Belize

Please permit me to congratulate Mr. Ali Abdussalam Treki, on behalf of the Prime Minister, Government and people of Belize, on having assumed the presidency of the General Assembly at its sixty-fourth session and to wish him every success in his stewardship. Permit me also to extend my Government’s thanks to Mr. Miguel d’Escoto Brockmann for his excellent stewardship of the work of the sixty-third session of the General Assembly. Belize is pleased to discharge its obligation by participating in the general debate of the sixty-fourth regular session of the General Assembly on the theme “Effective responses to global crises: strengthening multilateralism and dialogue among civilizations for international peace, security and development”. Just over one week ago, we celebrated the twenty-eighth anniversary of our independence. Joining us in the celebrations were members of the diplomatic core drawn from the four corners of the globe. And even as we made merry, our collective minds were silently cogitating upon the crises that are threatening to destroy our collective way of life and, indeed, the very planet which sustains us. All indications are that the aftershocks of the global economic crisis have now begun to affect Belize’s real economy. We are experiencing declining levels of revenue, a worrying reduction in productivity, diminishing remittances, crushing debt-servicing obligations, unrelenting budgetary pressures and a drying up of resources on which to draw. These challenges are aggravated by other ills that plague our day-to-day existence. Annually, we are threatened by hurricanes and floods of ever greater intensity, which reduce the yields of our farmers, erode our beaches and wash away vital infrastructure. Warmer seas damage our great barrier reef and impair its capacity to incubate and nurture the fish and other marine organisms that depend upon a healthy reef system for their survival. Illicit traffickers in drugs and arms penetrate our borders at will, leaving drug addicts, broken families, violence, death and destruction in their wake. Our population is also being ravaged by HIV/AIDS. Other non-communicable chronic diseases are approaching pandemic proportions. All these crises have placed the attainment of the Millennium Development Goals in Belize in real jeopardy. The globalization that was the tide to lift all boats has not been so even. Its networks of interdependence have compounded how we as national Governments can secure the basic needs of our people. Its evolving system of global governance is unresponsive to the cares and concerns of middle-income countries like ours, for despite the devastating impact it is having upon our economies, we are yet to be invited to the table to participate in the discussion on the global economic crisis. Our pleas for an ambitious climate agreement are yet to be honoured with serious contemplation in the current negotiations, although the 09-52598 38 viability of our countries hangs in the balance, and the global commitment of a development-oriented trade round seems to have been perfunctorily relegated to the annals of trade-negotiating history. Our demands, although ceremoniously acknowledged in countless resolutions and declarations, remain unceremoniously unmet. If we are to define an effective global response to the converging global challenges that confront us, we must first examine how we are governed. While we, as Member States of the United Nations, have endorsed the principle of sovereign equality, it is apparent from the structural relationships engendered in our institutions that the principle is honoured more in the breach than in the observance. The United Nations has its Security Council and the Permanent Five; the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank have their weighted voting and the World Trade Organization has its green room. In the larger global arena, we have a proliferation of convenient groupings — the Group of Six, the Group of Seven, the Group of Eight, the Group of Twenty and the Major Economies Forum, to name but a few. The club model of cooperation is deeply entrenched in our multilateral system. While we cannot deny that this model has facilitated some decisions and agreements, we also cannot ignore the costs associated with that facilitation. This model of global governance has progressively accumulated a debt of trust and confidence among the wider international community not only as a result of its manner of exclusive decision-making, but also because of the lack of implementation of global decisions and agreements. The club model of multilateral cooperation suffers from a crisis of legitimacy. If we accept that we operate as sovereign equals, we cannot continue to acquiesce to governance by a few. We must accept nothing less than equal representation. In that regard, we recognize and applaud our brothers from the South who have, through their economic prowess and political deftness, taken the mantle of leadership in some international issues. We are all entitled to be heard and, what is more, we are all entitled to have the decisions that are made reflect our concerns if not our demands. We need a new model for multilateral cooperation framework in which all nations have meaningful input into the decision-making process on issues that have a direct impact on their interests. This requires fundamental structural reform and not mere cursory efforts for technocratic coherence. Given the far- reaching geopolitical consequences that the global economic crisis has touched off, we now have the perfect opportunity to redress the shortcomings of the exclusive club model, thereby restoring trust and confidence in our multilateral institutions. The time for inclusive multilateralism is now upon us. Allow me to now address some of the issues that bear upon the immediate interests of my people and my country, Belize. Belize falls within the World Bank category of middle-income countries. Middle-income countries play a pivotal role in the global economy and in global politics. We account for some two thirds of the world’s population. Our economies provide important and growing sources of export demand and investment opportunities. Some economies of middle- income countries are now even big enough to create systemic risks in global financial markets. On strategic issues, middle-income countries have not infrequently emerged as key players, and one half of the world’s protected areas are to be found in our countries. Still, poverty remains prevalent in our countries. Some three quarters of the world’s poor live in middle- income countries. We also account for an estimated 47 per cent of global carbon dioxide emissions. Given the aforementioned, it is evident that whatever happens in middle-income countries affects the entire world for better or for worse. For this reason, if for no other, it is in the interest of the world community that middle-income countries remain viable, vibrant and dynamic. In order for that to happen, however, bilateral and multilateral institutions must redefine the terms of engagement with our countries. Rather than focusing on per capita income, a needs-based analysis is necessary. Financing arrangements that tend towards the short and medium term must also be revisited. In order to build capacity, improve our institutions and spur economic growth, we need direct fiscal and budgetary support. Moreover, in view of the high ratio of debt-to-gross-domestic-product (GDP) in many of our countries, which has been further exacerbated by the recent global economic crisis, the need for concessionary financing and debt relief is ever more critical. 39 09-52598 During the 1980s and 1990s, the integration of markets spurred significant growth in high-income nations, while low-income nations exploited their comparative advantage in cheap labour. However, middle-income countries had neither advantage in knowledge nor low-wage products and consequently, in real terms, experienced economic stagnation. Many of us were forced to embark upon a process of diversification to ensure our continued growth and development. Therefore, in the early 1990s, Belize made rapid strides in building up its international financial services industry. We did so in accordance with the best practices of the industry internationally, and we were guided every step of the way by the recommendations of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). As a country whose GDP is just over $1 billion, the contribution of this industry to our economy is significant. A large percentage of the deposits from the international banking sector has been used to finance development projects, support our citrus industry and commercial free zone and export processing zone businesses, which account for some $1 billion worth of investments in our country. Furthermore, since this sector finances only foreign exchange earning businesses, it enables the generation of millions of dollars in foreign exchange that directly supports our fixed exchange rate system. It is also a source for the creation of relatively high- quality jobs for many Belizeans. On the whole, in 2008 the international financial services industry accounted for some 9 per cent of Belize’s GDP and 10 per cent of its gross imports. Considering the vital role that this industry plays in the Belizean economy, ensuring its integrity is in our best interests. We have developed a regulatory framework and enacted legislation for its reinforcement. We have also made commitments to the OECD to improve transparency and establish an effective exchange of information. But now, in the midst of an economic crisis that had its origin in the financial markets of the developed world, the Group of 20 (G-20) finds it convenient to reactivate its harmful tax initiative at the expense — and to the disadvantage — of an industry we have so painstakingly and carefully groomed into a productive sector of our economy. Beyond the calls for reform, we have heard some G-20 members call for a complete annihilation of the industry. If that were to occur, I shudder to think of the suffering and hardship it would occasion for our country and people. We are convinced that a more equitable and effective way to address the issue of offshore financial services is through a mechanism for multilateral cooperation in which all States participate on an equal footing. Climate change poses perhaps the most serious threat to our sustainable development and viability. I need not remind the Assembly of the emerging scientific evidence, which prognosticates more rapid climate change and sea-level rise. Let me take this opportunity to applaud the Secretary-General for making climate change a priority and for convening last week’s Summit. The urgency of a global response to this issue is inescapable. We welcome the various national and regional efforts to construct mechanisms to address climate change and its impact. In our region, Belize hosts the Caribbean Community Climate Change Centre, which has benefited from the support of the international community and has been recognized as a centre of excellence. However, we know all too well from the impacts we are observing today that piecemeal action is not sufficient. In fact, notwithstanding national and regional action, global greenhouse gas emissions continue to increase. We can only begin to respond effectively to this problem by agreeing to implement ambitious mitigation targets and increasing our support for adaptation. Considering that small island developing States and other particularly vulnerable coastal countries are already experiencing dangerous climate change, avoiding adverse effects on these especially vulnerable countries should be the benchmark for determining our targets and our levels of support. In that regard, the prophetic words of the President of the Maldives resonate with good reason: “If you can’t save the Maldives today you can’t save yourself tomorrow.” Building upon the momentum of the much- proclaimed new era of engagement, we are hopeful that longstanding issues on the international peace and security agenda may achieve progress. In some cases, change is already afoot. Cross-Strait relations between Taiwan and China have improved and, for the first time, Taiwan has participated as an observer at the World Health Assembly. Haiti held elections earlier 09-52598 40 this year, in a relatively peaceful and orderly fashion. After 47 years, the Organization of American States has now lifted Cuba’s suspension from that body. We welcome these developments and expect that they signal a change in approach that will allow for the full integration of our sisterly nations of Taiwan, Haiti and Cuba into their rightful place in the international community. However, for that integration to occur, we must find an appropriate way for Taiwan to participate in the activities of the specialized agencies of the United Nations, we must sustain our support for Haiti and we must urge that efforts be made to end the anachronistic embargo against Cuba. In cases where processes have stalled, let us renew our engagement. We cannot fail in realizing the vision of two States, Israel and Palestine, living side by side within secure and recognized borders. We also cannot fail in resolving the political stalemate in our neighbour country of Honduras. Peace and security are not options, they are imperatives. My Government is committed to securing just and lasting peace for our people. Last year, we happily concluded a special agreement with Guatemala that will pave the way for the referral of the Guatemalan territorial claim to our country to the International Court of Justice. A preliminary and critical phase is upon us, in which we must prepare our people to determine by referendum whether the case shall be referred. My Government is beginning a comprehensive public education campaign to raise awareness and ensure that, when our people decide, they will do so having been fully informed of the issues. We are approaching what could be a definitive moment in our history. I began my statement by addressing the governance dilemma — to govern and to be governed. What is consistent in the demands that we as developing countries — and small States in particular — have made is that we want to have a meaningful role in the governance of our affairs at the international level. We want to have meaningful input into the solutions that are being crafted for the problems that we face and of which, in some cases, we bear the disproportionate burden. For us, the model of multilateral cooperation must be imbued with legitimacy. For that to happen, we must work for a more inclusive process. Twenty- first century challenges require a new dynamic for international relations, one that must be inclusive and, dare I say, democratic. The United Nations Charter is founded upon the premise of democracy. “We the peoples of the United Nations” assert our determination not only to be governed by the principles set out in the Charter but also to govern by these principles. As such, the Charter itself vests in us a role in our own governance. We in Belize accept that role, and we are thus empowered, notwithstanding the pressing challenges in satisfying the basic needs of our people, to return our country to a path of sustainable development. No effort will be spared to draw upon our limited resources as well as other available resources to invest in our human resources, to improve our political and legal institutions, to support traditional and niche industries, to practise fiscal responsibility and to protect and preserve our environment for present and future generations. We solemnly agree that our development is our own responsibility. We welcome the support of the international community in the spirit of multilateral cooperation as we take action to achieve our high aspirations.