For nearly two years, the world has been grappling with one of the greatest challenges we have faced in modern times. The impact of the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) is an everpresent reminder of the realities we continue to face in the battle against the pandemic. But as we gather here this week I believe that, despite the pain and disruption brought about by this horrible disease, there are real reasons to be optimistic. If recent events have taught us anything, it is that hope is born out of cooperation.
For the first time in human history, our planet joined hands and delivered a collective scientific miracle — the discovery, development and production of not just one but several safe and effective vaccines in an amazingly short period of time. What in the past would have taken us decades was achieved in months. And Europe led the way on numerous fronts. We led the way on vaccine procurement. Vaccines were purchased by the European Union (EU) and distributed to all its States members, based on their population, regardless of their size or economic might. It was a true act of solidarity.
Europe led the way on vaccine donations to countries outside the European Union. In my country Greece’s case, 1.5 million doses to date, with 4 million more to come, were donated to countries ranging from Iraq to Rwanda and from Libya to Jordan. We also committed 510,000 doses through the COVID-19 Vaccine Global Access Facility. We agreed as Europeans last July on an unprecedented EU-wide fiscal stimulus package — NextGenerationEU — which is now driving a sustained economic recovery across the continent.
And we agreed on the development of the EU Digital COVID Certificate — an innovative concept that Greece was the first to propose — the implementation of which has been absolutely central to the restoration of our freedoms, the support of our tourism industry and the rejuvenation of our economies. As we stand here today — less than six weeks from the twenty- sixth Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, to be held in Glasgow — we continue to talk about the other great issue of our time, climate change, with a renewed sense of urgency. The question is whether we are capable of aligning our flowery rhetoric with the necessary action to avert a catastrophe of unimaginable consequences.
Let me be clear: this is no longer about climate change; this is about addressing an acute climate crisis.
Our collective response to the COVID-19 pandemic crossed borders and demonstrated that, when the world needed to stand up and stand together, it was able to effectively confront global issues. Our collective response to the climate crisis must do the same.
Scientists tell us that the Mediterranean ecosystem, which is home to some of the world’s most ancient civilizations, is particularly susceptible to the consequences of rising temperatures. Of course, my country Greece is not immune. This summer we paid a very heavy price as unprecedented mega-fires ravaged my country. Yet help to fight the fires came from across Europe and beyond. I am deeply grateful to the 23 countries that sent us support to help us tame a natural phenomenon of ferocious intensity.
I am very pleased that last Friday, together with Greece, the leaders of eight other Mediterranean countries made the climate crisis the focal point of the eighth Summit of the Southern Countries of the European Union, held in Athens. The Athens Declaration, adopted by Portugal, Spain, France, Italy, Croatia, Cyprus, Malta, Slovenia and Greece, focuses on key areas of the climate crisis that are of particular relevance to the Mediterranean, including biodiversity, forest management, the marine environment and civil protection, prevention and preparedness. My country’s commitment to addressing the climate crisis is unwavering and transcends all aspects of public policy.
Two years ago, before the COVID-19 pandemic struck, I announced from this rostrum (see A/74/PV.9) that by 2028 Greece would shut down all its electricity- production plants fired by lignite — that is, brown coal. We are currently working to make that happen even sooner, possibly by 2025. We are investing €24 billion of European and national funds to support the green transition. We are addressing the issue of plastics pollution on land and at sea. We intend to effectively protect our marine environment by designating 10 per cent of our seas as no-catch zones by 2030.
We are also implementing ambitious plans, in partnership with the private sector, to accelerate the use of green energy in our most sensitive ecosystems. For example, on the island Astypalaia, in the Dodecanese, we have begun a long-term project together with Volkswagen to develop Europe’s first fully green island. And Greece is leading a global initiative that aims to accelerate action to protect its cultural and natural heritage from the impacts of climate change.
Let me turn now to the escalating complexity of international relations and our continued efforts to consolidate regional peace and security. Since we previously met at the General Assembly, the eastern Mediterranean has unfortunately seen more days of instability than calmness. While it is true that there are diverging views between Greece and our close neighbour Turkey, Greece has always been committed to the rules and principles of international law and remains a strong advocate of the notion that all disputes need to be settled peacefully, always in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations.
Let me point out that it is the United Nations Charter that bans the use or the threat of force. However, since 1995 Greece has faced a formal, regularly renewed, clearly illegal and unacceptable threat of the use of force by Turkey — what is known as a casus belli. Furthermore, given that Greece is a maritime country made up of many thousands of islands and a coastline that stretches for more than 14,000 kilometres — the longest in the Mediterranean — as a global maritime power we are fully committed to the law of the sea, as reflected in the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea.
After many years of difficult negotiations, we recently signed delimitation agreements on our maritime zones with Italy and Egypt, and we have agreed with Albania to refer delimitation to the International Court of Justice. That, I believe, is the best proof that disputes regarding maritime delimitations, no matter how complex or long-standing, can be resolved provided that we agree on a common rule book. And the only rule book available is the that of the international law of the sea.
It is that mindset that defines our approach to Turkey. We have always supported the need for open channels of communication and cooperation between our two neighbouring countries. What happened last year, when Ankara raised tensions unnecessarily and without provocation, threatening confrontation between two NATO allies, must not be repeated. Turkey should understand that its aggressive attitude in that respect undermines the prospects for a mutually beneficial relationship and jeopardizes regional security and stability.
More than that, it makes Turkey’s relationship with Europe that much more complicated. Let me be absolutely clear: we will continue to protect our sovereignty and sovereign rights across our territory on land, at sea and in our airspace. At the same time, I will spare no effort to continue reaching out to Turkey to explore avenues of cooperation.
I have a vision for the eastern Mediterranean. Instead of fighting the previous century’s battles over hydrocarbons — a fading commodity — we can, and have to, join forces and cooperate against new common enemies. They include the climate crisis, which affects both our countries equally, as well as the threat posed by illegal migration, in which Turkey has an important role to play in cooperating with us to eradicate the networks of illegal smugglers that prey on the desperation of vulnerable people. There is much our two countries can do together. We are bound by history and geography to coexist, and it is in our common interests to do so peacefully and prosperously.
Where I am less optimistic is on the issue of Cyprus. It is regrettable that Turkey continues to ignore a series of United Nations resolutions, including Security Council resolutions 541 (1983) and 550 (1984), and insists on the militarization of the island. It continues its illegal violation of Cyprus’ maritime zones and airspace and violates United Nations resolutions on the fenced area of Varosha.
Greece remains fully committed to supporting the efforts led by the Secretary-General for the resumption as soon as possible of results-oriented negotiations on a viable solution to the Cyprus issue. Such a solution can be found only on the basis of the relevant Security Council resolutions, which call for a mutually acceptable settlement of a bizonal, bicommunal federation, with political equality, a single sovereignty, a single international personality and a single citizenship. Any talk of a two-State solution is simply unacceptable.
In our immediate neighbourhood, Libya continues to suffer from the devastating effects of a decade-long civil war. The Libyan people deserve a peaceful future in which their destiny is in their own hands, free from the presence of foreign troops, mercenaries and foreign fighters. Libyans want the right to freely elect their own Government without foreign intervention. We stand by them and support their demand for the withdrawal of all foreign forces and the holding of free elections on 24 December. We appreciate the work done by the United Nations and by Special Envoy of the Secretary- General for Libya, Mr. Jan Kubis.
I also want to briefly address the issue of the Western Balkans. Greece has always been an active supporter of greater European integration as a vehicle for a more prosperous, stable and democratic future for the region. Ever since the adoption of the Thessaloniki Agenda for the Western Balkans in 2003, that EU perspective has been the driving force for reform, democratization and change. But let us be honest that there has also been fatigue and disappointment. Eighteen years is a long time. In a matter of days, the EU-Western Balkans summit will be held in Slovenia. Let us not miss the opportunity to use the summit to take a bold step forward. It is time for the European Union to deliver.
Greece believes in a multilateral approach to the complex global challenges of today, but I am also a firm believer in the absolute necessity of Europe’s strategic autonomy. Recent events have clearly demonstrated that we must be both willing and able to do more as Europeans on our own.
That should not come at the expense of our trans-Atlantic bonds. If anything, a European defence union will strengthen NATO. It will oblige European countries to address issues of inter-operability and meagre defence budgets. It will accelerate our cooperation on cyber and space.
If Europe is to be not just an economic but also a geopolitical powerhouse, it is time for that debate to start in earnest. Those countries most eager to proceed can do so at a faster pace. Our strategic interests in the eastern Mediterranean, the Middle East and the Sahel force us to address that challenge with a renewed sense of urgency, because there will be missions in which NATO or the United Nations will not be present but the EU should be.
Let me conclude by saying that earlier this year, on 25 March, Greece celebrated the two- hundredth anniversary of the beginning of our war of independence. Our ancestors fought for freedom, dignity and respect for the rule of law. They prevailed against all odds, because they were doing the right thing for themselves and their children. The challenges we face are no less formidable. Six thousand years of civilization and the futures of every generation to come rest on our shoulders. Armed with the power of reason and science and a determination to rise to the occasion, I am convinced that we will also do the right thing for ourselves, our children and the future of the fragile yet beautiful blue planet that humankind calls home.