37. I should like to convey to
the President, on behalf of the Netherlands delegation and
on my own behalf, our warm congratulations on her
election to the Presidency. I am convinced that her wisdom,
perseverance and long experience in United Nations affairs
will enable her to shoulder, with great distinction, the
heavy responsibilities of her high office.
38. I cannot forgo this opportunity of expressing to the
delegation of Guatemala our feelings of sympathy and deep
sorrow at the demise, earlier this year, of Señor Emilio
Arenales. As our previous President, he left the image of
great perspicacity in United Nations affairs and of unfailing
devotion to the cause of peace. May his example of
yesterday provide us with a new impetus for the faithful
performance of our tasks of today.
39. The road on which the United Nations embarked now
almost twenty-five years ago, has been long and arduous.
The vistas of a better and more peaceful world, which
appeared to be within reaching distance when the Charter
was signed, turned out to be more remote than we had
hoped and expected. How far away we still are from an
attainment of the high objectives enunciated in the Charter
has been shown by the feelings of preoccupation and at
times grave concern expressed by many colleagues who
spoke before me.
40. We have to recognize that in many cases the endeavours
of the United Nations have failed to be successful, in
particular where the maintenance of peace and security is at
stake. Is it surprising, therefore, that people all over the
world — in my country no less than elsewhere — are becoming
somewhat disillusioned and are wondering whether the
United Nations has proved worthy of their trust and hope?
41. These doubts are voiced especially where questions of
war and peace are involved. There are indeed important
questions which appear with unfailing regularity on the
Assembly’s agenda without much prospect of solution,
Among these are issues affecting the life and death of
millions, threatening even the survival of the human race, to
which no other answer seems to be forthcoming than
prolonged and inconclusive debate. Finally, there are
burning questions which do not even appear on the
Assembly’s agenda.
42. A full year has elapsed since I expressed in this hall
[1681st meeting], on behalf of the Netherlands Government
and people, our deep concern about developments in
the eastern region of Nigeria. The armed conflict in that
area has continued without abatement, inflicting untold
suffering and sorrow on the civilian population. Hundreds
of thousands of women and children are faced with
imminent starvation and death.
43. The cause for our anxiety, I regret to say, has not been
removed. It is true, of course, that the almost desperate
food situation has been slightly relieved. But, while the
fighting continues, the need for humanitarian assistance for
the stricken population seems to be as urgent as before. For
several months now the flow of foodstuffs and medical
supplies has stagnated. Ways have been sought, in particular
through the International Red Cross and inter-church
action, to resume relief flights. It is most regrettable that
the local authorities in the eastern region have seen fit, at
the last moment, to withhold their consent to an arrangement
for the resumption of such flights. In this respect my
Government is willing, nay eager, to provide inspection
teams in order to allay apprehensions on both sides as to
the bona fide contents of the planes.
44. At the same time, there may be a spark of hope for
the future. My Government views the resolution adopted
by the summit conference of the Organization of African
Unity as such a spark, at least. We can but welcome a
development that creates the possibility of conversations
between the parties in the conflict. Although we do
understand the wish of the African States to seek a solution
to the conflict without outside interference, my Government
still regrets that the issue does not appear on our agenda.
45. Yet we see it 4s our duty — not only as a Member
nation of the United Nations, but also as human beings — to
continue to do all we can to assist in elaborating effective
measures for relief.
46. Since we last met the situation in the Middle East has
changed for the worse. The deteriorating conditions in the
area do not offer consolation nor do they allay our fears.
We cannot but share the feeling of gloom of the
Secretary-General in the introduction to his annual report and we
agree with his conclusion that “it is imperative and urgent
that some way be found to reverse the present trend
towards catastrophe” [A/7601/Add.1, para. 75]. We ask
ourselves: “What way?”. Have the numerous approaches so
far not turned out to be blind alleys?
47. Surely both parties should show the utmost restraint.
The way to arrive at a lasting settlement is not on the
battlefield nor on the demarcation line nor far behind these
lines, but at the conference table, whether through Ambassador
Jarring, through the four big Powers, or through
other procedures. Whatever the procedures, it is clear that a
final settlement should be based on clear and unequivocal
agreement between the parties.
48. In this respect, I would like to remind the Assembly of
the contents of the Security Council resolution of 22
November 1967 [242 (1967)] which clearly outlines the
conditions for a settlement. It is not only the important
wording of this resolution, but even more its spirit which
should guide the parties.
49. If a settlement should be reached and if it should
provide for a renewed United Nations military presence in
the region, I repeat, this time publicly, our willingness to
provide the Organization with specially trained units for
that task.
50. It is not only because of the great dangers to peace
inherent in the present tense situation which prompts our
active interest. It is also — and no less — because of our deep
sympathy for the Jewish people, so cruelly decimated
during the Second World War, and our strong links of
friendship with the Arab nations; these links have existed
for many centuries and are based on admiration for their
unique culture and proud traditions.
51. I cannot end my few remarks on the situation in the
Middle East without recalling the sad fate of the many
refugees. It has really become a problem which should
finally and by the common effort of all the countries
directly or indirectly concerned be solved in a lasting and
just manner. The relevant part of the Security Council
resolution of 22 November 1967 [242 (1967)] stresses that
need.
52. Within the next few weeks the Assembly will be called
upon to consider an item on its agenda, which is of
immediate interest to my country. It is included under the
heading: “Agreement between the Republic of Indonesia
and the Kingdom of the Netherlands concerning West New
Guinea (West Irian)”.
53. It is not my intention to dwell at length on this
matter — I might come back to it later. But, although the
reports on the Act of Free Choice are not yet available, I
feel it my duty to point out that in the Netherlands some
doubts have been expressed on the system chosen to
consult the Papuans and on the manner in which it was
carried out. The Secretary-General has already reported on
the results. Looking to the future, we have noted with
satisfaction, however, that the Indonesian Government will,
in close co-operation with its friends — and we count
ourselves among them — develop the territory, taking fully
into account the very particular character of its inhabitants.
54. My Government attaches great importance to effective
steps for the creation of a safer world by means of control,
limitation and reduction of armaments. Efforts in that
direction are necessary because of the almost inconceivable
destructive power of the weapons developed since the last
war - and the weapons used during that last war were not so
nice either.
55. I recognize, of course, that the “balance of terror”
between the nuclear super-Powers has, in past years, led to
an element of stability in international affairs. On the other
hand, we know that lately new developments in the
technology of armaments are taking shape which, unless
checked in time, could lead to a new escalation in the
strategic nuclear arms race and even upset the existing
precarious equilibrium of mutual deterrence.
56. In the light of that conceivable danger, it is of
particular importance that the United States and the Soviet
Union should conduct talks to prevent such an escalation.
No effort should be spared to work out mutually acceptable
arrangements in the field of nuclear weapon systems,
both offensive and defensive.
57. It is hardly necessary to add that the numerous and
complicated problems to de faced in trying to restrict the
armaments race cannot be solved exclusively by bilateral
talks between those two major Powers.
58. For that reason my Government has, right from the
start, shown great interest in the consultations of the
Conference of the Committee on Disarmament at Geneva. I
am happy, and my Government is happy, that we are now
able to participate in the deliberations of that central organ
for international consultations on disarmament and I am
aware of the special responsibility which that membership
entails. We hope to contribute constructively to a fruitful
exchange of views and effective steps in that crucial field.
59. To a large extent our present efforts in the field of
arms control and disarmament are focused on reducing the
risks and dangers of the nuclear arms race. We should,
however, be no less mindful of problems arising from the
spread of conventional armaments. Stockpiles of those
weapons in many regions of the world tend to increase
political tensions and aggravate warlike situations. Furthermore,
large sums of money are used for the acquisition of
conventional arms, money which might better have been
employed for other than destructive purposes.
60. The Netherlands Government will study all proposals
to curb the conventional arms race and will welcome and
support constructive proposals in that field. Surely, we are
aware of the many obstacles but, in view of the importance
of achieving results, we should really not adopt an attitude
of resignation.
61. If it is true and desirable that the United Nations
should be revitalized and its role in the political sphere
strengthened, co-operation under United Nations auspices
in the economic and social field has fortunately proved to
be more effective. I have here in mind, in particular, the
co-operation between, developed and developing countries.
The Netherlands Government strongly supports the efforts
of various United Nations organs and United Nations
commissions in mapping out the so-called development
strategy.
62. There is a close link between questions of peace and
security, and the economic and social situation in developing
countries and regions; or, one might say, conversely,
when economic and social development in large areas of the
world are lagging, peace and security are in danger to the
detriment of all. Awareness of this form of interaction has
led my Government to regard its policy of co-operation
with developing nations as a cornerstone of our over-all
foreign policy. My colleague, the Minister in charge of
Development Aid, who works at the Foreign Office and
with the best of my officials, will, no doubt, elaborate on
that theme further when, in a few weeks’ time — when I will
be back working in The Hague—he will be addressing this
Assembly.
63. In the order of priorities, we consider it one of our
prime responsibilities to strive for a better understanding
between the peoples of Eastern and Western Europe. It is
our sincere hope that one day the grim barrier still dividing
Europe will be removed. To bring that about it is essential
for both parties carefully to prepare the way. Ways and
means should be explored of arriving at a stage where
discussions are likely to lead to fruitful results and to
acceptable solutions of European problems which have so
far eluded any form of settlement.
64. My Government is ready to do its part to bring about
a lessening of tension in our part of the world. Numerous
contacts in the economic, scientific and cultural fields have
already been established. Also, it has been possible to enter
into an exchange of views on the more controversial
political issues. Yet it would be wrong to suppose that
differences of opinion on a number of fundamental issues
no longer exist. As soon as there are indications that a
conference on European security matters as envisaged by
the Government of Finland will be assured of some measure
of success, my Government will actively promote it and
take part in the deliberations.
65. In that connexion, however, I feel obliged to refer to
one matter in particular which continues to give us grave
concern. This feeling of concern, which I voiced at last
year’s session of the Assembly [1681st meeting] on
account of the situation in Czechoslovakia, is due to the
fact that the Soviet Union has made it clear in word and
deed that it is not considering itself bound by one of the
fundamental principles of international law: that is to say,
the principle of non-intervention in the internal affairs and
respect for the sovereignty of other nations. That applies, in
the view of the Soviet Union, especially to countries which
enjoy the same form of government as the Soviet Union itself.
66. In Europe the creation of the European Economic
Community, now in its twelfth year — and I am rather happy
to remind my fellow representatives that they see before
them one of its founding fathers; I was, as you know, at the
cradle of the European Economic Community baby, which
is now in its puberty years — is a development of major
importance. As members of that Community, six industrialized
countries have succeeded in establishing a customs
union and in removing all trade barriers between them. An
economic union is in the making, not without pains, but we
have every hope that it will become a reality within the
not too distant future.
67. Common policies have been or are being developed
and applied in such complex and sensitive fields as
agriculture, taxes, subsidies, transport, trade, social
security, employment, health, and many others. I will spare
you an enumeration of the rest. All this calls for almost
weekly meetings of the Council of Ministers of the
Community, where the competent Ministers, with the aid
of the European Commission, thoroughly discuss their
problems — and very late at night, I may tell you — and take
the necessary decisions. Now I do not propose to enter here
into the details of those discussions and decisions, but I
mention them as evidence that, given a firm political will,
even the most difficult and complicated problems can be
solved. I stress the word “political“, for the creation of the
European Economic Community is not confined to purely
economic aspects. It had and has first of all a political
meaning. It means the final and definitive reconciliation of
century-old enemies. It also means the gradual elimination,
not only of economic barriers, but also of political
differences. It aims at the emergence of a political unity,
where for generations and generations energy has been
wasted in political strife, and often in wars.
68. Of course, we have to admit that much remains to be
done. For instance, the Community must be enlarged to
include all European countries that are willing and ready to
abide by its rules and objectives, and, I might add, that are
of the same state of mind. On the other hand, the existence
of the Community still poses many problems, not only to
its own members, but also to the world at large. We
recognize those difficulties and are aware of the need to
find acceptable solutions.
69. As you know, the Community has decided to meet on
17 and 18 November 1969 at The Hague for a meeting “at
the top”, to be attended by Heads of Governments or
Prime Ministers, as well as by the Foreign Ministers of the
six countries. My French colleague, Mr. Maurice Schumann,
has already in this Assembly [1763rd meeting] mentioned
that important meeting and given his comments. For my
part I should like to confine myself to stating that, in the
view of my Government, the three main subjects to be
discussed — to wit, the completion, the deepening as well as
the enlargement, of the Community — are equally important
and should be solved more or less simultaneously. In other
words, they are strongly and politically linked. It is
therefore difficult to imagine the Conference making real
progress in one of those sectors while neglecting another.
We sincerely hope that a new start of the European idea
will be made at that Conference of the Six.
70. In the course of this address I have pointed out how
much importance we attach to the maintenance of peace
and security. Our efforts in this respect would be of little
avail if we did not make progress on the road towards the
establishment of an international legal order. In this
connexion I should like to dwell for a moment on a very
important development concerning the law of treaties. The
Convention on the Law of Treaties drawn up at Vienna
during the second session of the United Nations Conference
on the Law of Treaties is perhaps the most vast and the
most difficult piece of work in which the United Nations
has successfully contributed to the codification and progressive
development of international law. At this point I
should like to express to the International Law Commission
my profound appreciation of its invaluable preparatory
work. Our thanks are also due, however, to the courage and
perseverance of some delegations and I am thinking
especially of the delegation of Nigeria — in finding commonly
acceptable compromise solutions. Without that
timely action, the absence of agreement on a most
important aspect, the settlement of disputes, might well
have placed the realization of the entire Convention in
jeopardy. As it is, we welcome the new Convention, albeit
the codification of the law of treaties is not yet complete.
In particular, the aspect of treaties between States and
international organizations is awaiting further study and
action.
71. Unprecedented developments in science and technology
have enabled man to move into new fields which, not
very long ago, appeared to be the exclusive domain of
science fiction. Visions which a short time ago were still
regarded as sheer fantasies, born from fertile brains such as
that of Jules Verne — I might say, I myself have dabbled in
them from time to time but with less success than that
famous French writer — have become a reality.
72. It is appropriate, therefore, that we pay a well-deserved
tribute to all those who made it possible for man
to venture out into space and to set foot on the surface of
the moon. That tremendous event will forever mark 1969
in the history of mankind, just as 1492 is the year of
Columbus. In particular, the crew of Apollo 11 and all
those who contributed to its success should receive our
undisguised admiration. May the courage and the stamina
shown by the three astronauts be an incentive to us in our
efforts to conduct global matters with tenacity and vision
for the benefit of mankind.
73. Not only space and the planets, but also the ocean
depths have become increasingly accessible for exploration
and exploitation by man. It is clear that all these
developments, exciting as they are, could easily lead to
confusion and chaos unless new rules of international law
can be worked out. Moreover, as far as the ocean floor is
concerned, there may be danger of an unequal race for the
areas with potentially the greatest natural resources. Such a
race might render the equitable distribution of the world’s
wealth even more difficult.
74. The fact that the exploitation of mineral resources of
the ocean floor is still in a very early stage affords an
opportunity to discuss and draw up an international
instrument governing that exploitation. With this in mind
and in order to stimulate thinking in that direction, last
year the Netherlands Government presented a memorandum
with some provisional ideas about an international is régime.
75. We follow the discussions of the Committee on the
Peaceful Uses of the Sea-Bed and the Ocean Floor beyond
the Limits of National Jurisdiction with keen interest. We
hope that the discussions during this Assembly may assist
the Committee in making rapid progress on such essential
questions as the nature of an international régime for the
ocean floor and the delimitation of the area beyond
national jurisdiction.
76. On more than one occasion in the past Assembly
Presidents, committee chairmen and members of individual
delegations have drawn our attention to the necessity of
strengthening the organization of the Assembly’s work. An
initiative in that direction was undertaken last year by the
Second Committee. We welcomed that initiative and are
gratified to note that the action recommended is already
being put into effect this year. We are looking with great
confidence to you, Madam President, to broaden these first
steps during your tenure of office.
77. Although there is a link between organization and
functioning, it goes without saying that the functioning of
the United Nations is an entirely different, a vastly more
complicated and delicate chapter. It touches on fundamental
issues and, in particular, on the way in which the
United Nations discharges its functions in accordance with
the provisions of the Charter. Moreover, as I had occasion
to mention briefly at the beginning of my address, it opens
a field which touches on the attitude we ourselves are
prepared to adopt in respect of action by the United
Nations as a whole.
78. No easy suggestions concerning this problem come to
my mind. I just wonder whether this problem might bear
looking into at the time we are celebrating the twenty-fifth
anniversary of the Organization itself. Might not the
Committee entrusted with the task of preparing that
celebration, upon the completion of its work, be invited
to continue its activities in the direction I indicated?
79. My fellow representatives may remember that even
last: year I mentioned during my intervention in the general
debate [1681st meeting] the desirability of seeking by
common action ways and means of reinforcing the Organization’s
efficacy. My delegation is willing, together with
like-minded delegations, to take initiatives in this direction
if the need should arise. My predecessor on this rostrum,
the representative of Southern Yemen, has just made a
most interesting suggestion in this connexion.
80. In. the course of this general debate a number of
delegations have referred to a practice which has become a
growing menace to commercial air transport in recent years.
The increase in incidents involving the hijacking of planes is
shown clearly in a few figures published recently by the
International Civil Aviation Organization. Up to 1966 only
a few cases were reported. In 1967 the number was five; in
1968 it was twenty-seven and in 1969, this year, up to the
middle of September it has shot up to no less than fifty. In
several instances and in various parts of the world passengers
have been detained for shorter or longer periods by the
Governments of the countries to which the planes were
diverted. As a matter of fact there are still a number of
passengers — I believe two — waiting to be liberated.
81. It goes without saying that the practice of hijacking, as
well as the practice not to liberate all the passengers at
once, is in a way comparable to piracy on the high seas and
is not only reprehensible in itself, but also endangers air
traffic. Aware of the great dangers involved, ICAO has
taken steps to curb this kind of piracy in the air. Under its
auspices the Convention on offences and certain other acts
committed on board aircraft6 was drawn up in 1963. It will
enter into force before the end of this year.
82. In the light of humanitarian considerations and in
order to ensure safety in air transport, my Government has
decided to request, as a matter of urgency under rule 15 of
our rules of procedure, the inclusion of a new item on the
agenda. Together with a number of other delegations we
shall shortly address this request to the Secretary-General.
In doing so we are motivated by two considerations: first,
that the United Nations, aware of this problem, should
recommend measures for the safety of air traffic and of
passengers travelling by air. Secondly, that steps be taken to
see that the perpetrators of these acts will no longer go free.
It is the intention of my delegation to enter into greater
detail when we are in a position to express our views before
the General Committee.
83. When we subscribed to the United Nations Charter
and undertook to pursue the realization of its lofty
principles, we had in mind not only what conditions in this
world were at that time, but also what—with sustained and
combined effort — they might be in the future. Since then
we have been working together, often by trial and error, to
create conditions where the peoples of the world can live in
peace and freedom — peace and freedom in their broadest
sense.
84. We do realize that the task we set ourselves is an
enormous one and that it is impossible to fulfil it without
the co-operation of all. In this, there should be a role for
everyone, not only for statesmen and experts in international
affairs, but for people from all walks of life, men
and women, old and young. In this respect I was greatly
impressed, Madam President, by what you said about youth
in your opening address [1753rd meeting]. I also share the
views of the Secretary-General in the introduction to his
annual report, where he points to the need to involve the
younger generation “usefully and wisely in world-wide
development efforts” [A/7601/Add.1, para. 87]. Indeed,
youth should be enabled to play an increasing role in the
planning of their and our future.
85. In my own country and in many other countries, we
witness, fortunately, an increasing interest among young
people in the work and objectives of the United Nations. It
will be our duty to find ways in which they can actively
and constructively participate in our efforts. In doing so,
the United Nations may, under the Lord’s guidance, well
acquire new strength, new energy and new incentives to
strive for a world which will be a better and safer place for
everyone to live in.