Mr President of the General Assembly, Philemon Yang, I extend my greetings to Secretary-General António Guterres and to each Head of State and Government, as well as to all delegates present. I would like to make special mention of the Palestinian delegation, which is taking part for the first time in this opening session—albeit still with observer status. **Ladies and Gentlemen,** Two days ago, in this very hall, we adopted the Pact for the Future. Its difficult approval underscores the weakening of our collective ability to negotiate and engage in dialogue. Its limited scope is also a reflection of the paradox of our time: we move in circles, trapped between feasible commitments that deliver insufficient results. Not even the tragedy of COVID-19 was enough to unite us around a Pandemic Treaty within the World Health Organization. We must go much further and equip the United Nations with the tools it needs to confront the dizzying changes in the international landscape. We live in an age marked by mounting anxiety, frustration, tension, and fear. We are witnessing a disturbing escalation in geopolitical disputes and strategic rivalries. The year 2023 set the grim record for the highest number of armed conflicts since the Second World War. Global military spending increased for the ninth consecutive year, reaching $2.4 trillion. More than $90 billion were directed toward nuclear arsenals. These resources could have been used to combat hunger and address climate change. Instead, we are seeing a growing investment in warfare capabilities. The use of force, without grounding in international law, is becoming the norm. We are facing two simultaneous conflicts with the potential to spiral into wider confrontations. In Ukraine, we regret to see a war that drags on with no horizon for peace. Brazil firmly condemned the invasion of Ukrainian territory. It is now clear that neither side will achieve all its objectives through military means. The use of increasingly destructive weapons evokes the darkest memories of the sterile confrontation of the Cold War. Creating conditions for the resumption of direct dialogue between the parties is crucial at this moment. This is the essence of the six-point understanding jointly proposed by China and Brazil, intended to lay the groundwork for dialogue and an end to hostilities. In Gaza and the West Bank, we are witnessing one of the greatest humanitarian crises in recent history, now dangerously spilling into Lebanon. What began as a terrorist act by fanatics against innocent Israeli civilians has become a form of collective punishment for the entire Palestinian people. There are more than 40,000 fatalities—most of them women and children. The right to self-defence has devolved into a right to revenge, obstructing an agreement for the release of hostages and delaying a ceasefire. Forgotten conflicts in Sudan and Yemen continue to impose unbearable suffering on nearly 30 million people. This year, the number of people in need of humanitarian assistance around the world will reach 300 million. In an era of growing polarisation, expressions like “deglobalisation” have become commonplace. But it is impossible to “de-planetise” our shared existence. We are condemned to the interdependence imposed by climate change. The planet no longer waits for the next generation to act, and it is tired of unfulfilled climate agreements. It is weary of missed emissions reduction targets and the financial aid to poor countries that never arrives. Denialism is succumbing to the evidence of global warming. 2024 is on track to be the hottest year in modern history. Hurricanes in the Caribbean, typhoons in Asia, droughts and floods in Africa, and torrential rains in Europe have left trails of death and destruction. In southern Brazil, we experienced our worst flooding since 1941. The Amazon is suffering its most severe drought in 45 years. Wildfires have swept across the country, burning 5 million hectares in August alone. My government does not outsource responsibility nor relinquish its sovereignty. We have achieved much, but we know we must do more. Beyond confronting the climate crisis, we are fighting those who profit from environmental degradation. We will not tolerate environmental crimes, illegal mining, or organised crime. We reduced deforestation in the Amazon by 50% last year, and we are committed to eradicating it entirely by 2030. It is no longer acceptable to seek solutions for tropical forests without listening to Indigenous peoples, traditional communities, and all those who live within them. Our vision of sustainable development is anchored in the potential of the bioeconomy. Brazil will host COP-30 in 2025, convinced that multilateralism is the only path to overcoming the climate emergency. Our updated Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC) will be submitted later this year, aligned with the goal of limiting global temperature rise to 1.5°C. Brazil is emerging as a hub of opportunity in a world transformed by the energy transition. We currently possess one of the cleanest energy matrices in the world. Ninety percent of our electricity comes from renewable sources such as biomass, hydro, solar, and wind power. We committed to biofuels fifty years ago—long before the global debate on alternative energy gained traction. We are also at the forefront of other critical sectors, such as green hydrogen production. It is time to confront the slow pace of global decarbonisation and to work towards an economy less dependent on fossil fuels. **Mr President,** Latin America has been living through a second "lost decade" since 2014. Average growth during this period has been just 0.9%—half the rate recorded during the lost decade of the 1980s. This combination of low growth and high inequality has had toxic effects on the political landscape. Drawn into disputes that often originate outside the region, our tradition of cooperation and dialogue is weakening. There is no justification for keeping Cuba on a unilateral list of States alleged to support terrorism, nor for imposing coercive unilateral measures that disproportionately penalise the most vulnerable populations. In Haiti, we must urgently combine efforts to restore public order and promote development. In Brazil, defending democracy requires constant action against extremist, messianic, and totalitarian forces that propagate hatred, intolerance, and resentment. Brazilians will continue to defeat those who seek to undermine our institutions and bend them to reactionary ends. Democracy must answer the legitimate demands of those who can no longer tolerate hunger, inequality, unemployment, and violence. In a globalised world, it makes no sense to turn to false patriots and isolationists. Nor is there hope in ultraliberal experiments that only worsen the plight of an already impoverished continent. The future of our region depends above all on building a sustainable, efficient, and inclusive State—one that confronts all forms of discrimination. One that is not intimidated by individuals, corporations, or digital platforms that consider themselves above the law. Freedom is the first casualty in a world without rules. Essential elements of sovereignty include the right to legislate, to resolve disputes, and to enforce the law within a nation's territory—including the digital realm. The State we are building is attuned to the needs of the most vulnerable while upholding sound macroeconomic principles. The false dichotomy between State and market has been abandoned by developed nations, which have returned to active industrial policy and robust domestic regulation. In the field of Artificial Intelligence, we are witnessing the consolidation of asymmetries that amount to a true oligopoly of knowledge. We are seeing unprecedented concentration in the hands of a small number of individuals and corporations, located in an even smaller number of countries. We are interested in an emancipatory Artificial Intelligence—one that also reflects the face of the Global South and strengthens cultural diversity. One that respects human rights, protects personal data, and promotes information integrity. Above all, one that is a tool for peace—not for war. We need intergovernmental governance of Artificial Intelligence, with seats at the table for all States. **Mr President,** Access to financial resources remains prohibitive for the vast majority of low- and middle-income countries. The debt burden constrains fiscal space for investments in health, education, inequality reduction, and climate action. African countries borrow at interest rates up to eight times higher than Germany and four times those of the United States. This is a reverse Marshall Plan—where the poorest finance the richest. Without greater participation by developing countries in the leadership of the IMF and World Bank, no effective change will occur. As the Sustainable Development Goals fall behind, the world’s 150 largest companies together recorded $1.8 trillion in profits over the past two years. The wealth of the five richest billionaires has more than doubled since 2020, while 60% of humanity has become poorer. The super-rich pay proportionally far less tax than working people. To address this anomaly, Brazil has consistently advocated for international cooperation in developing minimum standards for global taxation. The data published two months ago by the FAO on global food insecurity is shocking. The number of people going hungry around the world has increased by more than 152 million since 2019. This means 9% of the global population—733 million people—are undernourished. The problem is particularly acute in Africa and Asia, but persists in parts of Latin America as well. Women and girls represent the majority of those affected by hunger. Pandemics, armed conflicts, extreme weather events, and agricultural subsidies from rich countries have worsened the crisis. But hunger is not caused solely by external factors. It is primarily a result of political choices. Today, the world produces more than enough food to eradicate it. What is lacking is the creation of conditions for access to that food. Ending hunger in Brazil—as we did in 2014—is the most urgent commitment of my government. In 2023 alone, we lifted 24.4 million people out of severe food insecurity. The Global Alliance Against Hunger and Poverty, which we will launch in Rio de Janeiro in November, arises from this political will and spirit of solidarity. It will be one of the principal outcomes of Brazil’s G20 presidency and is open to the world. All who wish to join this collective effort are welcome. **Mr President, Ladies and Gentlemen,** As it approaches its 80th anniversary, the United Nations Charter has never undergone a comprehensive reform. Only four amendments have been approved—all between 1965 and 1973. The current version of the Charter fails to address some of humanity’s most pressing challenges. When the UN was founded, we were 51 nations. Today, we are 193. Many countries—especially in Africa—were under colonial rule and had no say in shaping its objectives and functioning. There is no gender balance in the highest offices. A woman has never served as Secretary-General. As we near the end of the first quarter of the 21st century, the United Nations finds itself increasingly hollowed out and paralysed. It is time to respond vigorously to this state of affairs and restore to the Organisation the prerogatives inherent in its status as a universal forum. Minor adjustments are not enough. We must undertake a thorough revision of the Charter. This reform must include the following objectives: - The transformation of the Economic and Social Council into the main forum for sustainable development and climate change, with the power to guide financial institutions; - The revitalisation of the General Assembly, including in matters of international peace and security; - The strengthening of the Peacebuilding Commission; - The reform of the Security Council, with a focus on its composition, working methods, and the right of veto, to make it more effective and representative of contemporary realities. The exclusion of Latin America and Africa from permanent seats on the Security Council is an unacceptable echo of colonial domination. We will advance this discussion transparently, through consultations in the G77, G20, BRICS, CELAC, and other forums. I harbour no illusions about the complexity of such a reform, which will face entrenched interests committed to preserving the status quo. It will require great negotiating effort. But that is our responsibility. We cannot wait for another global tragedy—like the Second World War—to once again build a new global governance structure upon its ruins. The will of the majority can persuade those clinging to raw expressions of power. This chamber echoes the aspirations of humanity. Here, we conduct the world’s great debates. In this forum, we seek solutions to the problems that plague our planet. It falls to the General Assembly—the highest expression of multilateralism—to lay the path for the future. Thank you very much.