
North America and Europe, their standards of living are, for
the most part, low. It is essential that more of the resources
of developed countries should be directed to this region so
that, in self-interest no less than in recognition of our
common humanity and the principles of the Charter, the
weight of the international community is drawn into the
task of economic betterment in Asia.
100. One of the most cheering features in the situation
despite all the problems and, in some cases, conflicts, is the
steady development of regional co-operation and the
growth of self-confidence and self-reliance among the
countries of South-East Asia. Australia is an active member
of many of the regional bodies—some of them part of, or
linked with the United Nations, such as the Economic
Commission for Asia and the Far East or the Asian
Development Bank, which held its annual meeting in
Sydney earlier this year—and some of them regional
associations outside the United Nations but in the spirit of
its Charter, such as the Asian and Pacific Council. Some of
the co-operation is within formal bodies or treaties, some of
it is carried out informally. The countries of the region look
to the rest of the world to show sympathy and understanding
for all that we in the region are doing, and we
hope it will be recognized that if South-East Asia and it
neighbours have sound and developing economies and
administrations then this will help the emergence of world
security and prosperity and deserves the support of all the
great Powers.
101. A big question mark in the region is posed by the
mainland of China. By its very size and the impact of its
ancient civilization and its geographical position, the
mainland of China must always be a major factor to be
taken into account by all its neighbours, whatever their
politics, race, or culture.
102. As my predecessor has said from this rostrum on
more than one occasion, perhaps the biggest question facing
us all today is how to fit the mainland of China into the
international community. This is not a question to be
solved by a single simple action such as admission to the
United Nations or recognition of the régime of Mao
Tse-tung. It is not something that is to be solved by handing
over the 14 million people on Formosa to a régime which
— they do not want. That would be neither morally right nor
would it effectively end the difficulties the rest of the
world has with Peking. What is needed is an accommodation,
which it is not easy to see being quickly achieved,
to which the mainland of China itself must make some
contribution. In particular, it needs to let its neighbours be
assured that they will not be threatened or harassed or
subjected to armed attacks. Peking is seen by many of its
neighbours as a menace, either actual or potential. If its
neighbours no longer see it in that light—and Peking itself
has opportunities to indicate that it is not a menace—then
we will all be on the way to a new and fruitful stage in
relations with China.
103. In South-East Asia there is at present armed conflict
on a quite significant scale in Viet-Nam. This has occurred
because a modus vivendi, springing from the Geneva
Agreements of 1954 in the form of a de facto division of
Viet-Nam between two governments, was challenged by
resort to force. North Viet-Nam attacked South Viet-Nam
with its regular armed forces and with infiltrators trained,
equipped, and directed from Hanoi. The South Viet-Namese
Government, faced with this outside aggression,
sought and obtained assistance from other countries including
Australia, and including also the United States,
Thailand, New Zealand, the Philippines and the Republic of
Korea. Our objective in the hostilities is the limited one of
repulsing the aggressor. The objective does not include the
destruction or the replacement of the régime in North
Viet-Nam. If the people of North Viet-Nam and the people
of South Viet-Nam should eventually wish to be unified,
that is something that should be worked out and decided,
in their own time and by peaceful means, by each of those
peoples acting separately and without being subjected to
force or the threat of force. In all this it is, in the opinion
of the Australian Government, basic that the people of
South Viet-Nam should be free to choose their government.
104. The Government of the Republic of Viet-Nam and its
allies have made many moves in the past to increase the
opportunities for achieving a settlement. All the hostilities
inside North Viet-Nam have ceased, despite the fact that
North Viet-Nam continues to wage war inside the territory
of the South and to kill and destroy there. The United
States has reduced its forces in Viet-Nam during this year,
and last week President Nixon announced another reduction
in American forces there. This has not so far been
matched by the other side. The peace talks in Paris are
making no progress. Fortunately, inside South Viet-Nam
itself, considerable progress has been made in many
directions. There is an active and genuine political life in
the Parliament and in municipal institutions, which is in
striking contrast to the authoritarian régime in the North.
I pay tribute to the people of South Viet-Nam who, despite
the assaults upon them from the North, persist in trying to
build their economy and develop their political institutions.
Many of us can count ourselves fortunate that our own
political life has not been subjected to such stresses.
105. I turn now to an item on the agenda of this session of
the General Assembly which is of interest to all Member
nations whatever their political complexion or state of
economic development or geographical position: namely,
the problems of the human environment. This question was
first brought formally before the General Assembly by the
Government of Sweden. It has been reported on this year
by the Secretary-General and considered by the Economic
and Social Council. The United Nations Conference on the
Human Environment to be held in 1972 will have the
support and participation of Australia. We also support the
Conference’s meeting in Sweden, in recognition of that
country’s initiative in this field.
106. The aspects of the human environment receiving
greatest attention internationally are the problems of water
and air pollution. It might be thought that problems of
pollution are not as great in Australia as in some other parts
of the world, because of our distance from other countries
and from the big industrial complexes. Nevertheless, Australia
does have some immediate problems—for example, in
relation to insecticides—and has many more potential
problems. The Australian Senate has established two
committees on pollution, one relating to air and one to
water. By taking early action now, it may be possible to
prevent Australia from suffering some of the more extreme
afflictions that have already hit certain other countries.
107. Although problems of pollution are extremely important
and are of a kind calling for international action, we
must not overlook other ways in which man is making an
impact on his own environment. I refer particularly to his
use of the natural resources, both exploitable and self-regenerating.
As far as the exploitable resources are
concerned, we need to do much more to avoid wasteful
uses and to look for alternative substances to conserve
those which are limited. In the use of the self-regenerating
resources, where man’s impact has been particularly significant,
we should not overlook the positive gains that have
been made in many areas. On the one hand, there are
practices degrading those resources by over-grazing, overfishing,
unwise destruction of forests, and soil erosion, but
there are also many examples of positive successful actions
which have made natural environments more productive
and of greater value as human habitats. I refer among others
to the more successful agricultural production systems,
pasture improvements and forest management. It is equally
important that notice should be taken of those achievements
and that lessons from them be put to wider
application. I hope that the Conference will be broad
enough to consider ways in which those positive gains and
the conditions under which they have been made can be
identified so that the information will be available for
immediate use in similar circumstances elsewhere.
108. I do not need today to outline to this Assembly
details of these problems of the human environment—
pollution of the air and water, degradation of productive
resources, noise and other contaminations and assaults—nor
do I need to stress their importance. These things are well
known. I shall limit myself to outlining what I believe
should be attempted internationally, and particularly in the
United Nations. Probably most of the action in this field
has to be taken by national governments and other
domestic authorities, but some matters need international
initiative, study or co-ordination. The following are the
types of things that can be attempted internationally in this
field: first, helping to make mankind generally aware of
what is at stake and of some of the practical problems;
secondly, helping to stimulate international research and
assistance into channels which will make the most needed
and urgent practical contributions; thirdly, taking steps to
see that the results of this research and technical application
are known to all countries and available for application
by them; fourthly, helping to establish international guidelines
for minimum standards to be followed.
109. Those are matters that affect all mankind and all
nations—the highly developed countries and the developing
countries, the great industrial countries and others more
remote and less industrialized. The impact of particular
problems and programmes of action will vary and sometimes
require different approaches according to the country
or form of society involved. I have referred to the
desirability of establishing international guidelines, or in
some cases even international standards, that various parts
of our communities should live up to. Such guidelines could
relate, for example, to fertilizers and insecticides, so that
they do not contain harmful ingredients with lasting
ill-effects, or so as to guard against their improper use.
There might also be guidelines relating to the discharge
from chimneys of factories and power stations and even
from domestic appliances and automobiles. Such guidelines
would represent desirable rather than enforceable criteria
on an international basis, but in certain cases it might be
possible to go further and secure government agreement to
require observance of standards or criteria accepted by
them. These matters are of interest to all countries, not
simply those that manufacture any articles in question but
also those that use them. Manufacturers and other producers
who observed such guidelines might find their
international markets wider than if they did not observe
them. The sooner we tackle those problems the better.
110. As I envisage it, the United Nations itself would not
be directly involved in research, but it could help to see
that the relevant international agencies and other bodies—
international, governmental and private—fulfilled their
opportunities and duties. Several of the specialized agencies
are directly involved. The United Nations Advisory Committee
on the Application of Science and Technology to
Development, of which an Australian, Sir Ronald Walker, is
Vice-Chairman, has already been active in this field and will
have a continuing interest. Australia takes a particular
interest in the work of that Committee, which largely
originated in an initiative by Australia in the General
Assembly in 1959, in which we were associated with
Romania.
111. Australia continues to place great emphasis on the
scope of the Committee—on the need to ensure that the
attention and resources of the world scientific community
are directed more than in the past to the needs and
problems of developing countries, and the need also to
reduce the time lag in the application of scientific discovery
and technical developments to the needs of mankind and
particularly the needs of those countries whose own
scientific communities are not large enough or do not have
enough resources to do the work adequately for themselves.
112. Australia attaches great importance also to the work
of the United Nations in defining and regulating the needs
of the international community in relation to new fields of
activity which are being forced on us as a result of the
startling advances of science and technology. I refer
especially to the work of the Committee on the Peaceful
Uses of Outer Space and the Committee on the Peaceful
Uses of the Sea-Bed and the Ocean Floor beyond the Limits
of National Jurisdiction, as well as to the control of
pollution and the preservation of a livable human environment
which I have just been discussing.
113. These new developments in science and in technology
have added new and vastly extended dimensions to
man’s activities, as well as to his knowledge. One recalls
exciting historical parallels in the great terrestrial discoveries
of the past. To make accessible to man the vast
potential resources of space and on the floor of the deep
oceans is to create opportunities, in the conditions of
today, for an unrestrained scramble for possession, with its
attendant dangers. The dangers will exist whether the
exploitation of the new resources is by Governments or by
private enterprise. These disturbing potentialities present to
the United Nations a challenge in one of the constructive
functions and duties imposed on the General Assembly by
the Charter. I refer to the progressive development of
international law.
114. Traditional international law, created as it was in
such large part by the practice of States and coming down
to us from practice established in the era of the great
geographical discoveries of the past, contains well-known
doctrines of sovereignty, of the acquisition of territory by
occupation and of the appropriation of resources. In the
common interest of the international community as a
whole, these doctrines may require revision or even in some
respects exclusion, in relation to outer space and the
celestial bodies, and in relation to the deep ocean bed
beyond the limits of national jurisdiction.
115. New legal concepts, and new legal rules, have already
been forthcoming in respect of man’s activities in outer
space, though important problems have still to be solved—in
relation, for example, to liability for damage arising from
space activities. There seems to be a possibility that this gap
could be filled even during the course of the present session
of the General Assembly.
116. Important work is also in progress with regard to the
legal problems created by the impending accessibility to
man, through the rapid advance of technology, of great
resources on the deep sea-bed beyond the limits of national
jurisdiction. Resolutions of the General Assembly have
already envisaged the possibility of establishing an inter
national régime, under which all would benefit from the
exploration and exploitation of these resources.
117. I wonder how many of the millions all over the world
who watched the Apollo moonshot with such anxiety and
admiration realized how extensively the legal background
of that great undertaking had already been filled in by the
outer space Treaty? which the General Assembly unanimously
adopted on 19 December 1966. That question in its
turn prompts the reflection how different might have beer
the world’s history in this period of revolutionary discoveries
in science and technology, if the United Nation:
had not existed.
118. I have sot attempted today to touch on all the
subjects that will be before this session of the General
Assembly. Some of them will be the subject of statements
by the Australian representatives in the relevant Committee
—for example, the Second Development Decade. The
Second Development Decade must succeed. The Australian
Government has again, this financial year, increased its own
contributions to international aid programmes, and would
view with alarm and distress any diminution in the total
flow of international aid. Equally do we urge the need for
expanding world trade. A healthy political system requires
a healthy economic system.
119. In all the items which come up for consideration we
look to the purposes and principles of the Charter. When
the Organization departs from the Charter there is danger.
When it sticks to the Charter—and when the individual
members stick to the Charter—there is hope.