25. It is my privilege to extend to you, Madam President,
the cordial and sincere congratulations of the delegation
of Burma, and my own personally, on your election as President
of the General Assembly of the United Nations at its twenty-four
session. The delegation of Burma is confident that your
wide experience in the affairs of the international community,
and the special perspective which you will doubtless
bring to bear on the problems that lie ahead of the
General Assembly, will be instrumental in guiding it along
constructive channels so that the deliberations at this year's
session will prove to be a positive step forward in the true
interests of international harmony and international co-operation.
26. I should also like to take this opportunity to express
our sense of bereavement on the passing-away of Dr. Emilio
Arenales of Guatemala, who gave his distinguished services
to the General Assembly as President of the twenty-third
session.
27. We are assembled here at a time when the patterns of
relationship between individuals as well as groups of
nations, and within the groups themselves, are undergoing
significant changes, and the General Assembly mirrors
today the many moods of the world community. The
tendency of the major Powers, in recent years, to avoid
direct confrontation with each other and to have recourse
to negotiation instead is a welcome development. However,
even when the policies of the major Powers complement
rather than confront each other, it would be Well to
remember that there are, nevertheless, other confrontations
between peoples struggling for their political, economic and
social independence against the forces of neo-colonialism
and of various forms of foreign domination. Neo-colonialism
frequently resorts to power politics, subversive activities
and interference in the internal affairs of other nations,
thereby violating the principles and purposes of the Charter
of the United Nations and endangering the political and
economic independence, as well as the territorial integrity,
of many independent nations. In the opinion of my
delegation, small but independent-minded states exposed to
these dangers would find a refuge and a remedy in the
realization of the need to reform and sometimes even to
revolutionize the social systems and structures inherited
from their colonial past which provided opportunities for
advancement only for the restricted few while neglecting
the rights of the vast majority.
28. Political, economic and social structural changes which
would ensure the rights and safeguard the interests of the
vast majority of their peoples are necessary in order to
establish a sound national basis for unity, stability, peace
and progress. Our own experience in Burma, where we have
made far-reaching changes, is that they have facilitated the
establishment of a political and social system best suited to
our own deep-rooted culture and long-standing traditions,
customs and mores. There are still many parts of the world
where national difficulties invite external transgression.
Indeed, my delegation has been led into thinking aloud on
this matter because, like other delegations assembled from
Asia, we are well aware of the agony attendant, in some of
the countries in our part of the world, on situations
occasionally beset with unseen protagonists and almost
always with unresolved national issues.
29. I wish to refer briefly to the developments regarding
Viet-Nam. We welcome the current peace talks, and are
hopeful that they will pave the way to a future of their own
choosing for the Viet-Namese people, free from all external
interference. However, after a year of these talks hardly any
progress seems to have been achieved. Meanwhile untold
suffering and unbearable trials and tribulations have be-
come almost a normal state of affairs for our fellow Asians
in Viet-Nam, both in the north and in the south. The
delegation of Burma considers it immoral to persist. in
taking adamant stands and holding to stubborn attitudes
while innocent citizens, including children, women and the
aged, are being subjected to indiscriminate bombing and
brutal shelling, We honestly believe that a good part of the
responsibility lies with the great Powers involved in the
affairs of these countries.
30. In the Kingdom of Laos, our neighbouring State, there
have been disquieting reports of more outside interventions
and bigger military operations. This has to be stopped
before the situation becomes worse. I should like to quote
our Head of State, General Ne Win, who, in welcoming His
Majesty the King of Laos to Rangoon in 1963, stated:
“Unfortunately, ours is a world in which opposing
power-blocs still exist, and newly independent underdeveloped
countries are often affected by conflicts between
such power-blocs, much to their detriment. The Union of
Burma has all along tried her best to steer clear of such
conflicts and to maintain and develop friendly relations
with all countries.”
31. On behalf of my Government I hereby reiterate what
our Head of State said some six years ago: we shall steer
clear of conflicts between power blocs and shall maintain
and develop friendly relations with all countries.
32. If I may recapitulate post-war power politics: in the
immediate aftermath of World War II, the world lay
prostrate at the feet of victorious Powers. In their erroneous
concept of security through building military blocs
they sought client States and the world was virtually
divided into two big camps. The bipolarization process
went on at an accelerated pace and small States found
themselves at the mercy of the super-Powers.
33. Only the independent-minded and the self-reliant
refused to yield and in spite of all difficulties struggled to
maintain their independent status. The policy of non-alignment,
once held in some quarters to be synonymous with
immorality, now has proved to be correct. By strictly
following the non-alignment policy, Burma has contributed
towards upholding the principles of the United Nations.
34. We are now in the age of polycentrism. Super-Powers,
in spite of their immense strength and power, find
themselves helpless in providing solutions to problems in
which they are directly or indirectly involved. They find it
extremely difficult, if not impossible, to extricate themselves
from the morass they are in. They have, for example,
found it very difficult to get out of Viet-Nam. If there is
one supreme lesson to be learnt from a generation of
post-war politics it is that interference in the affairs of
other nations is detrimental to peace-keeping, and also to
peace-building, if you will, in this troubled world. There is
ample evidence that it is easier to get in than out of a
politico-military involvement.
35. I have dwelt at some length on the relationship
between major Powers and the rest of the world — and for
good reason. Even when we are faced with the most
challenging problems, problems that have so far defied all
solution, there are at present some discordant voices,
impervious to current international realities, calling for
more interference and intervention on the part of certain
big Powers in the affairs of small countries.
36. Regarding the Middle East situation, which has disturbed
us profoundly by its persistent violence and bitter
strife, we sincerely hope that the United Nations and
Powers primarily concerned will continue in their efforts to
avert the eruption of another devastating conflict. The
delegation of Burma, like a great many other delegations,
considers that the basis for a peaceful settlement has been
established in resolution 242 (1967) of 22 November 1967,
adopted unanimously by the Security Council. Even if the
implementation of the provisions of the resolution has so
far proved difficult, the delegation of Burma would like to
think that the parties to the conflict are not unaware of the
need for reaching an early settlement in the interest of each
and every nation in the area, or of the fact that the
bitterness of the continuing conflict ensures that any
advantage accruing from military action will only be of a
temporary nature.
37. I should like to refer here to the subject of disarmament
with which the issues of war and peace in the world
today are closely linked. We consider that the Treaty on the
Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [resolution
2373 (XXII)] is only one side of the coin of nuclear
disarmament, and to preserve the peace of the world it is
not sufficient merely to ensure that those nations at present
without a nuclear capability should never acquire that
capability. It would be infinitely more meaningful if
today’s nuclear-weapon Powers, as a positive action towards
dismantling their own nuclear arsenals. took at least the
essential first step of limiting their nuclear weaponry. The
world has been looking forward expectantly to the day
when the United States and the Soviet Union will commence
their bilateral discussion on the limitation and
reduction of strategic nuclear weapons. It is hoped that
agreement will also be reached on the banning of underground
nuclear tests, and that a comprehensive test ban will
put an end to the trend towards sophistication in nuclear
weapons.
38. The delegation of Burma is hopeful, therefore, like
other delegations assembled here, that the two major
nuclear-weapon Powers will renew their initial impetus
towards bilateral discussions and assert sufficient political
will to ensure that those discussions will be fruitful. With
your permission, Madam President, I should like to quote
here from the address made by the Head of State of the
Union of Burma in Moscow in 1965:
“... No nation can feel at peace with itself nor with the
world unless general and complete disarmament becomes
a reality. To those nations who have nuclear potential as
to those who have nuclear capability, it must be. obvious,
as it is to us here in this historic city of Moscow which
has witnessed the signature of the partial nuclear test ban
Treaty, that nuclear capability, if it decreases the areas of
international understanding and heightens international
anxiety, is in the end futile and self-defeating.”
39. On the question of the preservation of the sea-bed and
ocean floor beyond the limits of national jurisdiction for
peaceful purposes exclusively, the delegation of Burma
reiterates its view that it is essential that the armaments
race should not be further extended to any new sphere or
element. Given the pace of modern technological development
it is extremely urgent that agreement be reached
which will preclude activities of a military nature from the
sea-bed and ocean floor. A parallel need, and an almost
equally urgent one if the advances of science and technology
in the field are not to be utilized for the benefit of a
small group of countries but for all nations, is the successful
formulation of principles which will regulate the exploitation
of the resources of the sea-bed and the ocean floor in
the interest of all mankind. All nations, including the
developing countries which do not yet have the technical
competence to undertake exploitative activity, should share
in the benefits derived from the exploitation of the
resources of the sea-bed and the ocean floor beyond the
limits of national jurisdiction.
40. I should like to take this opportunity to compliment
the Secretary-General on his report entitled Chemical and
Bacteriological (Biological) Weapons and the Effects of
their Possible Use. The prospect of chemical and biological
warfare has not claimed the same attention, nor produced
the same degree of fear and horror, as has the prospect of
nuclear warfare, but its more insidious nature, its easier
production and utilization, and the possibility of its
longer-lasting effects, all make it a prime subject for a
co-ordinated effort at international control. It is essential,
as the Secretary-General has urged, “to make a clear
affirmation that the prohibition contained in the Geneva
Protocol” of 1925 “applies to the use in war of all
chemical, bacteriological and biological agents (including
tear-gas and other harassing agents), which now exist or
which may be developed in the future”.
41. In the effort to maintain intact the fragile fabric of
international peace, one of the essentials, without which
the international community labours under a severe handicap,
is universality of membership in the United Nations
and the specialized agencies. The effectiveness of the
United Nations as an instrument of international peace
could be enhanced, and the goodwill and co-operation of all
nations could be better assured, if there were universality of
membership. However, till today the People’s Republic of
China, the world’s most populous nation, continues to be
excluded from its rightful seat among the membership of
the United Nations. The delegation of Burma wishes to
reiterate its view that discussions of world problems would
be more realistic if the People’s Republic of China were to
be a party to them as a Member of the United Nations.
42. The delegation of Burma regrets that much time must
necessarily be spent at each session of the General
Assembly considering ways to combat the twin evils of
colonialism and racial discrimination. However anachronistic
those practices may appear to be, they nevertheless still
persist and even flourish in certain parts of the world. The
part played by the Republic of South Africa in nurturing
colonialism and racialism in southern Africa is a sorry one,
and concerning Namibia, particularly, South Africa’s actions
are especially disturbing, since it continues to challenge
and flout openly the authority of the United Nations
itself. The people of Namibia continue to be deprived of
their right to self-determination and independence, and,
instead, find themselves incorporated more and more into
the system of apartheid. It is essential, therefore, that the
Republic of South Africa be effectively deterred from the
course it is now taking over Namibia.
43. That there should be not merely a prevalence but an
expansion of the policy of racial discrimination in southern
Africa is a matter of increasing concern to the great
majority of the nations of the world, which believe in the
essential worth and dignity of the human person. It is a
disquieting thought that the expansion of racialist policies
in the area can only result in the most violent racial
conflict, and that the conflict will only be resolved in
brutality and tragedy. In such a situation the delegation of
Burma considers that, if further tragedy is to be avoided,
developments in southern Africa call for timely action on
the part of the permanent members of the Security
Council.
44. I should like, at this point, to refer to the problems of
economic development, for the solution of which both
national and international effort and resources have been
applied increasingly within recent times. The First United
Nations Development Decade launched by the General
Assembly in 1961 is rapidly coming to a close. Yet the pace
of economic and social progress in the developing countries
has been greatly disappointing, and it is apparent that
neither of the two goals set by the General Assembly is
likely to be as fully achieved as had been envisaged. The
disappointment concerning the First Development Decade
has been ascribed mainly to the lack of an international
strategy, and an attempt has been made to remedy this lack
for the Second Development Decade.
45. The delegation of Burma is, however, of the view that,
the availability or lack of such a development strategy
notwithstanding, the development goals of the international
community cannot be achieved without the requisite
political will on the part of both developed and developing
countries. The delegation of Burma holds firmly to the view
that the most important part of the strategy that may be
formulated should be the creation of a two-way political
will as between developing and developed countries. I
should like to present the thought that the most effective
way of helping to create the requisite political will among
the developed countries would be to demonstrate beyond
any doubt the sincerity and intensity of the desire of the
developing countries to place primary reliance on their own
strength and resources. The developed nations, for their
part, should expect no political or material returns from the
developing countries for the assistance and co-operation
which they may be prepared to extend to help achieve the
objectives of the Second Development Decade.
46. Some representatives have commented, both at the
previous session and at this session of the Assembly, on the
prevalence of discriminatory practices in international
trade. We believe such practices to be very detrimental to
world trade in general, and to the developing countries in
particular, and that it is essential to do away with such
discrimination and restrictions in order to close the gap
between the developed and the developing countries. Some
developing countries are still dependent upon a single-crop
economy, and since it takes a considerable time to diversify
their economy, the developed countries could help close
that gap by doing away with all trade discrimination during
this process of diversification. Although aid could be of
some help, we believe that trade without discrimination
could be of immense value in the process of development.
47. The United Nations will complete the twenty-fifth
year of its existence next year. If any special sanctity
should be attached to the twenty-fifth anniversary of the
Organization, it should perhaps be because it serves to
signal the hour when Member nations may wish to pause, in
the words of the Secretary-General, for a
”...reflection and stock-taking in the middle of our
long pilgrimage for consolidation of the progress already
made by our Organization and, finally, for renewed
dedication of the ideals we set out to attain twenty-five
years ago at San Francisco”.
48. With increasing age some of the lustre may have been
lost from the ideals that were set at San Francisco, but it is
the view of the delegation of Burma that we should neither
despair at this loss nor yet cynically accept, in the name of
realism, some of the failures attendant on the activities of
the Organization. A renewed determination by all nations
to practise more consistently the principles enshrined in the
Charter would surely be the most effective rededication by
the membership to the ideals set out at San Francisco.